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THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

THE MAN AND THE STATESMAN 



THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 



THE <£MAN AND 
THE STATESMAN 



N. MURRELL MARRIS 



WITH PHOTOGRAVURE FRONTISPIECE 
AND THIRTY-TWO FULL-PAGE 
ILLUSTRATIONS AND PORTRAIT 



New York: E. P. DUTTON &? CO. 

31 West Twenty-third Street *■»> -•> 



l5ooa. 



'of 



PREFACE 



TWO considerations induced me to attempt the diffi- 
cult task of writing an account of a career as yet 
unfinished, and of so important and varied a character as 
that of the Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain, the 
present Secretary of State for the Colonies. 

In the first place, I could find no book dealing with Mr. 
Chamberlain's life, with the exception of a. sketch by Mr. 
S. H. Jeyes in " Public Men of To-day," written entirely 
from the political standpoint, and a small pamphlet by 
Mr. B. C. Skottowe, published about 1885, and now out 
of print. 

I hope this book may supply what has been wanting in 
this direction. 

Secondly. A just estimate of Mr. Chamberlain's character 
and work should result from accurate information concerning 
his career. 

Mr. Chamberlain's position as Colonial Secretary and his 
intimate connection with the great scheme of Imperial 
Federation, have made his history and personality of con- 
siderable interest to those of his fellow-subjects in the 
Colonies and throughout the world, who have that great 
project deeply at heart — while in Birmingham no apology 



vi PREFACE 

will be needed for a fuller account of the work of one of 
her most distinguished citizens. 

It only remains for me to acknowledge the help I have 
received, and to say that I am entirely responsible for any 
opinions expressed in this book, which, however, is not 
intended to be a criticism, but a narrative. 

My thanks are due first to Mr. Chamberlain himself, for 
permission to photograph Highbury and the many interesting 
mementoes it contains, including a selection from his private 
collection of cartoons, and also for kindly giving a special 
sitting for his portrait, which appears as a frontispiece to the 
book. 

I am indebted to Mrs. Chamberlain for information 
concerning her family and for photographs of the late 
Honourable W. C. Endicott, Governor Endicott, and the 
family mansion at Salem, Mass., U. S. A., and especially for 
permission to include the portrait of herself contained in the 
photograph of a family group which was taken at Highbury 
expressly for this book. I wish further most gratefully to 
acknowledge the help accorded me by Mrs. and Miss 
Chamberlain, in verifying details connected with family 
history and personal matters, and for giving me all the 
information in their power relative thereto. 

My thanks are due for photographs, for information, for 
criticism, and for personal recollections, to Miss Pace, the 
late Dr. Gibbs Blake, the Cordwainers' Company, the 
Right Honourable Jesse Collings, T. H. Haynes Esq., 
Temple Orme, Esq., L. Paton Esq., (Head Master of 
London University College School), Alfred Preston, Esq., 
and many others. To all those who prefer to receive no 
individual thanks I here beg to express my gratitude for 
kindly help. 

Special acknowledgments are due to the Proprietors of 



PREFACE vii 

Punch, the Westminster Gazette, and Mr. F. Carruthers Gould 
for permission to reproduce their cartoons in this book. 

The Proprietors of the Birmingham Dart, Owl, and 
Free Lance have also kindly allowed the use of cartoons. 

Much information concerning the political history of the 
period treated of in this book has been found in the columns 
of the Birmingham Daily Post, and I am greatly indebted 
to the Editor of that paper, as well as to the Editor 
of the Times, for permission to make extracts from their 
reports of Mr. Chamberlain's speeches: also to Messrs. 
Swan Sonnenschein & Co., for similar permission in respect 
of their volumes entitled, " The Irish Question " and " Home 
Rule." 

N. MURRELL MARRIS. 
October 1 900. 



CONTENTS 



Boofe I 

LIFE IN LONDON 

1836— 1854 

CHAPTER I 

ANCESTRY AND BIRTH 

Introduction — Ancestry — Richard Serjeant, Preacher — Daniel 
Chamberlain, Maltster — Mr. Chamberlain, Senior — The Cord- 
wainers' Company and the Chamberlains — Birth — Camberwell 
Grove — Miss Pace's School 



PAGE 



3 



CHAPTER II 

YOUTH AND EARLY TRAINING 

1845— 1854 

Historical Retrospect — School at Canonbury — London University 
College School — Begins Business — Home Life at Highbury, 
London . . ic, 



xii CONTENTS 

3Boofe III 

LIFE AS A LIBERAL M.P. 

1876— 1886 

CHAPTER XII 

THE NEW M.P. FOR BIRMINGHAM 

PAGE 

Elected M.P., June 1876 — First Speech to Constituents — First 
Speech in House, August 1876 — Its Reception — First Work — 
The Gothenburg System and Later Opinions on Temperance 
Reform — Style of Speaking 137 

CHAPTER XIII 

ORGANISING THE LIBERAL PARTY 

1877— 1880 

Dissolution of National Education League, 1877 — Federation of 
Liberal Associations — Mr. Gladstone's Visit to Birmingham, 
May 1877 — Fortnightly Articles, " The New Political Organisa- 
tion " and " The Caucus " — Mr. Chamberlain at Rochdale — John 
Bright's Tribute — Francis Schnadhorst 155. 

CHAPTER XIV 

THE MINISTER'S APPRENTICESHIP 

1876—1880 

Relations to Leaders — Foreign and Colonial Opinions — Speech on 

Flogging — Position in the House — General Election of 1880 . 167 

CHAPTER XV 

THE MINISTER AT HOME 

1880 

Free Libraries Fire — 1879 — Chamberlain Memorial — Mr. Richard 
Chamberlain as Mayor, 1880 and 1881 — Life at Highbury — The 
Arts' Club . . . 176 



CONTENTS xiii 

CHAPTER XVI 

THE MINISTER AT WORK 
1880— 1885 

PAGE 

Leader of the Radicals — Constructive Legislation — Bankruptcy Act 

— Patents Act — Merchant Shipping Bill — Fight for the Franchise 186 

CHAPTER XVII 

IRELAND. COERCION OR CONCILIATION? 



Relations with Mr. Parnell — Coercion or Conciliation — Kilmainham 
Treaty — Phoenix Park Murder — Mr. Parnell's Repudiation of the 
Liberals ic 



CHAPTER XVIII 

THE FALL OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF 1880 — 1885 

The Boers 1 881- 1884 — Our Position in Egypt — Gordon — Defeat of 

the Government, June 1885 — Attitude of the Irish . . . 208 



CHAPTER XIX 

THE STOP-GAP GOVERNMENT AND THE UNAUTHORISED PROGRAMME 

Lord Salisbury in Power — The Conservatives and Lord Randolph 
Churchill — The Election Campaign, June-November — " Ran- 
som " and Warrington Speeches . .215 

CHAPTER XX 

rumours of home rule 

Autumn, 1885 — February, 1886 

Return of the Seven Members, Birmingham Elections, November 
1885 — Rumours of Home Rule — Defeat of Lord Salisbury, 
January 1886 — Events of the Session 226 



xiv CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XXI 

home rule in the cabinet 

February 1886 — April 1886 

PAGE 

February 1886-April 1886— Mr. Gladstone's Ministry — Mr. Cham- 
berlain becomes President of Local Government Board — 
His Resignation — The Home Rule Bill — First Reading — Mr. 
Chamberlain's Explanation in the House 234 

CHAPTER XXII 

home rule in the country 

April 1886 — August 1886 

Mr. Chamberlain's Meeting with his Constituents, April 21st — May 
Meetings— The Seceders Determine to Vote against the Second 
Reading — The Radical Unionists 251 



BOOfe IV 

LIFE AS A LIBERAL UNIONIST 
SECTION I— Out of Office 

CHAPTER XXIII 

the radical unionist 
August 1886 — November 1887 
After the Defeat of the Home Rule Bill — Elections, July 1886 — Con- 
servatives in Power — Campaign against Home Rule — Ireland 
under Lord Salisbury — Plan of Campaign — Mr. Chamberlain's 
Political Tour in Scotland and Ireland 267 

CHAPTER XXIV 

IN AMERICA 
1887— 1888 

Settlement of Fisheries Dispute with America — Return to England — 
Speeches — Second Visit to America — Marriage with Miss 
Endicott — Welcome in Birmingham 278 



CONTENTS xv 

CHAPTER XXV 

UNIONIST LEGISLATION (DOMESTIC AND IRISH) 
1888— 1892 

PAGE 

Completing the Social Programme — Free Education — Allotments Act 
— Housing of the Working-Classes Act, 1890 — Ireland : Parnell 
Commission — Fortnightly Article, " Local Government and 
Ireland" — Land Act, 1891 — Irish Local Government Bill (1892) 
withdrawn — Unionist Measures for Ireland, 1887- 1892 . . 286 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE UNIONIST IN OPPOSITION 

1892 — 1895 

The Elections of 1892 — Mr. Austen Chamberlain — His Maiden 
Speech — Position of Liberal-Unionists in Birmingham and 
Midlands — The Second Home Rule Bill— Mr. Chamberlain's 
Speech — The Home Rule Duel — The Lords Throw out the Bill 
— Mr. Chamberlain's Articles — The Rosebery Administration — 
Domestic Legislation Between 1892 and 1895 — Lord Rosebery 
and the Peers 29S 



SECTION II — In Office — Colonial Secretary 
CHAPTER XXVII 

THE RETURN TO POWER. — DOMESTIC AND IRISH POLICY 

1895 — I900 

Defeat of Lord Rosebery 's Government — Elections July 1895 — 
Liberal Unionists in the Salisbury Administration — The Colonial 
Secretary — His Interest in Domestic Legislation — Workmen's 
Compensation Act — Acquisition of Small Houses Bill — Old-age 
Pensions — Ireland — Local Government Bill 1898 — Mr. Chamber- 
lain at Glasgow 1897 — Address on " Patriotism " as Lord Rector 
of the University 307 



xvi CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XXVIII 

SOUTH AFRICA : THE RAID AND THE INQUIRY 

PAGE 

I. After the London Convention — Review of Outlanders' Position — 

Origin of Raid Movement — Mr. Chamberlain and the Raiders — 
Kruger's " Magnanimity " 

II. After the Raid — Address to Constituents — Meeting of Parlia- 

ment 1896 — Asks for Inquiry — Trial of Raiders — The Inquiry — 
The Company and the Colonial Office — Report of Commission 
of Inquiry — Debate in the House, July 1897 — Attempt to Re- 
open the Inquiry February, 1900 — Consequences of the Raid . 321 

CHAPTER XXIX 

THE COLONIAL SECRETARY AND THE TRANSVAAL CRISIS 
1896 — 1899 

I. From the Raid to the Conference : — Dispute on the Alien Immi- 

gration Act — July — January — Appointment of Sir A. Milner, 
March 1897 — Investigation of the Outlanders' Grievances- 
Boer and Briton — Their Respective Positions — Murder of Edgar 
— Outlanders' Petition — Sir A. Milner's Famous Despatch — The 
Colonial Dutch — Further Repudiation of Suzerainty — Bloem- 
fontein Conference, May 3ist-June 6th, 1899 — Kruger De- 
mands Arbitration — Failure of Conference. 

II. From the Conference to the Ultimatum : — Debate in the House 
July 1899 — Close of the Negotiations — Highbury Speech 
August 26th — "Despatch A." August 28th — Boer Reply — 
"Despatch B." September 8th — Boer Reply — "Despatch C." 
September 22nd— Boer Reply — The Ultimatum — Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Policy throughout — Importance of Suzerainty — Kruger's 
Responsibility for the War — The Colonies and the Empire — 

A United Cabinet 337 

CHAPTER XXX 

THE GOVERNMENT AND THE COUNTRY 

Autumn Session, October 1899 — Attack on Ministry — Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Defence — Recapitulation of Dispute and Negotiations — 
Parliament Prorogued — Leicester Speech — Speech in Bir- 
mingham — Visit to Dublin — Session of 1900 — Speeches of Lord 
Salisbury, Lord Rosebery, Mr. Balfour, and Mr. Chamberlain — 
The Government and the War Office — Majuba Day — Ladysmith 
and Mafeking Day — Fall of Pretoria ; 359 



CONTENTS xvii 

CHAPTER XXXI 

GENERAL COLONIAL POLICY 

PAGE 

Mr. Chamberlain's Colonial Views ; Sympathy instead of Apathy 
in Colonial Affairs — I. Development of Trade — 2. Fulfilment of 
Obligations of Empire — 3. Imperial Federation — The Australian 
Commonwealth Bill, May 14th, 1900 — Second Reading May 21st 378 



CHAPTER XXXII 

THE CHANCELLOR OF BIRMINGHAM UNIVERSITY 

Mason Science College — Its Growth — First Idea of a University — 
Mr. Chamberlain's Work in Connection with It — Reception of 
the Charter — Mr. Chamberlain and His Constituents — At a 
Birmingham Town's Meeting — Liberal-Unionist Association 
Meeting, Birmingham, May 1900 393 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT WORK 

The Unionist Alliance — Its Permanence — Relations with Mr. Balfour 
— Lord Salisbury and Mr. Gladstone — A Day at the Colonial 
Office 405 



CHAPTER XXXIV 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT HOME. LONDON AND HIGHBURY 

Life in London — The Town House — A Day's Work — Mrs. Chamber- 
lain's Work — Life at Highbury — The House — Visitors — The 
Farm, Gardens, Recreations, Holidays — A Day at Highbury . 415 



CHAPTER XXXV 

THE REAL MR. CHAMBERLAIN 

Mr. Chamberlain's Family — Some Reasons for Misapprehension of 

His Character and Personality 423 

b 



XV111 



CONTENTS 



APPENDIX 
Chronological Table — Mr. Chamberlain's Career 
„ „ England and the Transvaal 

List of Authorities Consulted .... 

List of Mr. Chamberlain's Articles . 

Mr. Chamberlain's Address 



43i 
435 
438 

439 
440 



INDEX 



445 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



PORTRAIT OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN TAKEN ESPECIALLY FOR THIS BOOK 



PAGE 

Frontispiece 

MR. J. CHAMBERLAIN, MASTER OF THE CORDWAINERS' COMPANY, FATHER OF 
THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN ...... 



4 

CAMBERWELL GROVE, BIRTHPLACE OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN . . . 1 6 

LONDON UNIVERSITY COLLEGE SCHOOL IN 1850, GOWER STREET, W.C. . 4S 

EARLIEST KNOWN PORTRAIT OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN ..... So 

PORTRAIT OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN WHEN A BIRMINGHAM TOWN COUNCILLOR 80 

PORTRAIT OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN TAKEN DURING HIS MAYORALTY . So 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN IN l888, AT THE TIME OF HIS MARRIAGE TO MISS ENDICOTT SO 

SOUTHBOURNE, EDGBASTON, MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S HOME BEFORE AND DURING 

HIS MAYORALTY ........... 96 

HIGHBURY, NEAR BIRMINGHAM, MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S COUNTRY HOUSE. . 112 

THE ORCHID HOUSE, HIGHBURY .... 1 28 

THE LIBRARY, HIGHBURY .......... I44 

THE HALL, HIGHBURY ........... 160 

"TILTING." COLONEL BURNABY'S FIRST APPEARANCE CANVASSING BIR- 
MINGHAM (CARTOON FROM BIRMINGHAM " DART ") .... 172 

BIRMINGHAM UNIVERSITY AND THE CHAMBERLAIN MEMORIAL FOUNTAIN . l8o 

"THE CHERUB!" (CARTOON FROM " PUNCH ") ...... 200 

"EASTER EGGS" (CARTOON FROM BIRMINGHAM " OWL ") .... 224 

"POOR TWINS" (CARTOON FROM BIRMINGHAM "FREE LANCE ") 256 

" SHUT IN ! " (CARTOON FROM " PUNCH ") 272 

GOVERNOR JOHN ENDICOTT OF MASSACHUSETTS 280 

THE LATE HON. WILLIAM C. ENDICOTT, MRS. CHAMBERLAIN'S FATHER . . 288 

THE ENDICOTT FAMILY MANSION, SALEM, MASS., U.S.A. ... 296 

xix 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



the right hon. joseph chamberlain and his son, mr. austen cham- 
berlain, (m.p. for east worcestershire), after mr. chamberlain's 

return from his american mission ....... 3oo 

the marquess of hartington at highbury ...... 312 

mr. chamberlain as lord rector of glasgow university, installed 

november 3rd, 1897 . . . . . . . . . 316 

"the parliamentary tournament" (cartoon from "punch ") . . 324 

" the stormy petrel ! " (cartoon from " punch ") . . . . 336 

"taking the reins" (cartoon from "punch") ..... 348 

"'say suzerain'" (cartoon by mr. f. c gould) . . . . . 360 

"squealing and squeezing" (cartoon by mr. f. c. gould) . . . 368 

" in the colonial ward " (cartoon by mr. f. c. gould) . . . 376 

mr. chamberlain and the colonial premiers ..... 384 

mr. chamberlain addressing his constituents in the town hall, 

birmingham ....... ..... 4oo 

mr. chamberlain's private room at the colonial office . . . 408 

a family group at highbury . . . . . . . . 416 

the right hon. joseph chamberlain in the orchid house . . 424 



Book I 

LIFE IN LONDON 
1836-1854 



CHAPTER I 
ANCESTRY AND BIRTH 

INTRODUCTION — ANCESTRY — RICHARD SERJEANT, PREACHER — 
DANIEL CHAMBERLAIN, MALTSTER — MR. CHAMBERLAIN, SENIOR 
— THE CORDWAINERS' COMPANY AND THE CHAMBERLAINS — 
BIRTH — CAMBERWELL GROVE — MISS PACE'S SCHOOL. 

LIVES, like dramas, interest sometimes by incident, 
sometimes by personality. The interest of the life of 
the Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain centres chiefly 
round his personality. Both as a practical administrator and 
as a statesman engaged in constructive legislation he has 
attracted continuous attention. 

In the first capacity his name will always be associated 
with Birmingham. It has fallen to the lot of few statesmen 
to be as intimately connected with one city as Mr. Chamber- 
lain has been, and no narrative of his work would be satis- 
factory which did not show how large a part this city has 
played in his life, and how much strength he has drawn 
from the steady support of its citizens. He himself would be 
the first to acknowledge that he owes much to Birmingham. 
There is no better political nursery than this Midland city, 
famous for its independence of thought. There is something 
in its atmosphere — in the character of its citizens ; in their 
application of business methods to the testing of theories, 
political or scientific ; their independence ; their determination 
to succeed, called by some "push" and "bumptiousness," 
and by others who understand it "energy" and "self- 
reliance " — that conduces to political success. 

As a municipal administrator and reformer, Mr. Chamber- 

3 



4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

lain found the experience gained during his commercial 
life in Birmingham of great value. When he joined the 
councils of the city he already knew both masters and men 
thoroughly, having had fourteen years' work among them 
before entering the Town Council as representative of a ward 
chiefly peopled by working men. 

Though Mr. Chamberlain has often alluded to his London 
birth and ancestry, he has never forgotten that Birmingham 
is the city of his adoption, and that he considers himself 
to be " a citizen of no mean city." Probably one reason 
of his preference for it is very simple. He feels that the 
men among whom he has worked and is working know him 
as he is, know his faults and his virtues ; to them he is neither 
infallible nor unscrupulous, but a faithful friend, a good 
comrade, and a trusted leader ; while men with whom he 
has never worked, and who look upon him merely from a 
political standpoint, are apt to judge less favourably : for 
politicians are seldom weighed as justly as the private 
citizen. 

In his second capacity Mr. Chamberlain's name will 
always be associated with Imperial Federation. That great 
dream, that great ideal, is in men's minds. The belief that it 
must come, that it is even now coming, and that it will 
conduce to the peace of the world, is spreading day by 
day. The future of the man who has done something to 
convert the dream into a reality, and who hopes to do yet 
more, will be watched with even greater interest than his 
past has been. 

" Nobody," said an American paper on one occasion, 
" ever suspected that Mr. Chamberlain had a grandfather, 
to say nothing of a great-grandfather." 

Mr. Chamberlain can trace his forefathers back to the 
beginning of the seventeenth century. His ancestors belonged 
to the unromantic middle class, and possessed the virtues 
of that class — uprightness, shrewdness, sober common sense, 
determination, and industry, 




CHAMBERLAIN, MASTER OF THE CORDWAINERS COMPANY, 
FATHER OF THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN. 
Reproduced by permission ot the Cordwainers' Company. 



ANCESTRY 5 

Through his father's mother, Mr. Chamberlain is directly 
Maternal connected with Richard Serjeant, of Kidderminster, 
Ancestry. w ^ was Dorn { n 162 1. He was a clergyman 
of the Church of England, and he married Hannah, daughter 
of William Spicer, Vicar of Stone, near Kidderminster, 
whose ancestors had suffered in the cause of religion. 
Serjeant also suffered for conscience' sake. As Mr. 
Chamberlain said, in speaking of his family history, " I 
can claim descent from one of the two thousand ejected 
ministers who, in the time of the Stuarts (August 24th, 1662), 
left home and work and profit rather than accept the 
State-made creed which it was sought to force upon them." 
Serjeant was a great friend of Richard Baxter, the cele- 
brated Kidderminster preacher. He seems to have been 
a man of substance ; in 1650 he had bought a small estate 
near Hagley, Worcestershire, and to this place he retired 
when he left his Kidderminster curacy. He died in 1696, 
and was buried in Hagley churchyard. The estate passed 
to his second daughter. Sarah, his eldest daughter, married 
Francis Witton, of the Lye, near Stourbridge ; her great- 
granddaughter married Joseph Chamberlain, grandfather of 
the Colonial Secretary, who is thus sixth in descent from 
the ejected minister of Kidderminster. 

It will be seen from this account that Mr. Chamberlain 
is in some measure a Midlander by descent, and that his 
ancestors lived in the neighbourhood of Birmingham, both 
Hagley and Stourbridge being but a few miles away, though 
in a different county. 

The Chamberlain family come from Wiltshire. Daniel 
Paternal Chamberlain, who died at Laycock in 1760, was 
Ancestry. a maltster • but his son William went to seek his 
fortune in London, and found it. He became a cord- 
wainer, or worker in new leather — as distinguished from 
a cobeler, or worker in old — and in due time a Master 
of the Cordwainers' Company of the City of London, as 
did his sons William and Joseph, and his grandsons William, 
Joseph (Mr. Chamberlain's father), and Richard. 



6 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The connection of the family with the Company has 
lasted more than one hundred and twenty years. It is a 
very ancient company, which, as early as 1272, obtained an 
ordinance " for the relief and advancement of the whole 
business and to the end that all frauds and deceits may 
hereafter be avoided." For six centuries it exercised an 
active control over the leather industry, fixing prices and 
ordaining when and where boots and shoes might be sold. 
Its most distinguished member was one John Came, who, 
at his death in 1796, left the sum of money now 
realising ,£36,400 in Consols, the dividends of which 
are applied to the relief of clergymen's widows, and of the 
deaf, dumb, and blind. During his lifetime he watched the 
distribution of the annual gift of £100 which, anonymously 
as " The Friend of Mankind," he had placed at the disposal 
of the Court of the Company. 

A hundred years after John Came's death (May 13th, 1896), 
1896. a beautiful window in the Cordwainers' Hall, to 

commemorate his benefactions, was unveiled by 
AddxBss * 
Cordwainers' Mr. Chamberlain, and the address presented to him 
Hail. May. on t j iat occas i on re fers to the long connection 

of his family with the Company : — 

" Right Honourable Sir, — 

" We are met together to do honour to the memory 
of Mr. John Came, a Liveryman and Benefactor of the 
Worshipful Company of Cordwainers, who died on May 13th, 
1796; and the Company are highly gratified that you, the 
most distinguished Liveryman of the Company, are pleased 
to attend to unveil the Stained Glass Window which they 
have erected as a memorial of him, on this the centenary 
of his death. . . . 

" The Company feel that there is a singular appro- 
priateness in your performing the ceremony of unveiling 
the Memorial Window, on account of the long connection, 
extending over nearly two centuries, of your family with 
the Company. 

" In all no less than six of your ancestors have filled 



THE CORDWAINERS' COMPANY 7 

the office of Master of this Company, and it is gratifying to 
know that many other members of your family 

with the have been and still are connected with it. 
Cordwainers' "The mutual good-will which existed between 

company. y OUr ances t rs and the other members of this 
ancient Guild is evidenced by the legacies of plate given 
by them on two occasions, which remain among our most 
valued possessions. . . . 

" In conclusion, the Company desire to express a hope, 
which they feel sure is shared by their guests, that you 
may be spared in health and strength long to carry on 
happily and successfully the great work in which you are 
engaged for the benefit and welfare of our people." 

Mr. Chamberlain, in his reply, said that circumstances had 
so long removed him from active life in the city of London, 
and left him so little opportunity of doing anything in 
connection with the work of the Company, that it would 
be almost a presumption on his part to represent the 
Company on such an occasion. 

" But when I was told that you in your kindness would 
overlook this laxity of service, in consideration of the long 
connection of my family with this Company, then it seemed 
to me that I was bound to accept the compliment so grace- 
fully offered, and the recognition of a friendship which 
has endured for so long. The two William Chamberlains 
referred to in the programme of the proceedings were one 
of them my great-grandfather and the other my great- 
uncle ; and, in addition to them, my grandfather, my father, 
and my uncle were all in turn Masters of the Company, 
and took the greatest interest in its proceedings, and were 
ever foremost in upholding its rights and privileges. Under 
these circumstances I do not hesitate to say that it is a 
great pleasure to renew the memory of this relationship, 
and to recall, Master Hopwood, in your name and in the 
name of other members of the Court and Livery, the close 
friendships which formerly subsisted between our fathers 
and grandfathers, which were cemented by their common 
interest in the affairs of the Cordwainers' Company. . . . 

" The Lord Mayor has reminded you that I am by birth 



8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

a Londoner. In fact I did not leave London until I was 
eighteen years of age. At that time I could say what 
I think could be said by very few members of this Livery — 
that I was the fourth generation of cordwainers who had 
practised their occupation in the same house and under 
the same name for one hundred and twenty years ; and 
I admit that, though now Birmingham has become the 
city of my adoption and affection, yet one love does not 
necessarily cast out the other, and I have room enough in 
my heart for London as well as for Birmingham. Alderman 
Alliston has anticipated a wish that I was going to express. 
I also should like that the tradition which has lasted so 
long should not die out ; and it is curious that a few weeks 
ago I was speaking to my eldest son, who is, of course, 
a native of Birmingham, but who, in answer to my inquiry, 
expressed a very strong wish to be allowed to take up 
his Livery, which I hope, therefore, he will do, with your 
kind permission, and at no distant date. It is very proper 
that I should be here, because one of my earliest recollections 
as a boy is dining with my father in your hall, on which 
occasion, I believe, I made my first public speech. . . ." 

Mr. Chamberlain was early impressed with the importance 
of the ancient Guild to which his forefathers had belonged ; 
and it is not too much to say that his deep sense of the 
dignity of municipal service and his capacity for public 
affairs are largely owing to his inheritance of the upright- 
ness, experience, and zeal of his immediate ancestors. 

Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, senior, is well remembered at 
the Cordwainers' Hall. According to the recollections of 
the Beadle of the Company: — 

" He was an immovable man — nothing could turn him if 
he had made up his mind ; pleasant and quiet in manner, 
but not to be moved from what he had said by anybody ; 
you could see it in his face. His brother Richard was 
jolly-like, more easy-going ; he was also a Master in the 
Company. I well remember the house in Milk Street 
where he and his brother (I'm speaking now of the 
Colonial Secretary) first learned their business as lads." 

A certain likeness to Mr. Chamberlain is to be traced 



PARENTS 9 

in the portrait of his father. It is that of a reserved man, 
with a thin face and somewhat severe air. His uncle 
Richard's portrait depicts a different type — ruddy, round- 
faced, wearing bushy whiskers and abundant curly hair, 
such a man as many of Dickens's illustrations have made 
us familiar with. 

In 1834 Mr. Chamberlain, senior, married Caroline, 
daughter of Henry Harben, a provision merchant of 
London (the present Sir Henry Harben is a cousin of 
Mr. Chamberlain). By this marriage there were nine 
children. Of the six boys, one died in infancy, and Richard, 
the second son, died in April, 1899. Joseph, Arthur, Herbert, 
Walter, and the three daughters are all living and all married. 
The family were then, as now, Unitarians. They attended 
Carter Lane Chapel in the City, and, later, Unity Church, 
Upper Street, Islington. On the wall of this chapel is 
the following inscription : — 

" IN AFFECTIONATE REMEMBRANCE OF 

JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN, 

WHO FOR MORE THAN FIFTY YEARS 

WAS A CONSISTENT WORSHIPPER IN CARTER LANE CHAPEL, CITY, 

AND IN THIS CHURCH, 

AND A GENEROUS SUPPORTER OF THEIR CONNECTED INSTITUTIONS. 

DIED AT MOOR GREEN HALL, BIRMINGHAM, 1 874." 

Unitarians very frequently intermarry, and the numerous 
descendants of Richard Serjeant (he had twenty-two grand- 
children) are still connected by marriage. The following 
are the names of those of his descendants who subscribed 
to the tablet erected in 1885 to the memory of their common 
ancestor in the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, London : — 

" THIS TABLET IS RAISED BY DESCENDANTS BELONGING 

TO THE FAMILIES OF 

CHAMBERLAIN, GILL, HORNBLOWER, LEE, NETTLEFOLD, OSLER, 

PRESTON, WARE, AND WATSON." 

The families of Chamberlain, Nettlefold, and Osier, it may 
be noted, have intermarried with those of Smith, Ryland, 



io THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

and Kenrick, among others ; and it would be difficult to 
name a well-known Unitarian family in Birmingham that 
is not connected by marriage with one of the above-named 
descendants of Richard Serjeant 

Thus, though Mr. Chamberlain is a Londoner by birth, 
as were his father and grandfather before him, yet, by virtue 
of his grandmother's Midland descent, of his many Birmingham 
relatives and connections, he has a very good claim to be 
considered almost a Birmingham man. His strongest claim 
to be so considered, lies in the devotion of the best forty-five 
years of his life, both in and out of Parliament, to the service 
of his adopted city. 

Joseph Chamberlain was born on July 8th, 1836, at No. 3, 
Birth. July Camberwell Grove, in the district of Camberwell. 

8th, 1836. Yo reach his birthplace it is necessary to cross 
one of the noisiest and most densely populated districts of 
South London. From the Houses of Parliament to Camber- 
well Grove the direct way crosses Westminster Bridge and 
leads to the spot known familiarly as " The Elephant and 
Castle," where six roads diverge. Down Walworth Road, 
along which stalls in the roadway make the heavy traffic 
still more difficult, the trams jingle continuously until they 
stop at Camberwell Green, a quiet spot in the midst of all 
the turmoil. 

The neighbourhood of Camberwell when the prosperous 
City man and Master of a great City Company lived there 
was very different from what it now is. Much of the road 
to London was still open and pleasant ; but the Grove 
itself is singularly little altered, as compared with other 
suburbs not farther removed from Westminster. It is even 
now a quiet, old-fashioned street, thickly planted with trees. 
A few yards from its junction with the main road stands 
the Mary Ann Datchelor School, housed in a red brick 
building, with a gilt effigy of the foundress in her old-world 
dress over the gate. Above this school the Grove begins 
to climb Champion Hill ; and among the newer houses may 
be- seen a low white cottage with trellised porch, and even 



CHILDHOOD AT CAMBER WELL ii 

a thatched roof, as yet untouched by the merciless builder. 
Dignified three-storeyed houses, with three rows of severely 
respectable windows and long flights of steps, are, with 
gardens of generous size, sandwiched in between the smaller 
villas. In one of the former, a somewhat dark and gloomy- 
looking house standing at the end of a row, Joseph 
Chamberlain was born. 

Close by is the school which he attended, at the age of 
Childhood at eight, for one year. The ordinary course of 
Camberweii. « s i mp i e English " was provided, and eight guineas 
a year were the fees, without Latin, French, and drilling, 
which were extras. His schoolmistress, Miss Pace, still keeps 
the ledgers of fifty years ago, in which the names of the 
school-books then used are entered. Smith's " Principia," 
" Latin Delectus," and " Le Petit Precepteur " were among 
them. But Joseph was too young to begin French, though 
he was familiar with "The Guide to Knowledge," "Little 
Arthur's History of England," " Rhymes for Youthful His- 
torians," and " Geography," by (( A Lady." Butler's " Grada- 
tions" created "quite a revolution in the art of teaching to 
read, and the boys were not promoted to reading from the 
Bible till they had mastered the drudgery." 

Miss Pace had many interesting recollections of Mr. 
Chamberlain's school-days to relate to the writer : — 

" I was very particular," she said, " about my pupils reading 
and speaking distinctly. We used to get a number of little 
American books from Allman's, in Oxford Street, with nice 
anecdotes about the kings and queens : it was a circulating 
library for children's books. As to poetry, I fancy Mr. 
Chamberlain would be beyond learning from ' Hymns for 
Infant Minds.'" 

The fact that the family were Unitarians made little 
difference in the boy's lessons. 

" I don't think he would learn the Church Catechism," she 
said ; " but he certainly took his Bible lesson with the 
others, for I remember a game he joined in with the rest 



12 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of them one day after they had been reading about ' Priests 
of Baal ' in ' Line upon Line.' We heard a curious sort of 
sing-song in the playground, and, on going to see what it 
meant, I found that the boys had stuck some clay or mortar 
on to the garden wall, and were crouching down before it 
in the attitude which had been represented in the picture 
in the chapter they had read." 

Joseph Chamberlain and his schoolfellows were, in her 
opinion, very like men in Parliament in the time they wasted 
in talking, and in their anxiety to be first in everything. 

" At one time," she said, " they wanted to get up a ' Peace 
Society.' I was very much against it, as I felt sure it would 
stir up quarrels among them ; and they were, of course, for- 
bidden to fight. However, like men, I knew they would get 
tired of it if they had their own way. One afternoon I heard 
there had been trouble while I had been out, and I sent for 
the boys to interrogate the offenders. It was just as I had 
expected. They had been fighting as to who should be 
the President of the Peace Society, and, of course, Joseph 
Chamberlain was among them. He didn't like being behind 
anybody, and when he did fight he was in earnest about it." 

" As a child Joseph Chamberlain didn't take things easily ; 
he went deeply into them, and was very serious for a boy. 
He didn't care much for games ; he was not so much solitary 
as solid, industrious, and intelligent, but rather too anxious 
about his lessons, conscientious and very solemn as a rule. 
I remember his mother once said to me, ' I find Joseph 
asks questions which I have great difficulty in answering.' 

" Mrs. Chamberlain used to come and see me about her 
son ; she was most anxious that he should do well and perform 
his duties faithfully. She thought much about duty, and I 
expected her sons to turn out well. They were a serious 
family, and Mrs. Chamberlain did not wish Joseph to learn 
or read anything light or frivolous. I remember her very 
well after all these years ; she had a very fine face, quiet and 
still. I should say that Mr. Chamberlain resembled his 
mother in looks. I do not remember that I ever saw his 
father. They were rich City people, and kept much in their 
own set : in those days people found their friends in the 
circle of their own Church or Chapel." 



HIS FIRST SCHOOL 13 

Mr. Chamberlain remembers his old school-days perfectly. 
" I founded that Peace Society," he said. " It was to be 
a charitable society, and we had a fund of five pence half- 
penny to distribute, of which I contributed the largest share, 
for I remember my uncle gave me a fourpenny bit. The 
quarrel was as to what should be done with so large a sum. 
Eventually, after long consideration, it went to a crossing- 
sweeper near the school, and that was the end of the Peace 
Society." 

Mr. Chamberlain was not the only scholar in the little 
school who became well known. Sir Harry Johnston, the 
African traveller, was also educated there. 

The " Joseph Chamberlain who was being so much talked 
of" was not recognised by Miss Pace as her pupil until she 
heard from friends, who now occupy the house in which he 
was born, that a " gentleman had called and sent in his 
card, asking permission to look over the house, saying he 
had lived in it as a child. Then, on going into one of the 
rooms, he turned to the younger gentleman with him, saying, 
' I suppose this is the room in which my eyes first saw the 
light.'" 

Some years later Mr. and Mrs. Chamberlain went to see 
Miss Pace, and the visit was naturally very interesting 
to her. 

" Of course," she said, " I did not recognise in Mr. 
Chamberlain the little boy I used to teach. I was very 
much surprised at his youthful appearance, and to see how 
young Mrs. Chamberlain is too. I must say I lost my heart 
to Mrs. Chamberlain at once. She seemed to know all about 
her husband's younger days, and I thought Mr. Chamberlain 
remembered the neighbourhood surprisingly well. They 
took tea with me and stayed some time, and seemed to enjoy 
themselves very much. They have sent me flowers and 
fruit on several occasions, which I value, not only for the 
nice gifts, but also, and still more, for the kind thought it 
shows. 

" I follow Mr. Chamberlain's career with great interest, 
and I like reading his speeches ; he uses simple words, and 



i 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

they are so clear, besides being amusing. And when he has 
to pounce down on an antagonist he does it so nicely too — 
just as if he enjoyed it. He must be passing through a 
time of great anxiety now, 1 and I hope it will soon be ended. 
So many boys have been under my care since he was my 
pupil, and we had so little idea of the prominent place he 
would fill in the nation, that we did not notice him much 
above his school- fellows. I often wish now that we had." 

" I think," said Mr. Chamberlain, " my memory was better 
than hers. Sir Harry Johnston was, of course, after my 
time ; but I inquired after many of the boys she had for- 
gotten. I have somewhere still a poetry book given me by 
her as a prize." 

In the year 1845, when he was nine years old, the family 
moved to the north of London — to Highbury (after which 
Mr. Chamberlain's country house is named) — and here, in 
Highbury Place, they remained for some twenty years, until 
they left London for Birmingham. 

1 Autumn, 1899. 



CHAPTER II 
YOUTH AND EARLY TRAINING 

1845— 1854 

HISTORICAL RETROSPECT— SCHOOL AT CANONBURY — LONDON UNI- 
VERSITY COLLEGE SCHOOL — BEGINS BUSINESS — HOME LIFE AT 
HIGHBURY, LONDON. 

N" OWADAYS a prosperous City man, especially when he 
also happens to be member of a rich City Company, 
is popularly supposed to be a staunch Conservative. But 
Mr. Chamberlain's father was, both by birth and training, an 
ardent Liberal ; and, though taking no active part in politics, 
he was strongly urged by the Nonconforming instincts of his 
ancestry to throw in his lot with Liberals and Dissenters, 
and particularly with those who were trying to ameliorate the 
condition of the poor. As a Unitarian he was naturally 
keenly interested in all measures intended to remove the 
legal disabilities from which Dissenters had so long suffered. 
Only three years before the birth of his son Joseph (1836), 
Quakers and Separatists had for the first time been allowed 
to affirm on entering the House of Commons ; while not till 
three years later did Dissenters obtain the right to celebrate, 
though not without the presence of the Registrar, their 
marriages in their own chapels. 

Following the first Reform Bill came a period of three 
years of earnest work, when slaves in British colonies 
were emancipated, the first Grant in aid of Education 
was given, children's labour in factories was regulated, 
and, not least, the Municipal Corporations Act was passed 
-^all before Queen Victoria came to the throne. Even 

*5 



16 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

a child of tender age must have been impressed with the 
excitement of the time and of immediately succeeding years 
and have listened eagerly to stories of the wonderful events 
that were taking place almost daily. Within eight years 
South Australia was colonised, New Zealand declared a 
British Colony, Natal annexed, Aden annexed, Hong Kong 
ceded to Britain, Scinde annexed, Canada pacified, Cabul 
reoccupied (after the massacre of the Khyber Pass), and the 
Orange River State declared a British Colony (only six years 
later to be made over to the Dutch as the Orange Free State). 
The China War, the Afghan War, and the Sikh War, with a 
running accompaniment of Kaffir wars, following hard on 
each other, also occupied public attention. 

In those days London offered hospitality to all sorts and 
conditions of men. It was a City of Refuge for all, whether 
ruler or rebel. Louis Philippe, Louis Napoleon, Metternich, 
and Mazzini within a few years gratefully accepted its 
hospitality. 

The reduction of the Newspaper Stamp Duty (1836) and 
the establishment of Penny Postage (1840) enabled news to 
be circulated far more widely, and thus public opinion became 
a greater power than before. The extension of the railway 
system, also, and the consequent increase of communication 
between all parts of the country, both by rail and letter, 
enormously increased the facilities for political agitation and 
combination. 

Of this increased facility Bright and Cobden made the 
fullest use in the fight for the Repeal of the Corn Laws ; and 
while one future member for Birmingham was in the fore- 
front of the battle, another, destined to be his comrade in 
many a future conflict, was founding a Peace Society at 
school and poring over " Little Arthur's History of England." 

When, in 1845, the Chamberlain family moved to the north 

._ . t of London, Joseph was sent to a school in 
School at 01 -j m l 

canonbury. Canonbury Square, where he remained until the 

1845—1850. r r . 

age of fourteen. 
Mr. Chamberlain's recollection of this school is still vivid. 




CAMBERWELL GROVE, BIRTHPLACE OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN. 
Specially taken foi this book. 



SCHOOL DAYS 17 

" The Rev. Arthur Johnson, the head master, was a clergy- 
man of the Church of England : he was one of the hand- 
somest men I have ever seen," said Mr. Chamberlain, " an 
excellent teacher, and one to whom I owe much ; he was a 
man of remarkable power and influence. When, a few years 
ago, I went to see my old home at Highbury, I called on his 
widow, who was still living in the neighbourhood." 

At this school the boy made good use of his opportuni- 
ties, and at the age of fourteen Mr. Johnson was obliged 
to tell Mr. Chamberlain, senior, that his son knew as much 
mathematics as his master did, and that it was high time 
he went elsewhere. 

Joseph was accordingly entered as a pupil at University 

College School in 1850. Here he found himself 
London c TT , . . 

University one °* a strong Unitarian contingent: the names 

College of Kenrick, Martineau, Nettlefold, Preston, Harben, 

1850—1852 a ^ representing families connected with the 

Chamberlains, are in the school register. Some 

also of the masters were Unitarians, but the teaching of the 

school was absolutely unsectarian. This school has (says 

Mr. Temple Orme, the school historian) — 

"since 1830 carried on its mission of imparting a liberal 
education to boys without interfering with the prerogative 
of their parents, and has conferred inestimable benefits upon 
Conformists and Nonconformists of all descriptions, at a time 
when every considerable educational institution was closed 
to the families of independent thinkers. Had it been richly 
endowed, it might perhaps have done even greater work than 
it did." 

It must not be forgotten that at that period the older 
universities were still closed to Dissenters, while London 
University opened her doors to them. It was therefore 
natural that Nonconforming parents should select the school 
connected with the more liberal University. 

The head master, at the time Joseph Chamberlain and 
his brothers Richard and Arthur joined 'the school, was 

2 



i8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Dr. Key, a very remarkable man. He was a graduate of 
Cambridge, and had taught mathematics in the University 
of Virginia for some years prior to his appointment to the 
headmastership of University College School. Mr. Orme 
says of him : — 

" He was one of the grandest oral teachers of his time. 
No boy in the school and no student in the college who 
ever had the privilege of listening to him can forget his 
marvellous power of interesting all his hearers in the subject 
under discussion. The personal influence which he exerted 
over the boys was almost phenomenal ; his slightest gesture 
would silence even the uproar of a farewell gathering at 
distribution. To have known Professor Key and not to 
reverence his memory argues one to be incapable of recog- 
nising a giant among men." 

Professor Cook, the mathematical master, is remembered 
by Mr. Chamberlain as a particularly able teacher. 

When Joseph Chamberlain's two years here were ended 
he was the head mathematical scholar of his year, was 
bracketed first in mechanics, hydrostatics, etc., and also in 
French (dividing the prize with Jules Benedict, son of the 
musician), and was distinguished in Latin. By the masters 
he was considered very clever ; but he was not popular — 
certainly not so popular as his brother Richard. He did 
not get on very well with the other boys, being too reserved 
and too little inclined to join in their sports. 

" Even at an early age," says one who knew him well, 
" he possessed a good deal of individuality and a strong 
will, and always wanted to take the lead in anything that 
was going on among his companions. He had little taste 
for boyish sports, and made but few acquaintances amongst 
his schoolfellows. He was, however, always fond of study." 

So far as the sports of the school were concerned, there 
was not much temptation to join in them ; there was no 
athletic association, and physical training did not then obtain 
much attention. There was a school magazine, edited by 



ENTERS BUSINESS 19 

Tom Hood (son of the poet), but Joseph Chamberlain does 
not appear to have contributed anything to it. Among 
the schoolfellows who became well known in later years, 
were Mr. Justice Charles, the Bishop of Toronto, the 
Right Hon. J. W. Mellor, Talfourd Ely, the Greek scholar, 
and Sir Michael Foster, the physiologist, President of 
the British Association in 1889, and M.P. for London 
University. Mr. Gully, the Speaker, and John Morley 
entered the school the one just before and the other 
just after Chamberlain's time. John Morley, for many 
years one of his most intimate friends, did not make his 
acquaintance till 1873. 

After leaving University College School, Joseph Chamber- 
Enters ^ am f° un d in French and English history and 
Business, literature, and in the French language, absorbing 
1852 studies. Mr. Chamberlain speaks and writes 
French fluently, and is one of those public speakers who 
need not fear to use a French quotation. 

As a Dissenter, University life was denied him. Some call 
it the wider life, others think it tends to a limitation of 
sympathy and a habit of looking at life more from the point 
of view of the theorist than from that of the practical man. 
However that may be, Mr. Chamberlain appreciates a 
University training, and sent his eldest son to Cambridge. 

The time Mr. Chamberlain might have spent at college 
was employed among the workmen in his father's house of 
business in Milk Street, E.C. As was then the custom in 
learning a trade, Joseph Chamberlain worked beside the 
men, and was initiated into both the " mysterie of the cord- 
waining " and the intricacies of the counting-house. Shoe- 
makers, like tailors, are proverbially strong politicians, mostly 
of the Radical or Socialist type. During the two years 
which he spent among them he learned much of workmen's 
politics that was afterwards of service to him when he began 
to study legislative questions from their point of view. It 
is said that John Bright's interest in politics was first 
aroused by one of his father's mill hands, who inspired 



2o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Bright with his own enthusiasm during the election contest 
between Orator Hunt and Mr. Stanley (afterwards Lord 
Derby). 

One of the events of this time which Mr. Chamberlain 
remembers most vividly is the death of the Duke of 
Wellington, and the great pageant of the lying in state 
at St. Paul's ; he also remembers the death of Sir Robert 
Peel two years earlier. More cheerful recollections are 
connected with the great Exhibition of 1851, and the days 
spent at the Polytechnic Institution, which was then a novelty 
and immensely popular. 

The greatest pleasure of the holidays used to be a long 
day at the Polytechnic. There were lectures every half-hour, 
some literary, but more scientific. The latter were Joseph 
Chamberlain's favourites, particularly those on chemistry and 
electricity, illustrated with beautiful experiments. The boy 
used to amuse himself with experiments in chemistry on 
his own account. Besides the lectures, there were other 
delights — new inventions were exhibited, such as the precursor 
of the Maxim gun ; while Pepper's Ghost and other scientific 
amusements were provided. Not the least of the attractions 
was the diving-bell, and Joseph and his friends would often 
persuade the man in charge to let them go down in it. 

It was a very happy home life at Highbury. The bond 
of affection between the members of the family was unusually 
strong. Mrs. Chamberlain, a sweet and lovable woman, 
exercised a powerful influence over her children. 

" Her husband," says one of his nephews, " was a rather 
sedate man, precise in manner, who had been very strictly 
brought up, and he was delighted that his children were 
freer in thought and respected him without any fear. 
He did not enter much into public life, but still took an 
interest in the affairs of the time. He was very much 
attached to all the members of his family, including his 
nephews and nieces, and was anxious to promote their 
welfare. We had the greatest respect for him and for my 
aunt." 



HOME LIFE AT HIGHBURY 21 

It was at Highbury that Joseph Chamberlain developed 
a taste for amateur theatricals. He was accounted a capital 
actor by his friends, and used to get up charades very 
cleverly. Quite early he wrote a one-act piece, called " Who's 
Who," in which he performed the part of a Frenchman with 
great spirit. 

There was much coming and going at home, for the family 
had many relatives in prosperous circumstances, with whom 
they interchanged visits ; and occasionally they went to Deal 
or Margate for the holidays, though " change of air " was 
not thought at all necessary in those days for people in 
normal health. 

But Joseph Chamberlain's business life was not to be spent 
in London, for after only two years training here, his father 
sent him to Birmingham to join his cousin Joseph Nettlefold 
in the screw trade. 

The contrast between this bright home life and solitary 
life in rooms in Birmingham was very great ; but through 
his connection with the Nettlefolds, and by reason of 
belonging to the Unitarians, a very numerous body in 
Birmingham, Joseph Chamberlain soon found friends in his 
new surroundings. 



Book II 

LIFE IN BIRMINGHAM 
COMMERCIAL AND MUNICIPAL LIFE 

1854— 1876 



23 



CHAPTER III 
BIRMINGHAM FIFTY YEARS AGO 

EARLY DAYS IN BIRMINGHAM— GROWTH OF THE CITY— BIRMINGHAM 
POLITICAL UNION AND ITS FOUNDER, ATWOOD — REFORM AGITA- 
TION OF 1832 — ATWOOD AND SCHOLEFIELD, THE FIRST MEMBERS 
— BIRMINGHAM IS MADE A CORPORATION— ITS SOCIAL LIFE — 
BIRMINGHAM AND MIDLAND INSTITUTE— MUSICAL FESTIVALS- 
GAOL SCANDALS— LOYALTY OF THE TOWN— VISIT OF PRINCESS 
VICTORIA. 

BIRMINGHAM in 1850 was so unlike what it is to- 
day that it is difficult to realise the kind of place 
to which Joseph Chamberlain, a youth of eighteen, went 
in 1854; and some slight sketch of the town, its 
Days in previous history and its characteristics, is neces- 
irmmg am. gar y ^ q show the influences, political and social, 
which made it at that time so interesting, and its citizens 
so important a factor in the political situation. 

From very early days Birmingham had been a favourite 
place of residence for Dissenters. One reason of this is 
said to be that it was not a Borough. By the Five Mile 
Act of 1665, Dissenting ministers might not settle within 
five miles of any Corporation. But to Birmingham they 
might come, and they did come : where the minister is, 
the congregation will be found also ; and the number of 
Quakers and Unitarians who settled there was very con- 
siderable. The Dissenters as a whole, in spite of their 
disabilities, were an influential and wealthy body of men, 
deservedly respected for their public spirit, industry, and 

2 5 



26 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

regard for law, and their willingness to welcome every form 
of commercial, scientific, and literary progress. 

It is only necessary to mention the names of Dr. Priestley, 
the discoverer of oxygen ; James Watt, the perfecter of 
the steam engine, and of his friend and partner, Matthew 
Boulton, a native of Birmingham, who first used gas as an 
illuminant ; William Hutton, the bookseller and historian ; 
John Ash and Sands Cox, founders of the General Hospital 
and Birmingham School of Medicine ; the philanthropic 
Quaker, Joseph Sturge ; Charles Lloyd, the friend of Lamb 
and Coleridge ; the Reformers Thomas Atwood, George 
Edmonds, William Scholefield, to prove that even at the 
beginning of the nineteenth century Birmingham could 
boast of some remarkable men whose influence on the 
scientific, commercial, and political history of the country, 
extended far beyond the town in which they lived. 

The growth of the city was always remarkably rapid. 

Growth of Some doggerel verses, published in 1 828, complain 

the City. Q f ^ e changes then taking place. 

"I CAN'T FIND BRUMMAGEM. 

" Full twenty years and more are past 

Since I left Brummagem ; 
But I set out for home at last, 

To good old Brummagem. 
But every place is altered so, 
There's hardly a single place I know ; 
And it fills my heart with grief and woe, 

For I can't find Brummagem. 

" But 'mongst the changes we have got 

In good old Brummagem, 
They've made a Market of the Mott 1 

To sell the pigs in Brummagem. 
But what has brought us most ill-luck, 
They've filled up poor old Pudding Brook, 
Where in the mud I've often stuck, 

Catching jackbanils 3 near Brummagem. 



1 Moat. 3 Sticklebacks. 



OLD BIRMINGHAM 27 

"I remember one John Growse, 

A buckle-maker in Brummagem ; 
He built himself a country house, 

To be out of the smoke of Brummagem. 
But though John's country house stands still, 
The town itself has walked up hill, 
Now he lives beside of a smoky mill 

In the middle of the streets of Brummagem." 

The merchants and gentry then lived in the centre of 
the town, and trees and gardens were still to be seen 
attached to the houses in the principal streets, though the 
condition of the poorer parts of the town was very bad. 
These were times of terrible distress, and the belief that 
the ever-recurring commercial depression was caused by 
political abuses capable of remedy, was the real reason of 
many of the outbreaks of violence which gave Birmingham 
so bad a name. It had the reputation of being riotous, 
Radical, revolutionary, and to some extent deserved its fame. 

Yet mingled with all its political vehemence was a strain 
of practical benevolence. Hospitals were well supported ; 
there was at the beginning of the century (181 5) a Deaf and 
Dumb Institution in Edgbaston, besides various charities 
for the aged poor. 

Freeth, a curious old poet of the coffee-house (who died 
in 1808), boasted that "Birmingham town and Birmingham 
men were the best in the world." 

" While friendship I boast of and truth is my guide, 
Of Birmingham's welfare to sing is my pride ; 
Nor is there a town, if we search the land o'er, 
That pays a more decent regard to the poor." 

Of its political importance he was equally sensible. 

" The free sons of trade, by Unity swayed, 
Display such a powerful connection, 
When contests arise, 'tis the Birmingham boys 
That always can crown an election? 

Politics were at once the business and the pleasure of the 



28 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

town. The year 1832 showed what the Birmingham agitation 

for Reform was worth. It at least impressed the Iron Duke, 

and convinced him that his soldiers could not be trusted to 

coerce the people. 

The beginning of the immense political organisation of 

„, . _ which Birmingham soon became the centre, was very 
Biraiing'nam. ° J 

Political humble. On December 14th, 1829, in a time of 

December, great distress for the poorer classes "when hundreds 
1829. Q f tne inhabitants were starving by their fireless 
hearths," Mr. Atwood, with fourteen other gentlemen, met at 
the Royal Hotel. They were called together by a circular 
signed by six tradesmen. This little meeting then founded 
" The Political Union for the Protection of Public Rights." 

Thereupon two hundred "respectable inhabitants" con- 
vened a meeting to consider the formation of a " General 
Political Union between the middle and lower classes," from 
professional men to artisans. 

Mr. Atwood expressed the sentiments of all the truest of 
Birmingham reformers when he said that this organisation 
was merely a means to an end — the legislative machinery 
by means of which greater comfort was to be secured to 
the working classes, and the terrible distress then prevalent 
relieved. 

" I have paid great attention to the causes of this distress 
for the last twenty years ; I have paid greater attention to 
it than to any other public subject, considering that it was 
a question of the highest importance, in comparison with 
which Parliamentary Reform itself is inferior. Although 
a radical reformer, I want to see prosperity in the country, 
in order that we may have good ground under our feet, and 
then I will go hand in hand with my townsmen, if they please, 
in endeavouring to obtain a radical reform." 

Objects of the The OBJECTS of the Union were summed up 
Union. j n tne eighth clause of its constitution : — 

" To collect and organise the peaceful expression of public 
opinion, so as to bring it to act upon the legislative functions 
in a just, legal, and effectual way." 



THE POLITICAL UNION 29 

Thus it was that when Feargus O'Connor, the Chartist, 
in the presence of the leader of the Political Union, pro- 
claimed the doctrine that the people were justified in obtain- 
ing their rights by force, George Edmonds, one of its founders 
and most earnest supporters, exclaimed, — 

" No ! by the great God, the honest men of Birmingham 
will never stand it." 

The duties of the members of the Union were clearly 
defined : — 

" First, to be good, faithful, and loyal subjects of the King, 
and to obey the laws. To bear in mind that the strength 
of our Society consists in the Peace, Order, Unity, and 
Legality of our proceedings, and to consider all persons as 
enemies who shall in any way invite or promote violence, 
discord, or division, or any illegal or doubtful measures. 

" Never to forget that by the exercise of the above qualities 
we shall produce the display of an immense organised moral 
power which cannot be despised or disregarded ; but that 
if we do not keep clear of the innumerable and intricate laws 
which surround us, the lawyer and the soldier will break in 
upon us and render all our actions vain." 

There is a pathetic note about this warning. George 
Edmonds had already, in 1820, suffered a year's imprison- 
ment in Warwick Gaol for " conspiring to elect and return 
without lawful authority Sir Charles Wolseley, Bart., as a 
member to represent the inhabitants of Birmingham in the 
Commons House of Parliament." As chairman of a meeting 
which demanded Parliamentary representation he had been 
guilty of this strange crime. No wonder the Political Union 
feared lawyers. 

Soldiers they had equal need to fear, for they had been used 
against unarmed men and women in the Peterloo massacre ; 

Reform anc ^ * n l ^$ 2 ^ e Scots Greys, stationed in Birming- 

Agitation ham, were ordered to be daily and nightly booted 

and saddled, and with ball cartridge ready for use 

at a moment's notice, for it was rumoured that the men of the 

Birmingham Political Union were to march for London, and 



3 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the Greys were to stop them on the road. Yet the soldiers 
were many of them members of the Union and friends of the 
citizens, and letters were found in the streets of the town 
written by the soldiers imploring the people to abstain from 
riot. " If you do nothing but make speeches," they said, 
" sign petitions, and go peaceably to present them, though 
you go in hundreds of thousands, the Greys will not 
prevent you." 

A great meeting had been held on Newhall Hill on 
May 7th, 1832. The Political Unions of the Black Country 
— from Staffordshire, Worcestershire, Warwickshire — were 
joined by the Birmingham men, and, nearly a quarter of a 
million strong all told, they met that Monday morning to 
demand the Reform Bill, " the Bill, the whole Bill, and 
nothing but the Bill!' They sang the hymn of the Unions, 
ending thus : — 

" God is our guide ! no sword we draw ; 

We kindle not war's fatal fires. 
By union, justice, reason, law, 

We claim the birthright of our sires ! 
And thus we raise from sea to sea 
Our sacred watchword, Liberty ! " 

" Before separating they registered a vow (the vast sea of 
faces upturned to heaven) before God, with heads reverently 
uncovered, uttering as with one voice the pledge : — 

"'In unbroken faith, through every peril and trial and 
privation, we devote ourselves and our children to our 
country's cause. ' " 

The perils and the trials were not far away ; the warrants 
for the arrest of the leaders of the Union were already made 
out, but were unsigned. There had been no breach of the 
peace so far, but the news that the Peers had compelled Lord 
Grey to resign very nearly caused one. Work was suspended 
in the factories of Birmingham ; the people were furious, 
and the rumour arose that two hundred thousand of the Union 
would march to London and encamp on Hampstead Heath 
till the Bill became law. Then were the Greys told to 



BIEMINGHAM AND THE FIRST REFORM BILL 31 

prepare for action. Alexander Somerville, one of the soldiers, 
says : — 

" Every day for months previously hundreds of people 
walked into the barracks to see the Greys who came to 
Birmingham in the latter part of 183 1. On the Sunday before 
the meeting on Newhall Hill there were upwards of five 
thousand people within the gates, most of them well-dressed 
artisans wearing ribbons of light blue on their breasts, 
indicating that they were members of the Political Union. 
Next Sunday the barrack gates were closed. No civilians 
were admitted. We were marched to the riding-school to 
prayers in the forenoon, and during the remaining part of 
the day, or most of it, we were employed in sharpening our 
swords on the grindstone. . . . The purpose of so roughening 
their edges was to make them inflict a ragged wound. Not 
since before the battle of Waterloo had the swords of the 
Greys undergone the same process. Old soldiers spoke of 
it and told the young ones. Few words were spoken. 
We made more noise and probably looked less solemn at 
prayers in the morning than we did grinding our swords." 

But the Duke of Wellington, the fiercest opponent of 

Firgt Reform Reform, could not form a Ministry, and Lord 

Bill. Grey, upon whom the hopes of the Reformers 
June, 1832. . • , re • A iU , . 

were set, came into omce again. A month later 

the Reform Bill became law, and before the year was out 

Birmingham realised its dream of being represented in 

Parliament. No wonder there were great rejoicings. On 

Atwoodand Christmas Eve Messrs. Atwood and Scholefield, 

Scnoiefieid. fae fi rst Parliamentary representatives, drove 

round the town on an open car lined with crimson and 

blue silk, decorated with laurel and rosettes of ribbon, and 

drawn by six grey horses ; and from this elevation they 

acknowledged the greetings of their friends as they passed 

along. 

Birmingham, however, was not content with Parliamentary 

representation ; it always had a lively sense of favours to 

come, and it now was bent on acquiring a Mayor and 

Corporation. The Political Union, therefore, which had 



32 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

been revived in order to agitate for Municipal Reform, 
arranged for a demonstration in the Town Hall (1836), 
and demanded " an organic change in the House of Lords 
and a more efficient measure of Corporation Reform." 

A great Reform Banquet was held shortly after the 
demonstration, and toasts were drunk to — 

" The People, and may they never forget to vindicate their 
rights and fulfil their duties ! " 

" The Reformers of the United Kingdom, and may they 
never forget that Union is strength ! " 

" The Borough of Birmingham, and may it speedily realise 
the benefit of a liberal and enlightened Corporation ! " 

When Birmingham got its Corporation two 
B teSieT years later (1838), it may be doubted whether 
Corporation, ft was a \\ t h a t. had been indicated in the 

1838. 

toast. 

The agitation for the first Reform Bill was succeeded by 
the Chartist movement and riots, which had their real 
origin in the hunger and misery of the people. The 
agitation for the Repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) not 
unnaturally followed, and, these being repealed, Birmingham 
settled down to try to obtain a second Reform Bill. High 
hopes were entertained of Lord John Russell's measure of 
1852 ; but the Crimean war put aside all projects of Reform, 
and not until 1867 was the second Reform Bill passed. 

One political association after another was founded in Bir- 
mingham, and not the least remarkable was the "Women's 
Political Union" of 1837. "Its members held and addressed 
meetings, passed resolutions, raised subscriptions, and in 
other ways helped on the cause of political freedom." 

A " Registration Society," to look after the interests of 
electors on the Registers, was early formed. When, for 
the first time, a Conservative (Spooner) was returned for 
Birmingham, the Liberals were greatly disgusted and asked 
G. F. Muntz at the next election (1847) whether he 
would join with Scholefield in canvassing the electors. 
But he would have none of their new-fangled ways. He 



BIRMINGHAM ARTISANS 33 

declined " to coalesce with anybody " or to canvass, " never 

having done so, and believing such a practice is equally 

degrading to the constituency and to the candidate." 

In spite of this refusal, the stout old man was returned 

at the head of the poll, and continued to sit as Member for 

another ten years. At Mr. Muntz's death in 1857, Bright 

took his place, and with his election the modern period of 

Birmingham politics begins. Joseph Chamberlain came to 

the town just three years before. 

Amidst these scenes of political excitement Birmingham 

did not forget to interest itself in more domestic 

antisocial matters. Very early in the history of the town 

Life of jt h a( j tried to deal with the problem of the 
Birmingham. r 

education of the poor and the intellectual improve- 
ment of the artisan ; but it is impossible here to sketch the 
history of all these movements. Birmingham artisans were 
remarkably intelligent, and the industrial exhibition which 
they organised in connection with the visit of the British 
Association (1849) was the second of its kind. Its success 
was so great that the Prince Consort paid a private visit 
to Birmingham to study it. He took copious notes, and 
showed the greatest interest in the articles of manufactures 
exhibited and in the methods employed in the organisation 
of the exhibition ; and it is known that what he then saw 
led him to propose the Great Exhibition of 185 1. 

The working men of the town were admirers of Charles 
Dickens, and out of gratitude for the pleasure he had given 
them by his books they started a shilling testimonial, which 
took the form of a salver and ring ; the latter Dickens wore 
till the day of his death. They were given to the novelist on 
the occasion of his visit to the town in January, 1853, when 

he spoke in support of the proposal to erect a 

and^miand Literary and Scientific Institution, which would 

In |^ te - be of special benefit to the artisans of the town. 

This scheme resulted in the foundation of the 
Birmingham and Midland Institute, in aid of which Dickens 
gave his celebrated readings the following Christmas, stipu- 

3 



34 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

lating that on one night the price of admission should be 
reduced to sixpence, to admit his friends the working men. 

As early as 1845 it was said "that no town of its size 

Musical in the empire spends more time and money in 

Festivals. CO ncerts and musical festivals than Birmingham : 
no small proportion of its people are amateur performers, 
almost all are musical critics." The Musical Festivals were 
a great feature in Birmingham life, and the year which 
saw the first performance of the " Elijah " (conducted by 
Mendelssohn himself) was marked by the most extraordinary 
enthusiasm (1846). 

Birmingham was a generous contributor to charity and 
to popular causes. The handsome profits of its Festivals 
were devoted to the benefit of the General Hospital. After 
Louis Kossuth visited Birmingham he was presented by its 
citizens with something like £750 to help on his work ; 
and the support given to Mr. Bright during the Corn Law 
agitation was equally liberal. 

The town was, however, backward in spending money on 
civic improvements ; its representatives on the Council had 
little taste for remedying abuses, and reforms which would 
not only cause ill-feeling but cost money were shelved 
indefinitely ; the main object was to keep down the rates, 
not to improve the town. The policy inaugurated later 
by Mr. Chamberlain and his friends precisely reversed that 
of their predecessors. 

There was a dark side to the life of this aspiring town. 
Gaol * n J ^53 tne country was horrified by the revela- 

Scandais tion of the Birmingham Gaol Scandals, and a 

1853 

Government inquiry was demanded. A terrible 
indictment was formulated against the Governor. " Un- 
sanctioned by law, repugnant to humanity, and likely to 
drive the prisoners to desperation," was the verdict pro- 
nounced by the Commissioners on the punishments inflicted 
within the gaol walls. Within four years no fewer than 
seventeen prisoners, men and boys, committed suicide to 
escape those inhuman punishments. What they were will 



EDUCATION IN BIRMINGHAM 35 

best be understood by reading Charles Reade's " Never Too 
Late to Mend." 

The Factory Commissioners who visited Birmingham in 
1833 — when an Act was passed to regulate the labour of 
children in factories — found that the hours of work for 
even young children were commonly ten daily. Though 
Birmingham did not compare unfavourably, in 1850, with 
other large towns in the matter of educational 
facilities for children, there was little chance of 
universal education when children under ten were employed 
the best part of the day in workshops and factories. A large 
number were neither at work nor at school ; and so late as 1867, 
out of 18,000 children between the ages of ten and fifteen, it 
was estimated that only 8,000 could both read and write. 

The case of illiterate adults was partially met by the 
establishment, in 1845, of adult morning schools by Joseph 
Sturge, and by the training given in night schools. Nearly 
every denomination did something towards providing educa- 
tional facilities for both children and adults. 

But to realise the state of the town when Mr. Chamber- 
lain settled there in 1854, we must remember that there 
were no big elementary schools, no possibility of artisans 
children entering the Free Grammar School, no Mason 
University College, no Free Libraries or Art Gallery, no 
public parks, and only one public bath. The slums were 
notoriously bad, and the sanitation of the town was so 
inefficient as to be scarcely worth mentioning. 

Before concluding this short sketch of Birmingham, mention 
Loyalty of must be made of the loyalty of the town. Its 
the Town, combination of obstinate Radicalism with enthu- 
siastic loyalty was remarkable. The Volunteer movement 
had received continuous support from its earliest days. In 
1788, Freeth, the local poet, wrote : — 

" Mark the lads parading yonder, 

Scarcely one turned sixteen years, 
Cursing fate because they're under 
Standard proof for Volunteers. 



36 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" Lads as tight as coats can cover, 
Birmingham for service rears. 
Not a town from Tweed to Dover 
Sends the King more Volunteers." 

A verse of the Warwickshire Volunteer Song may be 
quoted, which might again be appropriately sung in 1900. 

" Here in the heart of England born, 

In Warwick's famous shire, 
By Shakespeare's deathless name inspired, 

We glow with patriot fire. 
And, thinking of our country's fame, 

Our blood more warmly flows; 
For Home, for Queen, for Altar, we 

Would meet the fiercest foes. 
May peace for ever bless the Isle, 

Our swords be sheathed and dry ; 
But — should the hour of danger come — 

We for our land would die." 

Amid immense applause, Atwood, when addressing the 
Political Union soon after its foundation, exclaimed : — 

" The very moment the King commands us, we will 
produce a national guard which shall be like a wall of 
fire around his throne. It is not too much to say that, 
if the King requires it, we can produce him, in this district, 
at his orders, within a month, two armies, each of them as 
numerous and as brave as that which conquered at Waterloo." 

The Union inscribed on their medal " The safety of the 
King and people " and " God save the King ! " 

When the Queen, as Princess Victoria, passed with the 
Duchess of Kent through Birmingham, she received a 
welcome scarcely less enthusiastic than that accorded her 
when, in 1858, she came to open Aston Park. And each 
succeeding Royal visitor has had a gracious and loyal 
greeting. 



CHAPTER IV 

COMMERCIAL LIFE 
1854 — 1864 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN COMES TO BIRMINGHAM, 1854— THE SCREW 
TRADE AND HIS COMMERCIAL POLICY — ATTACK ON THIS IN 
1884 — THE DEFENCE — MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND HIS WORKMEN 
— PRIVATE LIFE— HIS UNITARIAN FRIENDS — THE EDGBASTON 
DEBATING SOCIETY — IN SOCIETY — HIS MARRIAGE. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S commercial life in Birmingham 
lasted from the year 1854 till 1874, when he retired 
from business as a screw manufacturer. But shortly after 
1864 he began to interest himself in public work, and there- 
fore the last ten years of his career as a business man will 
be included in the chapters describing his " Early Public 
Work." 

After two years in his father's business in London he was 
sent to Birmingham to join his cousin, Joseph Nettlefold, in 
the manufacture of wood-screws (these are screws for, not 
of, wood). 

Miss Martha Chamberlain had married Mr. Joseph Nettle- 
fold, senior, who, in 1854, induced Joseph Chamberlain's 
father (his brother-in-law) to put capital into the screw 
business in Birmingham, in order that a patent which the 
firm had just acquired might be developed. Accordingly a 
son from each family came to Birmingham and took up the 
work there ; and young Joseph Nettlefold (who married in 
Birmingham and lived at King's Heath) remained in the firm 
until his death. As he had no sons to succeed him, his 
interest in the business passed to his brother Frederick and 

37 



38 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

his nephews (sons of Mr. Edward Nettlefold, of Highgate, 
London). It is carried on by them under its present name 
of " Nettlefolds, Limited." 

In 1854 there was much in the position of the screw 

trade to cause the firm anxiety. It might, indeed, 

D ttescarew nbe reorganised and take a new lease of life; or 

Trade, ft might, like many other Birmingham trades, 
linger awhile, then dwindle and die. 

Fortunately for Mr. Chamberlain, and, it must be owned, 
largely owing to his ability, the position of Nettlefold and 
Chamberlain improved steadily, and latterly their business 
grew by leaps and bounds. 

In 1866 a volume was published on "The Resources, 
Products, and Industrial History of Birmingham and the 
Midland Hardware District," to which Mr. Chamberlain 
contributed information. He stated that Birmingham 
manufacturers not unfrequently worked side by side with 
their men, and sometimes with members of their family, in 
their own dwelling-house or in small premises attached to it. 
When the bigger men began to use steam power instead of 
hand labour only, such small owners could not compete with 
them, and, falling out of the ranks as employers, many of 
them obtained work as foremen and overlookers. Gradually 
most of the small firms disappeared as the factories became 
larger. But with better premises the conditions of labour 
became more sanitary ; and with shorter hours, higher wages, 
and economy of labour, better work was produced ; and with 
it came an increased demand. The screw trade developed 
enormously ; and the larger share of it eventually fell to 
Nettlefold and Chamberlain, who, in 1865, produced 90,000 
gross of the 130,000 gross then being turned out weekly in 
Birmingham. At first all had not gone well with the firm : 
they had secured the new patent rights for England only ; but 
America, Germany, France, and Russia also had bought them, 
and for several years there was great anxiety as to how the 
new venture would turn out. Mr. Chamberlain followed in 
the extension of his business much the same policy that he 



NEW MARKETS FOR TRADE 39 

afterwards adopted at the Colonial Office to promote Imperial 
commerce. He turned his attention to finding new markets 
for trade and improving those which already existed. 

From the first he showed remarkable business aptitude, 
uniting with the power of seeing far ahead a capacity for 
detail, a combination as rare as it is valuable. For instance, 
finding that little or no trade was done by his firm with 
France, he turned his attention to the cause of this want 
of enterprise. He found that the English weights and 
measures were used by the English house to describe its 
wares, and speedily arranged that tables drawn up according 
to the decimal system should be thenceforth used. This 
was a practical measure : but Mr. Chamberlain also deferred 
to the usual French customs of this trade, and had the 
screws put up in packets of similar size and wrapped 
in the same blue paper that the French merchants were 
accustomed to see when they bought screws from French 
manufacturers. Presented in this accustomed and pleasing 
guise, the English article soon proved its superiority, with 
the result that a big French trade was developed where 
before there had been a very small one. 

" It is not interest, in particular, that governs the world," 
said Mr. Chamberlain at Leicester in 1900, " but sentiment." 
And forty-five years earlier he made up his mind that if 
Frenchmen preferred to have their screws wrapped in blue 
paper, it might be a sentimental fancy, but, nevertheless, 
blue paper they should have. " Always concede little things 
gracefully," was his motto ; " always hold out for big ones 
firmly." 

As the business began to improve the firm engaged in 
larger undertakings. 

" They built large mills for the production of wire, also 
iron mills, and later embarked in the working of collieries, 
and at the present time employ over two thousand work- 
people ; while it must be added to their credit that the 
general average of wages was raised, and the condition and 
character of the artisans were greatly improved." 



40 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Sixteen years after he first came to Birmingham Mr. 
Chamberlain — 

"conceived the idea of reducing the ruinous competition 
Commercial which paralysed the growth of the trade ; and 
Policy, with this view he entered into negotiations with 
two of the largest of the competing firms, and arranged 
for the purchase and amalgamation of their businesses with 
his own firm. The almost unanimous testimony of repre- 
sentative men in Birmingham affirms that these transactions 
were conducted in the most courteous and honourable 
manner, that the terms obtained were generous and liberal, 
and that Mr. Chamberlain's actions in this respect were 
both highly beneficial to those concerned with the trade 
and beneficial to those whose businesses were purchased." 

It may safely be said that there are very few business 
men who have engaged in political work, and won any 
glory on the political battlefield, who have not been exposed 
to attacks founded on slanderous reports as to the way in 
which they conducted their business or on some incident 
connected with business life. But it is also probable that 
among men who have become politicians as it were acci- 
dentally, without intending from the beginning of their career 
to enter the House of Commons, are some who, if they could 
have foreseen their future celebrity, would have been much 
more careful as to how they acquired their wealth. 

As John Bright did not escape, it was hardly to be 
expected that Joseph Chamberlain would. Bright's political 
opponents, during the election of 1868, circulated the slander 
that he had reaped a commercial advantage by the Repeal 
of the Corn Laws, which, by making bread cheaper, had 
enabled him to reduce his workpeople's wages proportion- 
ately. On this the Liberal Association promptly wrote to 
Rochdale without Bright's knowledge, and received a written 
declaration from a number of Bright's workmen, signed by 
those who had been in his employ before the Repeal, stating 
that they had not had their wages in any way, directly or 
indirectly, reduced. This letter was read before a crowded 



SLANDERED 41 

Town's meeting just as Bright entered the Hall, and pro- 
duced a great sensation. 

A correspondent in the Daily News of November, 1884 — 
Mr. H. R. Grenfell — accused Mr. Chamberlain of employing 
himself — 

" in the past vacation and on other occasions in setting 
Attack on c l ass against class. He is reported (I know not 
Mr. chamber- how truly) to have made a large fortune in a 
Commercial m o no P°ly secured by most questionable dodges, 
Policy, and to have realised that fortune by investing it 
1884. j n secur ities which will in future give no anxiety 
or labour. Who is he, then, to accuse others of enjoying 
an income for which he neither toils nor spins? He has 
clearly recognised the truth which all politicians of ex- 
perience know, that in order to give yourself up to the 
service of the country you must be independent ; and yet, 
with this fact clearly present to his mind, he never rises 
on a platform before a packed audience without flinging 
mud on those who, like himself, are able to work for their 
country by spending the leisure of independence on that 
which must always be a most laborious task." 

Further, he is described as being — 

" a public man who has not as yet done one single thing 
(other than a Cheap Jack at a fair could do) to account 
for the pretensions which he and his two appendages, Mr. 
Collings and Mr. Schnadhorst, put forth in his name." 

A few days later appeared the following letter : 

" To the Editor of the ' Daily News' 

" Sir, — Two letters published in the Daily News, signed 
H. R. Grenfell, and containing reflections upon the President 
of the Board of Trade, have just been brought under my 
notice. In the first the writer says that Mr. Chamberlain 
is reported to have made a large fortune in a monopoly 
secured by most questionable dodges. In the second he 
states that he knows nothing about Mr. Chamberlain's affairs 
beyond that which has appeared in the public prints. As I 



42 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

have some reason to know more, perhaps you will kindly 
give publicity to the following statement : — 

" Up to a recent period I believed the story so industriously 
circulated about the way in which Mr. Chamberlain realised 
his wealth ; and when a friend of his challenged the truth 
of it, I had little doubt that it could be easily verified. I 
was quickly, and, I need hardly say, agreeably undeceived. 
Having made careful inquiries both of his friends and 
opponents in Birmingham, I could find no foundation 
whatsoever for the attacks which have been made upon 
him as a man of business. 

"I had been given to understand that copies of a 
threatening circular to the small screw manufacturers, whom 
he is supposed to have deliberately ruined, were extant and 
could be produced. I could not discover one. 

" His firm, I learned, had always stood high amongst the 
people, and more especially the working men of Birmingham, 
for honesty and straightforward dealing, and all that could 
be said against it was that other firms had suffered indirectly 
through its success. This, I think, can hardly be imputed 
as blame to Mr. Chamberlain. 

" For him, however, I hold no brief. His method of 
carrying on political controversy is not always to my taste, 
and I am the servant of a Church to which he is not thought 
to bear any goodwill. 

" I write in the interests of truth. 
" I am, 

" R. M. Grier (Vicar of Rugely). 

"Rugely, November i$th (1884)." 

Mr. Grenfell thereupon withdrew the charges he had 
made. 

" I am anxious," he said, " to express my regret that 
I should have given currency to reports derogatory to 
Mr. Chamberlain's character, and calculated to convey an 
erroneous impression as to the source of his fortune. I 
must also admit that in discussing his platform speeches 
I may have unduly depreciated his public services, which, 
as I have learnt, are such as to have won for him, to a 
high degree, the confidence of the community in which he 
lives." 



NAILED TO THE COUNTER 43 

But the matter did not end there, for one of the firms 
supposed to have been unfairly treated came forward with 
strong testimony three days afterwards. 

" To the Editor of the ' Daily News.' 

" Sir, — Having seen in the newspapers various absurd and 
false statements concerning Mr. Chamberlain and the screw 
trade, we, as a representative firm of the screw trade in 
Birmingham, feel bound, in common fairness to Mr. Chamber- 
lain, to state the simple facts of the case, and state the 
estimate in which Mr. Chamberlain is held by the oldest 
members of the trade in Birmingham in reference to the im- 
portant and extensive transactions connected with his name. 

" Our firm, having been established in the trade for nearly 
half a century, has had every opportunity of knowing the 
details of all those transactions and their results ; and we 
unhesitatingly affirm that Mr. Chamberlain's actions were 
highly beneficial to those connected with the trade, and 
beneficent to those whose businesses were purchased on such 
liberal terms ; also to those who, like ourselves, remained in 
the trade as well as to his own firm. 

" And we affirm that Mr. Chamberlain revived that which 
was then a declining trade and we are pleased to offer him 
our thanks for what he then did, and for the successful 
manner in which he and his firm competed with the 
Continental makers. And we gladly bear testimony to 
Mr. Chamberlain's great abilities and the courteous and 
honourable manner in which he conducted those great 
transactions, and are pleased to state that those who, like 
our firm, were brought into contact with Mr. Chamberlain 
in reference to the purchase of their business were treated 
in a most liberal and honourable manner, though the 
negotiations did not in some cases result in completion of 
the purchase. 

" And all reports as to threats to crush out the smaller 
makers are false and absurd, and must be made by persons 
ignorant of the facts or wilfully malicious. 

" Yours truly, 

"A. Stokes & Co. 

" Screw and Rivet Works, Green Street, Birmingham, 
"November 25th (1884)." 



44 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Thus died the slander, killed by the " simple facts of the 
case." 

At the age of eighteen Mr. Chamberlain took his place 

Mr. in the offices of the firm of Nettlefold and 

Cha a£dMs m Chamberlain, in Broad Street, where he had full 

Workmen, opportunity to display his talent for organisation, 

being engaged — 

" in devising plans for the adaptation of existing plant 
and premises to new and changing conditions. He was 
daily brought into contact, not only with the great business 
world outside, but the inner life, the daily work, the needs 
and aspirations of the considerable community of working 
men and women of whom, in common with his partners, 
he had charge." 

He could not fail in this intercourse to learn much of the 
past political history of Birmingham. There were many 
stories of the great year of 1832, when the battle for the 
Reform Bill was fought, and he was destined to see for 
himself the second battle of 1866 and 1867 fought and won. 
When he came to Birmingham the country was engaged 
in the Crimean war, in which, as being concerned with the 
manufacture of guns and swords, the town was deeply 
interested. And though Bright's opposition to the war was 
not popular, yet such was the respect felt for his character 
that three years later he was returned unopposed as member 
for Birmingham. Following the Crimean war came the 
horrors of the Mutiny, and Mr. Chamberlain heard all these 
events discussed by the workmen with whom he was daily 
brought into contact. 

He was often over at the Smethwick works, and was 
popular among the factory hands. His association with 
them did much to determine his course on the Education 
question and to induce him to make the welfare of the 
artisan one of his first objects when he obtained municipal 
and political power. 

His early interest in his workpeople showed itself in a 



AMONG HIS WORKPEOPLE 45 

very practical manner. He established a club with a night 
school attached, in which he taught various subjects. The 
most intelligent of workmen had then little chance of im- 
proving his scanty education. The Birmingham and Midland 
Institute was in its infancy; there were no "continuation 
classes," no lectures to be had on payment of a small fee. 
Night schools and adult Sunday schools, dependent on 
voluntary effort, were all he could look to for help. The 
adult Sunday schools of Birmingham have played an 
important part in the education of the town and in the 
creation of a bond of sympathy — the result of real respect 
founded on mutual knowledge — between master and man. 
That the schools are continued, even when a better system 
of education has largely obviated the necessity for them, 
shows that the sympathy still exists, and that there are a 
number both of employers and employed still anxious to 
learn of each other ; and the most successful teachers would 
be the first to acknowledge that they had learnt many things 
from their scholars. It was customary in those days to teach 
elementary subjects in the Sunday school. Mr. Chamberlain 
usually devoted himself to history, both English and French, 
and to English literature. 

In connection with the Unitarian community to which he 
belonged he was an energetic worker. Besides his Sunday 
school and night school work, he lectured occasionally to 
adults, was a member of the New Meeting Sunday School 
Committee, and the first President of the Young Men's 
Mutual Improvement Society. 

At the Debating Club in connection with his Workmen's 
Club he was in his element. Meetings were held at Smeth- 
wick, and Mr. Chamberlain was a constant attendant on these 
evenings. On one occasion a stranger who was present 
heard him speak. Mr. Chamberlain has always looked much 
younger than he really is. At that time his blue eyes, fresh 
complexion, and slim figure appeared those of a mere boy 
His speech was not received by the worthy workmen with 
all the respect to which it was entitled. 



46 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 
" If," said Chamberlain, " I were to tell you " 



" ' / werel indeed," muttered an old hand seated next 
the stranger. " 'Tought to be ' Hif / was ! ' Don't know 
'is grammar ! " 

When Mr. Chamberlain was in Philadelphia on the con- 
clusion of his diplomatic mission to America, some of his 
old pupils came up and made themselves known to him. 
They were doing well ; and in reminding him of his early 
work on their behalf they thanked him earnestly, and 
attributed a part of their success to his teaching. He has 
often met his old pupils, and always in pleasant and pros- 
perous circumstances. It is commonly said that he never 
forgets their faces, and that whenever he meets them he 
inquires after their welfare and reminds them of the early 
days at the works or the Sunday school. 

In this work Mr. Chamberlain found that his assiduous 
studies since leaving school were of great value. Any one 
who knows much of Birmingham artisans must be aware 
that to palm off upon them a little knowledge is a dangerous 
thing : no superficial teaching would content them, and if 
Mr. Chamberlain had to teach French he must study French. 
This he did to some purpose, and in a manner which shows 
his curiously practical character. Not content with the help 
he obtained from books, he employed a Frenchman to come 
and talk to him during breakfast each morning. One would 
much like to find that Frenchman and discover what were 
the subjects of conversation at these early lessons ; hardly, 
we think, of the Ollendorffian character — " Has your father 
got an egg for his breakfast ? " " No, but the son of my 
uncle has a fish ! " 

In Mr. Chamberlain's earlier speech French quotations 
were numerous ; they did not disappear till his oratory 
ceased to be academic, and they were much more numerous 
than those from English literature — if those from American 
humourists be excepted. 

His friends and associates when he first came to the 
town were naturally found among the Unitarians connected 



BIRMINGHAM UNITARIANS 47 

with the Church he attended. This was the "New 
Private Life. Meeting," a church which was afterwards sold to 
1854—1864. j-hg Roman Catholics when the Unitarian con- 
gregation built the Church of the Messiah over the canal 
in Broad Street. At least three of the Chamberlain 
brothers have associated themselves with its Sunday school : 
its band, at one time conducted by Walter Chamberlain, 
was one of those which helped to swell the procession 
at the great Brookfields Reform Demonstration of 1866. 

The Unitarians were then, as now, one of the wealthiest 
and most important sections of the citizens of Birmingham. 
Their liberality and their services on behalf of science, art, 
education, philanthropy, and, not least, of liberty, have 
enabled them to sustain that position, aided to some extent 
by their wealth, but also largely by their intellectual tastes 
and public spirit. They have undoubtedly furnished some 
of the most remarkable men of the town, beginning with 
Dr. Priestly ; and it was among the Unitarian families of 
Martineau, Ryland, Russell, Mathews, Osier, Nettlefold, and 
Kenrick that Joseph Chamberlain found most of his friends 
and acquaintances. Many of them belonged to a prosperous 
Debating Club, which, from 1855, was known as the Birming- 
Birmingham ^ am anc * Edgbaston Debating Society. This Joseph 
andEdgbas- Chamberlain joined in November, 1854, in the first 
ton Debating J . u a u 

Society, year of his residence in Birmingham ; and here 
1854—1863. j ie me ^ not Qn jy Unitarians, but eager, clever men 

of all denominations and of varying occupations, many of 
whom belonged to the cultured and wealthy classes of 
Birmingham. 

At the first meeting of the Society after his election he 
spoke in defence of the Protector, against the proposition — 

" That the character and conduct of Oliver Cromwell do 
not entitle him to the admiration of posterity." 

Four years later Mr. Bright was speaking in Birmingham, 
and a memorable debate thereupon took place, on the 
motion — 



48 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" That this Society strongly condemns the principles enun- 
ciated in the speeches recently made by Mr. Bright in 
Birmingham, and also the spirit in which those speeches 
were delivered." 

The presumption of young Joseph Chamberlain in support- 
ing this proposition has often been commented on. It should, 
however, be remembered that he was then by no means 
alone in his opposition to Bright's foreign policy, of which 
he never wholly approved. The debate lasted two evenings, 
and Mr. Bright's critics only lost their motion by one vote. 
" Mr. Joseph Chamberlain," says the local paper, " in a lively 
and clever speech, pointed out a number of inaccuracies in 
Mr. Bright's speeches." He asserted that the aristocracy 
were by no means responsible for all the wars, as Mr. Bright 
had implied ; that every war since 1688 had been demanded 
by the people ; that the world was indeed a gigantic " New 
Inkleys " (a Birmingham slum then quite unsafe for the 
ordinary citizen) ; and that it was always necessary to be 
prepared for war — a proposition in support of which he 
quoted Kossuth, Bacon, and Cromwell. 

Important as the Edgbaston Debating Society undoubtedly 
felt themselves to be, they did not aspire to the honour of 
having their deliberations noticed in Parliament. But Mr. 
C. B. Adderley, M.P. (now Lord Norton), shortly afterwards 
referred to — 

" the skilled artisans in Birmingham. They had their de- 
bating clubs, and not long ago the question discussed at 
one of them was whether the honourable Member (Mr. 
Bright) really represented them in this House, the result 
being that, in a vote, the honourable Member had a majority 
of one in his favour." 

This reference might be flattering in one respect, but it 
was not pleasing to the Society to be dubbed " skilled 
artisans fit to receive the Franchise." The Honorary Secretary, 
Mr. C. E. Mathews, was accordingly instructed to write to 
Mr. Adderly and inform him of the true importance of the 



■aRHRS 




THE DEBATING SOCIETY 



49 



Society, both socially and politically, as representing the 
opinions of men who had votes. Mr. Adderley was informed 
that the Birmingham and Edgbaston Debating Society " is 
in no sense a working man's institution, but comprises 
amongst its nearly two hundred members many graduates 
of both Universities, physicians, surgeons, architects, lawyers, 
manufacturers, and tradesmen." The names and professions 
of the several speakers in the debate were sent to Mr. 
Adderley, but it is to be feared he did nothing in the House 
to correct the wrong impression he had given of the status 
of the audacious Debating Society which had criticised 
John Bright. 

Mr. Chamberlain was Treasurer in 1858, Secretary in 1859 
and i860, Vice-President in 1861, and President in 1863 
and 1896. 

The references to his Debating Society speeches in the 
Birmingham papers are probably the first references to 
Mr. Chamberlain of any kind in the public prints. Arts' 
Gazette records the annual summer excursion (July, 1859), 
when, during the dinner at the Lyttelton Arms, Hagley, 
Mr. J. Chamberlain - 

" gave ' The Artopsariacoluthic Members ' (or followers of 
the loaves and fishes), explaining in a speech which elicited 
constant laughter and applause that the members in question 
were those who always attended at the annual (free) supper 
of the Society, but did not think it necessary to be present 
at the ordinary meetings." 

"In a smart and brilliant speech," says Mr. T. Anderton, 
who was present, " he poked rare fun at the dinner-debating 
members ; ... he not only did this with delicious banter 
and pointed sarcasm, but, with an audacious touch all his 
own, he coupled the toast with the name of one member 
present. 

" This brought the ruffled gentleman up on to his legs, and, 
smarting under Mr. Chamberlain's ironical philippics, he tried 
to pay back ' our young friend ' for what he considered his 
unwarrantable impertinence. But Mr. Chamberlain was not 



50 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

in the least disconcerted by the hotly expressed resentment 
of the offended member. With his eyeglass in his eye, he 
smiled with amused complacency, while his irate friend 
tried to pay him back, though scarcely in his own sharp, 
ringing coin." 

Mr. C. E. Mathews, speaking in 1891, gives another sketch 
of Mr. Chamberlain in connection with this Society. 

" In 1854 it included seventy-five members, and its meetings 
used to take place at the Hen and Chickens Hotel. It 
included amongst its members Thomas Martineau, William 
Kenrick, G. J. Johnson, George Dixon, Samuel Timmins, 
William Harris, John Thackray Bunce, William Mathews, and 
others, all of whom are not unknown to the Birmingham of 
to-day, and I had the honour of being the unworthy Honorary 
Secretary of that Society. . . . On November 29th I pro- 
posed — it was duly seconded and resolved unanimously — 
that Mr. Joseph Chamberlain be elected a member. . . . From 
that time he was a regular attendant at the meetings of the 
Society, and was a constant speaker ; ... he signalised his 
year of office as Secretary by urging the Lord-Lieutenant 
to allow the Society to form from its own ranks a company 
of Rifle Volunteers. I have been favoured by the Secretary 
of the Society with the old minutes of more than thirty years 
ago (1859), and in Mr. Chamberlain's handwriting I find 
therein the letter in which he expressed his regret that 
the Lord-Lieutenant, or the War Minister, or the red- 
tape gentleman, whoever he was, had not thought it right 
to comply with his offer. But though the effort failed, it 
showed how much the child is father to the man, and that 
Mr. Chamberlain even then left his mark upon any institution 
with which for the time he happened to be associated." 

In the letter above referred to Mr. Chamberlain expressed 
himself with considerable vigour, assuring the Lord- 
Lieutenant that he had lost the services of a very fine 
company. 

As President of the Society he delivered an address 
in 1862 on "Difference of Opinion," which has not been 
preserved among the Society's records. 



THE DEBATING SOCIETY $1 

His second Presidential year was 1896, when, in the course 

of his address on the occasion of the Jubilee of the 

Address, Society, Mr. Chamberlain gave some of his early 

DebatSg 1 reminiscences. On that occasion Mr. Justice Wills, 

society. Sir Edwin Arnold, and other former members of 

1896 

the Society were unfortunately absent, but a 
considerable number of Mr. Chamberlain's fellow-members 
of 1854 — 1863 were present. 

"We were rather a Radical body," he said. "In our case 
the prevailing Liberalism of our time occasionally landed 
us in difficulties, since we could not always find sufficient 
speakers to defend the more moderate opinion ; and I re- 
member on one occasion, when we were unable to agree 
as to the disposal of £7 odd, which the Treasurer had 
unexpectedly disclosed to us, we unanimously approved of 
the suggestion of the Hon. Secretary (whom I see before 
me and whom I now know as Mr. Alderman Johnson), 
which was that we should buy a Tory with it ! . . . 

" No man who made any kind of reputation in our Society 
has failed to make it in after life ; and there are not many 
citizens who have since distinguished themselves in connection 
with our town who did not serve an apprenticeship first 
in connection with our Society. . . . 

" It is a great pleasure to me to go back to those times 
and to recall the incidents to which reference has been made. 
Mr. Saunders reminds me of one that I had forgotten when 
he spoke of the occasion on which I was asked to propose 
the health of ' The Silent Members,' and described me as 
an audacious debater who taunted those gentlemen with their 
silence and urged them to take a more active part in the 
proceedings of the Society. 

" How changed the times and circumstances ! 

" I belong to another Debating Society. I should like to 
propose ' The Silent Members ' there. But I am no longer 
audacious, and I am sure I should not taunt them with their 
silence. 

" I can recall also another incident which you may think 
characteristic. 

" I met a gentleman who was to be proposed as member 
the same night, and we were talking about what was to us 



52 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

an important event. He said, ' I mean to make use of the 
Society — I mean to speak every night.' I said, ' I have no 
such idea ; I think I shall be a silent member and never 
open my mouth.' That gentleman never spoke. I spoke 
the first night, and I believe I spoke on a good number of 
occasions afterwards. 

" I say the incident is characteristic because it shows even 
in those early days I was an inconsistent person. But I 
owe a great deal to the Society, and I am delighted to know 
that it is as prosperous as when I left it. I am touched 
with the kindness with which I have been received. . . . 
Although since the times of which we have been speaking 
I have been engaged in large affairs and been interested 
in many subjects, it is quite true, as my friend Mr. Bunce 
has said, that my affection is always with Birmingham ; 
and the life of this Society is associated with the life of 
Birmingham during the last fifty years. You cannot separate 
the one from the other. The Society is, I think I may say, 
peculiar to those who have made Birmingham what it is — 
the most independent, the most original of cities of the 
Empire. . . . 

"... I am a believer in the uses and advantages of 
Debating Societies : there friendships may be cemented and 
sympathy created. . . . And I am convinced they tend to 
promote a spirit of inquiry, widen the bounds of knowledge, 
quicken and broaden the intellectual activity, and cultivate 
that gift of clear speaking which is in our democratic and 
representative system a necessary force and a potent influence 
for progress. . . . 

" I am content to take the etymological definition of 
eloquence : ' speaking out ' — speaking plainly, simply, fully, 
forcibly. And that is within the reach of any man of ordinary 
ability who will take the trouble to acquire the art." 

Considerable attention has been given in this chapter to 
Mr. Chamberlain's connection with the Debating Society, 
because it was a very important factor in his political 
education and had no little influence on his political career. 
Speech always has been with Mr. Chamberlain a weapon 
of tremendous power, and in those debates he learned to 
obtain a mastery over his weapon equal to that of the 



AS A DEBATEST 53 

foremost statesman of his time. Had he been an ineffective 
speaker or an unready debater, it is doubtful if his other 
gifts of administration and organisation would have given 
him his present position. 

At first Mr. Chamberlain learned his speeches by heart, 
and somewhat painfully : his delivery, though always clear, 
was at first laboured. The impression he made is graphi- 
cally described by a member of the Society :— * 

" It was impossible not to be interested, edified, and often 
amused by the intelligence, point, and smartness of his 
speech. At the same time there was, especially in the earlier 
days of his career, a certain setness and formality of style 
that suggested that his speeches were anything but the 
inspiration of the moment, but had been made beforehand 
and were being read off — the result of painstaking study, 
care, and elaboration. . . . 

" One incident that came under my notice certainly went 
far to corroborate this view. I refer to the occasion of a 
little semi-public dinner at which Mr. Chamberlain was put 
down to propose a certain toast. He proceeded for a time in 
his usually happy, characteristic manner, when all at once he 
came to a full stop ! We all looked up, and he looked down, 
embarrassed and confused. He apparently had lost the 
thread of the discourse he had so carefully woven ; he could 
not pick up the dropped stitches ; and if I remember rightly, 
he sat down, his speech not safely delivered. . . . 

" He was a man to inspire admiration and confidence. 
There was always a promptness and ' all thereness ' in his 
nature, with a decided touch of self-reliance, and I may even 
say audacity. In fact, without intending any reflection upon 
him, he might perhaps appropriately take as his motto, 
■ Uaudace, Vandace, toujours de laudace! " 

In spite of this audacity, or perhaps in consequence of it, 
Joseph Chamberlain was very popular in Edgbaston society 
at this time. He has been described as full of fun and high 
spirits, the life and soul of any party, and socially invaluable 
as a good dancing man and capital amateur actor, who could 
on occasion furnish his own pieces. 

1 Mr. T. Anderton {Midland Counties' Herald). 



54 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

In 1854 he settled down in rooms in Frederick Road, 
Edgbaston, which was distant about half a mile from his 
place of business, to which he walked daily. As a young 
man Mr. Chamberlain was by no means averse from exercise ; 
and though his business claims were too pressing to leave him 
very much time for sport, he was then an excellent walker 
and enjoyed getting out into the country. It was not long 
before he developed a taste for gardening, which, as most 
people know, remains with him to the present day ; and when 
he became Mayor he was fond of urging people to cultivate 
gardening as a hobby, as one of the most innocent and 
least costly that could be devised (though that form of it 
known as orchid-growing can hardly be termed inexpensive). 
Swimming, in which he was expert, was another pleasure. 
There was at that time by no means the rage for sport (as 
understood by cricket, football, and athletics) which now 
prevails. As we have seen, Mr. Chamberlain would have 
liked the glory of forming a volunteer corps out of the 
members of the Debating Society ; but he did not join any 
other corps when his own project was pronounced impossible. 

Among his friends at this time was Mr. William Kenrick. 
He was the son of Mr. Archibald Kenrick, of the firm of 
Messrs. Kenrick, of West Bromwich, hollow-ware manu- 
facturers. Both Mr. Archibald and Mr. Timothy Kenrick 
were generous contributors to the movement for obtaining 
Aston Park and grounds for Birmingham, and to the first 
Exhibition of the Society of Artists, the founding of the 
Midland Institute, the free libraries, and the Art Gallery, 
and to the Education League, and were ever ready to 
help with money and sympathy large enterprises for the 
benefit of the town in which they had made their home. 

In 1 86 1 Mr. Archibald Kenrick's daughter Harriet be- 
Marriage, came Mr. Chamberlain's first wife. Their married 
1861. life was, unhappily, very short, for Mrs. Chamber- 
lain died shortly after the birth of her second child, Joseph 
Austen, in 1863. 

Mr. Chamberlain then went for a time to Berrow Court, 



RETIREMENT FROM BUSINESS 55 

the residence of his father-in-law, in order that his little 
children might have the care of their aunt, Miss Kenrick. 
Mr. William Kenrick became Mr. Chamberlain's brother-in- 
law in a double sense when he married Mary, the eldest 
sister of the present Colonial Secretary. 

From the time of his bereavement Mr. Chamberlain threw 
himself into public work with great earnestness. He was 
then only twenty-seven years of age, but was fast securing 
so large a business that in a short time he was able to devote 
himself unreservedly to the service of the town to which 
even then he was deeply attached. 

That Mr. Chamberlain's commercial policy was successful 
is well known. He worked extremely hard and displayed 
a shrewdness, patience, and wise boldness which resulted in 
the accumulation of a fortune twenty years after he first 
began his commercial life in Birmingham ; and in 1874 he 
and his brothers, three of whom were in the firm retired 
from business. 

All the time and strength he could spare from commercial 
affairs Mr. Chamberlain gave to the acquisition of political 
knowledge, and particularly of the educational needs of the 
working classes, which was invaluable to him in later years, 
and which enabled him to do work which at once attracted 
attention. The study of Blue Books may be dull, but it may 
lead to a career that is far from dull. 



CHAPTER V 

BIRMINGHAM POLITICS. BRIGHT'S INFLUENCE 
1854 — 1867 

FIRST SPEECH IN BIRMINGHAM — CORN LAWS — FOUNDATION OF 
LIBERAL ASSOCIATION, 1 865— STRUGGLE FOR REFORM BILL 
OF 1867. 

" T HEARD all Bright's Birmingham speeches," said Mr. 

X Chamberlain ; " and though I did not from the first 
agree with his foreign policy, which was practically a ' peace- 
at-any- price ' policy, I had the sincerest admiration for his 
efforts on behalf of all legislative reforms." 

In the art of public speaking alone it was a liberal 
education to have heard all Bright's speeches ; for, fine as 
his Parliamentary orations were, he was more at his ease 
in Birmingham, and there was more of his heart in his 
speeches to his constituents and to the large numbers of 
working men who had not the vote and could only give 
him their moral, not their actual, support. How much he 
valued it Bright told them in his first Birmingham speech 
after his unopposed election as member for that borough 
(1857). Owing to ill-health he was not able to visit the 
town until the following year, when a banquet was given in 
his honour in the Town Hall (October 25th, 1858). 

" I am not sufficiently master of the English language 

to discover words which shall express what I 

Fira^fpeech ^ ee ^ towards you for the reception which you 

to nis have given me to-night. I never imagined for a 

October 1 wsi' moment that you were prepared to endorse all 

my opinions or to sanction every political act with 

which I have been associated ; but I accepted your resolution 

56 



BRIGHT'S FIRST SPEECH IN BIRMINGHAM 57 

in choosing me as meaning this, that you had watched over 
my political career, that you believed it had been an honest 
one, that you were satisfied I had not knowingly swerved 
to the right hand or to the left, that the attractions of 
power had not changed my course from any view of courting 
a fleeting popularity, and, further, that you are of opinion 
that the man whose political career is on a line with his 
conscientious convictions can never be unfaithful to his 
country." 

These words might have been used by Joseph Chamber- 
lain himself at the memorable meeting in 1886, when he 
laid before his constituency his reasons for leaving Mr. Glad- 
stone's Government. 

Bright then outlines his general policy : — 

" As regarded Reform, he was entirely in sympathy with 
the Birmingham Reform Union in demanding, first, the 
Ballot, and also equal electoral districts and a greater 
extension of the Franchise. [The Union would have liked 
Universal Suffrage.] 

" The present system of representation was dishonest. 
While in one part of the country 150,000 people were 
represented by 130 members of the House of Commons, 
in other places 200,000 people had only twenty-four 
members to speak for them. 

" The Peers were the greatest obstacle to the passing of 
a satisfactory measure of Reform." 

His foreign policy would not now be popular : — 

" I acknowledge it to be the duty of your statesmen 
Foreign with all possible efficiency to take steps which 
Policy. shall preserve order within and on the confines 
of your kingdom. But I shall repudiate and denounce the 
expenditure of every shilling, the employment of every ship 
and of every man which has no object but intermeddling 
in the affairs of other countries and endeavouring to extend 
the boundaries of your Empire, which is already large 
enough to satisfy the greatest ambition, and I fear is much 
too large for the highest statesmanship to which any man 
has yet attained." 



58 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

As for the colonies, Bright cared little for them. He 
was not singular in thinking them a drain on the mother 
country and a burden. None of them, he said, had paid 
their way except Australia, or would ever be of any 
commercial good to us. 

This was the speech which excited the indignation of 
Chamberlain and other members of the Debating Society, 
who agreed that — 

" The principles enunciated in this speech and the spirit 
in which those speeches were delivered are worthy of 
condemnation, etc." 

But with the conclusion of Bright's speech, which is 
rightly regarded as being one of his finest passages, Mr. 
Chamberlain would entirely agree. Bright is speaking to 
the electors, as distinct from the large class which had 
not yet the Franchise, thousands of whom had listened to 
him two nights before in the Town Hall. 

" You represent," said Bright to his constituents, " those 
of your great community who have a more complete 
education, who have on some points greater intelligence, 
and in whose hands reside the power and influence of the 
district. You can mould, you can create political power ; 
you cannot think a good thought on this subject and 
communicate it to your neighbours, you cannot make these 
points topics of discussion in your social circles and more 
general meetings, without affecting sensibly and speedily 
the course which the Government of your country will pursue. 

"May I ask you, then, to believe, as I do most devoutly, 
that the moral law was not written for men alone in their 
individual character, but that it was written as well for 
nations, and for nations as great as this of which we are 
citizens. If nations deride and reject that moral law, there 
is a penalty which will inevitably follow. It may not come 
at once, it may not come in our lifetime. But, rely upon 
it, the great Italian is not a poet only, but a prophet, when 
he says : — 

' The sword of heaven is not in haste to smite, 
Nor yet doth linger.' 



BRIGHT ON REFORM 59 

"... We have the unchangeable and eternal principles 
of moral law to guide us, and only so far as we walk by 
that guidance can we be permanently a great nation or 
our people a happy people." 

When speaking to the non-electors Mr. Bright had urged 

that the people should prepare their own Reform 
On Reform. „.„-,, 1,1 11 1 

Bill. Not lor a moment could they be hopeless 

of their great cause. And he reminded them that what 

they had done before they could do again, if united. 

" Am I not in Birmingham, England's central capital ? 
and do not these eyes look upon the sons of those who, 
not thirty years ago, shook the fabric of privilege to its 
base? Not a few of the strong men of that time are now 
white with age. They approach the confines of their mortal 
day. Its evening is cheered with remembrance of that 
great contest, and they rejoice in the freedom they have 
won. Shall their sons be less noble than they ? Shall the 
fire which they kindled be extinguished with you ? I see 
your answer in every face. You are resolved that the legacy 
which they bequeathed to you you will hand down in an 
accumulated wealth of freedom to your children. As for 
me, my voice is feeble. I feel sensibly and painfully that 
I am not what I was. I speak with diminished fire, I act 
with a lessened force ; but, as I am, my countrymen and 
my constituents, I will, if you will let me, be found in your 
ranks in the impending struggle." 

" They were great meetings in those days," said Mr. 
Chamberlain in referring to this speech. " The men poured 
into the hall black as they were from the factories ; now 
they are much better dressed. The seats used then to 
be removed from the body of the hall, and the people 
were packed together like herrings." 

Great was the disappointment when the Reform Bill of 
i860, from which so much had been hoped, was abandoned. 
The following year Bright was again speaking in Birmingham 
on the urgent necessity of Reform and domestic legislation, 
and he pleaded with all the force of which he was capable 



6o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

that the people should be permitted to enjoy that which 
they create. His heart, he said, bled for their sufferings. 
It was impossible for anyone to hear this appeal and not 
be touched by it, and to Mr. Chamberlain it came with 
great power. 

The agitation in favour of Reform went on steadily year 

by year, till in 1865, a better means of organisation 

Association being wanted to strengthen the hands of Bright 

Fo , r i^ d ' and his friends, the famous Liberal Association 

lobs. 

was formed, which Mr. Chamberlain joined. His 
name does not appear among the list of officers, which in- 
cluded Mr. Muntz as Chairman, Mr. John Jaffray (proprietor 
of the Birmingham Post) as Treasurer, Mr. George Dixon 
as Secretary. Five months later they had an opportunity 
of using their organisation in a Warwickshire election. 

Mr. Gladstone introduced his Reform Bill in 

fofsecond March, 1 866, and Birmingham, as usual, proceeded 

Ref i866 Bm ' *° ex P ress her opinion in no unmistakable terms 

at a town's meeting. 

Bright wrote that the Bill was an honest Bill, and he was 

prepared to support it. It would pass if Birmingham and 

other towns did their duty. 

"You know what your fathers did thirty years ago, and 
you know the result. The men who in every speech they 
utter insult the working men, describing them as a multitude 
given up to ignorance and vice, will be the first to yield when 
the popular will is loudly and resolutely expressed. 

" If Parliament Street, from Charing Cross to the venerable 
Abbey, were filled with men seeking Reform, these slanderers 
of their countrymen would learn to be civil if they did not 
learn to love freedom." 



It is easy to imagine the cheers with which this letter 
was greeted. 

About this time Punch published a cartoon representing 
John Bull, Mrs. Bull, and their dog (supposed to be the 
people) yawning after they had read half a line about Reform ; 



REFORM AGITATION OF 1866 61 

and the Rev. Charles Vince, a well-known Birmingham 
Liberal, gravely remarked that, though John Bull and 
Mrs. Bull might be waked up, the Government was " strongly- 
advised not to irritate the dog." But the " dog " was already 
beginning to growl. 

On August 27th two hundred and fifty thousand men, 
Brockfieids witn the Mavor of Birmingham at their head, 
Demonstra- marched to Brookfields and listened to addresses 
August 27th, delivered from six platforms. Bright delivered a 
1866. g rea t speech in the Town Hall in the evening at 
which Joseph Chamberlain was present. It was a memorable 
and a magnificent meeting. Hardly had the proceedings 
begun when the hall was rent with cheer after cheer as the 
venerable Reformer, George Edmonds, came in. There was 
no restraining the enthusiasm of the audience as they saw 
before them a man who had suffered a year's imprisonment 
in Warwick Gaol for merely presiding at a meeting which 
was held to demand that Birmingham should have its 
own member. And there were men in the hall who also 
remembered 1832, and the Scots Greys rough grinding 
their swords in the barrack-yard. 

" To-morrow," said Bright, " there will be an audience 
of millions throughout the whole of the United Kingdom 
anxious to know what has been said and done on August 27th 
in the great city of Birmingham." 

He closed with a stirring appeal for union : — 

" Stretch out your hands to your countrymen in every 
part of the three kingdoms and ask them to join in a great 
and righteous effort on behalf of freedom, which has been 
for so long the boast of Englishmen, but which the majority 
of Englishmen have never yet possessed. 

" Care not for calumnies, for lies. 

" Our object is to restore the British Constitution in all 
its fulness and all its freedom to the British people." 

Parliament was not insensible of the importance of this 



62 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

expression of opinion by a quarter of a million of people ; 
and the Pall Mall Gazette > the organ of the cultured classes 
and opposed to the democracy, after describing the procession 
(two miles in length) and the great appeal of two hundred 
and fifty thousand men for a fair Reform Bill, says : — 

''It is impossible for any man but the stupidest to look 
upon these things with anything but respect, and the idea 
of postponing Reform to another session is but a dull 
dream." 

A year later (August, 1867) the second Reform Bill 
sec nd Dccame ^ y > anc * in this year William Scholefield, 
Reform Bin. the member who had done so much to secure 
ugus ' * the first Reform Bill for Birmingham, died. 
Mr. Chamberlain was now thirty -one years of age, and — 

" was at that time a persona grata',' says Mr. C. E. Mathews, 
" in Birmingham society, where his kindness, his wit, and 
his good humour made him a universal favourite : but I 
well remember how we used to say that we should have to 
get up very early in the morning if we wanted to ' take in 
Chamberlain.' He began all too slowly to interest himself 
in the public work of the town. He joined the North 
Warwickshire Registration Society, of which I was an 
officer, and we attempted to grapple with the Toryism of 
Spooner and Newdegate." 

Only once since Birmingham sent a representative to 
Parliament had a Conservative (Spooner) been returned. 
His election was felt to be a slur on the town whose first 
member was Atwood, the founder of the Political Union 
from which sprang the celebrated Birmingham Liberal 
Association. 

By birth a Liberal, Mr. Chamberlain's early surroundings, 
his intimate association with working men, his school-days 
among those who still suffered disabilities as Dissenters, 
his sympathy with Bright's love of the people, inevitably 
tended to convert his Liberalism into Radicalism. Though 



RADICAL DAYS 63 

he did not agree with Bright's foreign policy (he was even 
then something of an Imperialist), he was heart and soul 
with him in every measure which should lighten the lot 
of the labouring man and increase the dignity and power 
of all forms of local government, and it was in these 
directions that his first public services were offered. 



CHAPTER VI 
EARLY POLITICAL WORK 

1867— 1869 

ELECTIONS, 1868— IRISH CHURCH DISESTABLISHMENT BILL, 1869 — 
FIRST TOWN HALL SPEECH, ETC. 

IN 1867 George Dixon, the Mayor whose name was to 
become so well known as President of the Birmingham 
Education League, was chosen to fill the vacancy caused 
by the death of William Scholefield. He was opposed by 
Sampson Lloyd, a Conservative banker ; and Mr. Chamberlain, 
as one of Mr. Dixon's friends, engaged in the electioneering 
work necessary to secure his return. 

The Mayor was at the time unpopular with a section 

m hv of the town in consequence of his action in 

Riots. suppressing the Murphy Riots, caused by one 

John Murphy, a delegate of the London Protestant 

Electoral Union, who demanded the use of the Town Hall 

in which to deliver an anti-Catholic lecture. It was refused 

by Mr. Dixon. Murphy's supporters then built a wooden 

pavilion for him in Carr's Lane, a street close to the Police 

Courts, Magistrates' Offices, Roman Catholic ■ Chapel, and 

the Irish quarter in Park Street. Murphy's obstinacy and 

fanaticism amounted almost to insanity. He declared that 

" priests were murderers, cannibals, pick-pockets, liars ! " And 

his audience seemed to think that he had made out a good 

case for each of the charges. 

After he had delivered his lecture the row began. The 
Roman Catholics waited for their enemies as they left the 



MURPHY RIOTS 65 

pavilion. The riot broke out on Sunday evening, continued 
all Monday at intervals, and a part of Tuesday. So serious 
did matters become that after considerable damage had been 
done the magistrates summoned the military, the 8th Hussars, 
who laid about them vigorously with the flat of the sword, 
while the police charged with drawn cutlasses. The Irish 
replied with brick-ends, tiles off the roofs, and with any 
missile they could pick up. Most of them were also armed 
with bludgeons. It was a truly magnificent row, such as 
Birmingham had not enjoyed for some time. 

The police, having driven the Irish back into Park Street, 
guarded the end of it, and sustained ugly rushes from the 
Irish, who charged every now and again. The so-called 
Party of Law and Order, reinforced by all the Protestant (!) 
roughs of the town, marched with the police to the Irish 
quarter and wrecked it completely. The street was gutted, 
the furniture and effects thrown out into the street and burnt. 

" I went down next day to see the place," said Mr. 
Chamberlain. " The roofs were gone, the fronts of the 
houses also ; the remains of the fires were still to be seen." 

Miserable women and children crouched by their ruined 
firesides while their husbands and fathers were marched 
off to gaol. 

" I remember," said an old man to the writer, " as 'ow a 
man I knew were a-standin' at 'is door. 

" ' Go in,' says the soldiers. 

" ' Not I,' says 'e. 

" ' Go in,' they says again. 

"'Not I,' says 'e. 'I'm a-standin' at my own door.' 

" Then they takes and cuts 'is ear clean off. Yes, they 
was very strict in those days ! " 

In 1868 the Liberal Association was reorganised, and 
Birmingham Mr. Chamberlain, now thirty-two years of age, 

Liberal became a prominent member. This famous Asso- 

A.SS0C13.t)10Il 

("The ciation, destined to become one of the most 

caucus'). p 0wer f u i instruments the political world has ever 

known, was in its construction a very simple organisation, 

5 



66 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

It was intended to collect and represent all shades of Liberal 
opinion in the town, and to use the voting power of the con- 
stituency in the Liberal interest with a maximum of efficiency 
and a minimum of friction. Its strength consisted in the 
efficient representation of all Liberals, especially of the 
working men, who, proud of the power directly entrusted 
to them, became faithful and vigorous supporters of the 
new organisation. 

Each ward of the town elected its own committee, from 
which three representatives were sent to the Executive, and 
twenty-four to the General, Committee : the latter chose 
the Parliamentary candidate. The General Committee, of 
course, included the Executive, and at first it was a small 
body. But as the constituency grew, so did its numbers, 
and it was known at different times as the " Four Hundred," 
the " Six Hundred," and at last as the " Two Thousand." 

The Executive Committee, in addition to the three members 
from each ward, included at first twenty members of the 
Reform League ; there were also the officers of the Associa- 
tion and twenty co-opted members. The value of these 
latter representatives was very great ; men not on ward 
committees, but of weight and influence in the town, were 
thus included in the Executive ; and any useful man, however 
humble, was thus eligible for service. 

The most important body, however, was the Management 
Committee. It received suggestions and prepared the 
business to be submitted to the Executive. Its proceedings 
were unreported, and it saved time and avoided friction by 
ascertaining the state of feeling among the members of the 
Association generally. But it would be a great mistake to 
suppose that everything was done by this small body and 
free discussion stifled. Rather, indeed, might the policy of 
the Association towards its supporters be commended, as 
ample opportunity was given to everyone for discussion, 
and even the humblest ward member was able to make his 
opinions known. 

The Secretary of this Association in Birmingham, who 



THE LIBERAL ASSOCIATION 67 

afterwards became the Organising Chief of the Liberal Party 
throughout the country, was Francis Schnadhorst. 

The power of the new organisation was shown by the 
ease with which they returned Bright, Dixon, and Muntz 
by a large majority in 1868, in spite of the enormous 
difficulties in estimating the voting power of any district, 
caused by the working of the Minority Clause. Just before 
the election Mr. Chamberlain was speaking at a Liberal 
Election Committee dinner. This is the first speech of his 
reported with any fulness. 

" In Mr. Dixon's presence I shall best consult his feelings 
by refraining from dwelling at any length on the 
B &jS^SS r " personal qualities of our representatives. 

speech : " As regards our senior member, I feel that with 

Dinner, t ^ e admiration which all men have long felt for 
1868. ' his marvellous ability, his undoubted earnestness 
of purpose, may now be coupled sincere approval 
of the statesmanship he has employed in the recent debates 
in the House of Commons. For my own part I must 
say that, while I have always appreciated the power of 
Mr. Bright's oratory, I have never thought it so great as 
in some of his recent speeches, in which he persuaded, 
implored, and warned his hearers to do a tardy act of justice 
and to redress grievous wrong. 

" In reference to our other member, I am sure I express 
the feelings of those present when I say that he is a worthy 
representative of Birmingham, and we feel he has shown 
himself fully equal to the responsibilities and fully justified 
the choice of the electors. But we are not met merely for 
the purpose of welcoming Mr. Dixon and expressing our 
entire approbation of the manner in which he discharges 
his duties, but also for the purpose of consolidating a portion 
of that local organisation by which we hope to perpetuate 
the Liberal representation of Birmingham. 

" At the present time members for the borough and 
Liberal representatives are synonymous terms, and we desire 
that that should continue, and we are present to-night to 
record our earnest intention to use all legitimate means to 
attain that result." 

They had, said Mr. Chamberlain, to deal with two 



68 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

parties, one the old-fashioned Conservative party (not used 
in any offensive sense of the word) and the other the new 
or Constitutional party or association. 

" Every one of these Constitutional associations which springs 
up irresistibly reminds me of the patent medicine called 
constitutional pills. The inventor of that specific, if I may 
parody a term of Mr. Bright's, is not a prime minister, but 
only a quack. But he claims for his discovery sovereign 
virtues in all cases of debility ; and he winds up his advocacy 
of his medicine by saying that such is the innocence and such 
the simplicity of the ingredients that a strong man in good 
health might take several boxes without suffering any ill effects ! 

" So long as the Liberal party continue in their present 
robust health and in their present position they will probably 
be able to swallow several Constitutional associations without 
suffering ! 

" But the difficulties with which we shall have to contend 
will arise, if at all, from within. If, therefore, we are to win 
the approaching contest, we must sink all personal prejudices 
and work together heartily and unanimously to support 
the members nominated by the majority, content that our 
principles should be represented even if all the members 
should not happen to be the individuals we personally would 
have chosen. 

" I conclude by hoping that you will afford to the leaders 
of the Liberal party that sympathy and encouragement 
which will be best expressed in sending to Parliament men 
whose voice will be raised in accord with those leaders." 

The elections were fixed for the autumn, and the candidates 
chosen were Bright, Dixon, and Muntz, who were opposed 
by Sampson Lloyd and Sebastian Evans, supported by the 
Liberal-Conservative and the Constitutional Associations. 

The next piece of work undertaken by the Liberal 

,„i ^ ^ ,. Association after the elections of 1 868 were won 

Irish Cnurcn 

Bill and Birmingham had returned three Liberal 
a ' members in spite of the Minority Clause, was an 
agitation in favour of Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church Dis- 
establishment Bill. The Liberals, whose pronouncement in 
its favour had been a feature of the general election, were 



A BIRMINGHAM TOWN'S MEETING 69 

indignant that the Peers should still delay their consent on 
the pretence that the question had not been sufficiently 
discussed. 

A town's meeting was arranged for June, 1869, and Mr. 

Chamberlain was asked to second the resolution 

Meeting, which pledged the town to support the Bill. His 

Ju ?| 15tl1 ' opportunity came early. His education work and 

electioneering speeches must have already made 

a considerable impression, or he would scarcely have been 

chosen for so big a task. 

Mr. Chamberlain was now thirty-three years of age, but 
had had comparatively little practice in public speaking. 
The first Town Hall speech is something of a test of nerves 
to most Birmingham men ; it undoubtedly tries the voice 
and the speaker's power of interesting his audience. It may 
be taken as an axiom that a Birmingham audience will not 
listen to a speaker whom it cannot hear (paradox as it 
sounds), nor to one who is dull and uninteresting. 

A stormy meeting was expected. The Liberals, conveners 
of the meeting, sat on the right hand of the Mayor, their 
opponents, the Conservatives, on his left ; and the biggest 
guns of either party, therefore — as was frequently the custom 
at town's meetings in those days — were on the platform, 
with only the Mayor between the hostile factions. His 
position was not always enviable : both parties he could 
not please ; and it was not at all difficult to displease both. 
Comments on his conduct were frequent and free, and 
often audible in the body of the hall. On this occasion 
it wanted a very strong man as Chairman, and Mr. Holland 
was certainly not that. Even Mr. J. S. Wright, with the 
biggest voice in Birmingham, could only be heard a few feet 
from the platform after the row fairly began. Supporters 
of both parties were densely packed in the body of the 
hall, and harmony was not promoted by the reading of 
Bright's famous letter. 

" The Lords," he wrote, " are not very wise, but there is 
sometimes profit to the people even in their unwisdom. 



70 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

If they should delay the passing of the Irish Church Bill 
for three months, they will stimulate discussion on an im- 
portant question, which, but for their infatuation, might have 
slumbered for many years. . . . 

" Instead of doing a little childish tinkering about life 
peerages, it would be well if the Peers could bring themselves 
on a line with the opinions and necessities of our day. In 
harmony with the nation they may go on for a long time, 
but, throwing themselves athwart its course, they may meet 
with accidents not pleasant for them to think of. . . ." 

Mr. Chamberlain was put up to second the resolution 

which declared that the Bill, having passed the 

Hail Speech. House of Commons by large majorities, ought 

JU ??A 5tt1 ' to become law, in accordance with the national 

1869. 

will as declared at the late general election. 
He had no easy task. The proposer had been constantly 
interrupted, and Mr. Chamberlain spoke amid a perfect storm 
of cheers, counter-cheers, and interruptions. He persevered, 
however, and was heard to the end. 

" It is only just," he said, " that those who have to discuss 
the Bill should have full opportunity of judging what is the 
national will on this question. When, however, they are 
in full possession of the conclusion to which the great 
majority of their fellow-countrymen have come, if they 
should see fit in contradiction to those conclusions to try 
again at this time — and it will be a final attempt — to stem 
the tide of popular opinion, the people of Birmingham will 
have to consider in the next great meeting within these 
walls whether an institution which again blocks the way to 
progress is entitled to their continuous respect." 

" It was scarcely likely that they would sit tamely by and 
see their efforts frustrated by the obstinacy or bigotry of one 
hundred or two hundred persons, however highly placed they 
might be. The majority in the Commons of one hundred and 
fourteen represented the wishes of six million people. The 
sixty Peers opposed to them in the Lords represented three 

Peers still things. Some of them represented the oppression 

hesitating. f feudal lords in times gone by, when people were 
expected to be grateful for being raled by the aristocracy. 



FIRST SPEECH IN THE TOWN HALL 71 

In the second place, some of them represented the great 
wealth acquired by the possession of land in the vicinity of 
large towns— e.g. Manchester and Birmingham — which land 
enriched its proprietors without care or labour on their part. 
And, lastly, they represented, and very imperfectly too in many 
cases, the brains, the intelligence, and the acquirements of 
ancestors long since dead, who unfortunately had been unable 
to transmit to their descendants the talents by which they 
had risen. It was of such men as these that the greatest 
member of the House of Lords who ever sat in that body — 
Lord Bacon — related that it was customary to say in his time 
that they were like potatoes — the best part was underground. 

" One might respect the Peerage very much and have 
an esteem for certain members of it ; but when it came 
to estimating the opinion of one unknown nobleman as 
equivalent to the opinion of hundreds of thousands of his 
fellow-subjects, it was an estimate impossible for the people 
to hold while they retained any vestige of self-respect. 

" It was impossible that the House of Lords should not 
see in the history of the last few months proof that the 
House of Commons was in accord with the people. 

" It reminds me of an anecdote of a farmer and his 
barometer. It was somewhat out of order, and it perpetually 
stood at ' Set Fair,' though it rained incessantly for three 
days. But then even the patience of the farmer was 
exhausted, and he took the barometer and beat it against 
the steps of his house, and said to it, ' Now won't you 
believe your own eyes ? ' " 

" All over the country the people had approved Mr. 
Gladstone's Irish policy ; yet the Peers were waiting, and 
their Conservative friends professed themselves dissatisfied. 

" In the words of that great statesman Mr. Gladstone, 
after the time was come and the case was proved action 
was still to be deferred, though in this case justice deferred 
was justice denied. 

" I venture to hope that the effect of this and similar 
meetings will be that the House of Lords will be advised 
in time, will take counsel of the most intelligent and most 
able of the Tory Peers, and avert, for this time at least, the 
spectacle of a conflict between the peers and people." 

This was undoubtedly a good fighting speech and roused 



72 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the audience. The case for the Bill had been decided long 
ago ; the only point at issue was the true feeling of the 
people. 

The Conservatives (who had held a very pretty little 
meeting a few days before all to themselves) that evening 
were bent on demonstrating that feeling in Birmingham 
was not altogether in favour of the Bill. The two late 
Conservative candidates, Lloyd and Sebastian Evans, were 
to speak next. The year before, when the result of the 
election had been declared at the hustings, as soon as the 
figures became known, cards edged with black borders had 
been distributed among the crowds, inscribed : — 



<Sacrcb to the ^Hnnorjj of 

SAMPSON S. LLOYD and SEBASTIAN 
EVANS, LL.D., 

who departed their political life on Tuesday, 
November 17th, 1868, having fallen victims to 
that dread disease Public Opinion, accelerated 
by the action of the " Vote-as-you're-told Com- 
mittee." They were interred at the hustings, 
Town Hall, November iSth, amid the woful 
lamentations of their chapfallen supporters. 



They were, however, by no means politically dead, and 
Sebastian Evans became something too vigorous even for a 
Birmingham town's meeting. The Liberal speakers, finding 
after an hour and a half that Mr. Lloyd could not obtain 
a hearing and that the Mayor could not prevail upon the 
people to listen to him even for a moment, becoming seriously 
alarmed for the peace of the meeting, interposed and tried 
to induce Mr. Lloyd to sit down. As he continued to 



A STORMY MEETING 73 

declare his intention of vindicating his rights, the Mayor 
told him he had been doing nothing else for an hour and a 
half. At last Mr. J. S. Wright, one of the Liberal Association 
officials, a man with a huge voice, finding even he could 
make no impression on the uproar, began to write on a 
a piece of paper a proposal that the meeting should vote as 
to whether Mr. Lloyd should be heard. This infuriated 
the Conservatives. Sebastian Evans left his seat, sprang 
forward, seized and tore up the papers lying before the 
Mayor on his desk. The uproar on the platform became 
as furious as in the body of the hall, and the helpless Mayor 
was overwhelmed. Mr. J. S. Wright then made another 
attempt to ascertain the will of the meeting. He ordered 
a blackboard to be brought in and proceeded to write the 
question whether Mr. Lloyd be heard or not for the people 
to vote upon. 

The Conservatives now lost all self-control. They made 
for the blackboard and mayoral chair ; the Mayor was 
thrust out of it, fists were shaken in his face, and the police 
had to surround him to prevent actual violence. Sebastian 
Evans was told to leave the hall and refused. Amidst 
free fights and a hurricane of noise the resolution was 
put and carried. Mr. Chamberlain was a spectator of the 
whole disgraceful scene. 

Thus did he make his entry upon the political stage as 
represented by the platform of the Birmingham Town Hall, 
at one of the stormiest meetings ever held in that stormy 
town. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE AND THE 
BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL BOARD 

1 867- 1 873 

FOUNDATION OF THE BIRMINGHAM EDUCATION SOCIETY, 1 867, 
AND THE NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE, 1 869— SPEECH AT THE 
EDUCATION CONFERENCE — "PUNCH ON THE LEAGUE "—POLI- 
TICAL WORK IN CONNECTION WITH FORSTER'S EDUCATION BILL 
OF 1870 — BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL BOARD, 1873-6. 

" T F," said Mr. Jesse Collings, one day, as he walked through 
J. the town with Mr. George Dixon, " we could have an 

Education Society on the right lines, the very stones in the 

street would rise up and join us." 

Not long afterwards the Birmingham Education Society was 

founded at a private meeting held at Mr. Dixon's 
Birmingham *■ . ° 

Education house in Edgbaston. Ministers and clergymen 

ocie y. Q £ eveI y denomination attended, together with 
most of the representative men of the town who were in- 
terested in education. Dr. Temple (afterwards Archbishop 
of Canterbury) came over from Rugby, where he was Head 
February Master. Mr. Capel, H.M. Inspector of Schools, 
13th, 1867. attended and gave statistics showing the lamentable 
lack of education in the town for the children of the poor, 
and also the numbers of children neither at school nor at 
work ; these were said to average forty per cent. 

Mr. Chamberlain's name appears among the list of those 
who were present at the preliminary meeting. It was decided 
to form the Society and to collect funds to carry forward 
the work of providing more school accommodation and of 

74 



THE NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE 75 

paying school fees for children who, through lack of school 
pence, were deprived of education. 

The meeting was unanimously in favour of obtaining power 
to levy local rates in aid of education, but there was not 
unanimity as to the desirability of demanding compulsory 
or free education. 

The first use made of the money subscribed by the Society 
was in paying the fees of a great number of children — some- 
thing like six thousand fees were paid (up to March, 1868) 
during the first year's work ; but the children constantly 
drifted away from school and changed from one school to 
another, and the payments were ineffectual to remedy the 
evil. It was felt that the Society's efforts were being wasted 
for want of some system of compulsory education. 

The visiting undertaken by the Society was a most valuable 
contribution to the cause of education. They systematically 
visited over forty-five thousand children and most of the 
poorer streets of the town, seven hundred and fifty-four in 
number, and thus accumulated a mass of information. 
The National Education League was the outcome of the 
Birmingham Education Society. No public meet- 
Education ing to inaugurate it was held, but a circular setting 
L ®g| ue - forth the objects of the League was sent out, 
asking support from prominent educationalists ; 
and by the time the first Conference of the National Educa- 
tion League met in October, 1869, over two thousand five 
hundred " persons of influence, including forty members of 
the House of Commons and between three and four hundred 
ministers of religion," had already joined. Its object was 
" The establishment of a system which shall secure the 
education of every child in England and Wales." 

The League intended to agitate for the following practical 
objects also : — 

" To provide sufficient school accommodation by means 
of local authorities. To support and to found such schools 
as are necessary by means of local rates supplemented by 
Government Grants. Schools aided by local rates must 
be under the management of local authorities subject to 



7 6 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Government inspection and unsectarian. Such schools shall 
be free. Children not otherwise receiving education shall be 
compelled to attend school by the State or local authorities." 

The League hoped that instruction would be provided — 

" so accessible and so graduated that the child of the poorest 
artisan shall have it within his power to fit himself for any 
position capable of being attained by a citizen of the United 
Kingdom. To this work the League have set themselves 
with a serious conviction of its vital importance and under 
a sense of personal responsibility and public duty ; and to 
this work they intend to remain constant until it is accom- 
plished and the reproach and curse of ignorance are wiped 
away from the land." 

The League members were willing to pay for their con- 
victions, and in looking through an early subscription list 
it will be seen how generous was the support offered. Mr. 
Chamberlain and his father, with eight other Birmingham 
men — including Mr. Dixon — each gave ,£1,000, the Kenrick 
family, with whom Mr. Chamberlain was so closely connected, 
contributing ^2,500. 

It was no longer possible to ignore the League and 
its work. Its precursor, the Education Society, had been 
violently attacked by Lord Robert Montagu, a Privy 
Councillor and Minister of Public Instruction. 

" It must not be forgotten," said Lord Robert, " that 

these societies were supported by the money they 

Montagu obtained in the way of subscriptions, and that it 

and the vvas not unlikely that their paid secretaries and 

Society, treasurers would set to work to collect facts 

respecting educational destitution in large towns, 

which would, put together, make up most harrowing tales, 

calculated to induce silly women to subscribe to the funds 

of the societies. The truth was, no sane man could give 

credence to the reports of these institutions." 

" The report," wrote Mr. Jesse Collings, the Honorary 
Secretary, in his reply, "is open to any amount of fair 
criticism ; but your Lordship's remarks seem not to have 



THE EDUCATION CONFERENCE 77 

been founded on any examinations of its contents. I enclose 
a report of the Society, in which you will find the list of the 
names of the Committee." 

Lord Robert's explanation did him as little credit as 
his original statement. He admitted that his observations 
" were not based on any particular knowledge of your 
Society," with which he was unacquainted and whose report 
he had never seen, " nor were they made with any special 
reference to it " [although he had mentioned the Birming- 
ham Education Society by name] ; but, judging from 
what has occurred in other cases, his Lordship deemed it 
" not unlikely " that the course indicated might be pursued. 

" Such observations," said the Society, " are undeserving 
of further notice or reply." 

This charge of cooked statistics invented for the benefit 
of paid officials, was specifically made in order to rebut the 
arguments Mr. Forster had drawn from the Birmingham 
Society's figures, at a time when Mr. Dixon, the member for 
Birmingham, was its President and such men as Dr. Temple, 
of Rugby, were among its founders and supporters. 

The Birmingham Conference, held in October, 1869, first 

brought the League prominently before the public. 
Mr. Chamber- fe 1 

Iain's Speech Mr. Chamberlain's speech on that occasion, though 

conference* not his first reported speech on this subject, was 

October 12th, one which assured his position as a leader on the 

education question. It was delivered before an 

audience composed of scholarly and distinguished men of all 

creeds, including some of the most important representatives 

of the working classes, who had emphatically proclaiming 

their adhesion to the League. 

" I believe," said Mr. Chamberlain, " we may say that, 
directly or indirectly, from eight hundred thousand to one 
hundred thousand working men have at these meetings in 
Birmingham given their support to the platform of the 
League. They had a personal interest in this matter. For 
it is not merely a question whether this country shall con- 
tinue to maintain its position among the nations, or whether 



78 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

it shall lag behind in civilisation and leave the victory in 
industrial and intellectual progress to other nations ; but for 
you it is also a question of the future of your own class, 
and perhaps of your families ; and you have to say whether 
they shall enjoy the advantages which education confers, or 
whether they shall remain in the position to which ignorance 
will condemn them even if they do not enter into the ranks 
of pauperism and crime. 

" I should be the last to deny or depreciate the enormous 
sacrifices which have been made by many of the clergy to 
establish and maintain schools. But I say that on their own 
confession their motive has been, not the education of the 
people as a thing which is good in itself, but the maintenance 
of the doctrines of the Church of England. I say that, even 
if they had been a great deal more successful than they 
have really been, it is the worst kind of Conservatism to 
say that because a thing is good of its kind it shall not be 
supplanted by something which is better and more complete. 

" If denominational education is to be extended in England, 
how can you in justice refuse denominational education in 
Ireland {i.e. Roman Catholic education)? And then you 
will have this glorious anomaly in our splendid constitutional 
system ; you will have the State spending money on mutually 
destructive objects ; and the patient people will be called upon 
in one breath to swallow the poison and the antidote and 
to pay the bill for both ! 

" But if this matter of education is taken up by the working 
classes, as we hope and believe it will be, and if it is made 
part of their political programme, then our success is certain, 
and we may yet live to see the glorious time when, prizing 
knowledge as her noblest wealth and best production, this 
Imperial realm, while she exacts allegiance, will admit the 
obligation, on her part, to teach those who are born to serve 
her ; and thus only shall we maintain our position as a great 
nation and guard and protect the highest interests of every 
class of the community." 

It had already been pointed out by Mr. Dixon that to 
refuse education to those to whom the Franchise had been 
given was nothing short of madness ; and it is certain that 
many of the most urgent among the Birmingham Reformers 
u ere fully conscious of the dangers which were to be feared 



PUNCH ON THE LEAGUE 79 

from a community of ignorant voters. The League, in the 
course of its inquiries, had discovered that an enormous 
number of those over nineteen years of age employed in 
the factories could neither read nor write, and they were 
beyond the age of education. The more earnest among 
them attended the night schools and the adult Sunday 
schools ; but what of the others ? 

Consider what such a statement would mean now. In 
the home and in the publichouse, in the train and in 
the workshop, everywhere are working men and women 
and children poring over their papers. Can their repre- 
sentative withhold or bestow his vote — can any statesman 
deliver a speech — without every man in the constituency 
becoming aware (by means of the education he has received) 
of what has been done and said ? Nay, more, can he not 
read for himself the comments of his own and of opposi- 
tion papers on the speech and on the vote and so form 
his own political opinions ? The possibilities of political 
corruption would be enormous, now that the working man's 
vote is so powerful a factor in party struggles, if the average 
working class voter could not read, but was forced to obtain 
his political information and instruction from the speeches 
of rival politicians. 

Punch was not without its word of commendation for 
the efforts of the Birmingham League. Till now " Brum- 
magem " had been a term of reproach : — 

" But henceforth, since the movement begun 

By Dixon, Mundella & Co. 
For getting a mighty work done, 

That seemed talked to death long ago — 
Let us hope, with new meaning annexed, 

The Brummagem title to see 
Worn by those who solve questions long vexed 

And make things that have but seemed, to be. 

"Of all the hardwares that e'er came 

From brain-pan 'neath a Brummagem brow, 
The greatest for profit and fame, 

If the hardest, is this they're at now: 



80 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

To new mould the England to come ! 

Heaven's mint mark to bring out anew ! 
The brain-blind, brain-deaf, and brain-dumb 

With new eyes, ears, and tongues to endue ! 

" Here's a Birmingham Union arra)'ed 

For work, before which shrinks to naught 
All her ancient trade unions essayed. 

Of her currency doctors have taught 
To bring words into fruitage of act, 

Aspirations to turn into deeds, 
To make education a fact, 

Spite of clashing of churches and creeds. 

" God-speed unto her and to all 

Who for this work put hand to her hand. 
Roar forges and sledge-hammers fall, — 

When was forging or casting so grand ? 
Showy face for mean matter till now 

Twas Birmingham's business to plan, 
Her new work's to make substance of show 

In our schools, and her metal is — Man ! " 

Mr. Chamberlain was Vice-President of the Provisional 

Political Committee of the League during its formation, 
work and Chairman of the Executive Council when it 

League, was fully organised. The first work it undertook 
1869 - was to prepare a Bill, based upon the principles 
of the League, for introduction into the House of Commons 
during the next session of Parliament. But though the 
League prepared their own measure, they were quite ready 
to accept Mr. Forster's if only it embodied their principles. 
They wisely acknowledged that their experience of purely 
legislative work was small. 

Great, therefore, was the disgust of the League when they 
found that he was proceeding upon altogether denomi- 
national lines. The distrust of him, first expressed at the 
Conference, was not altogether unfounded. 

" I fear," said Cremer, a working man, " Mr. Forster is 
likely to bring in a Bill based upon the denominational 
system. Some people are against the programme of the 




otoby] [Draycott. 

EARLIEST KNOWN PORTRAIT OF 
MR. CHAMBERLAIN. 




Photo by] [Draycott 

FROM A PHOTO OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN 
WHEN A BIRMINGHAM TOWN COUN- 
CILLOR. 





Photo by] [Draycott. 

FROM A PHOTO OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN 

TAKEN DURING HIS MAYORALTY. 



Photo by] [Elliott & Fry. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN IN 1888, AT THE TIME 

OF HIS MARRIAGE TO MISS ENDICOTT. 



THE LEAGUE AND THE EDUCATION BILL 81 

League because a policeman must be called in to enforce 
it. For my part I should be very glad to see a policeman 
drag a child to school if I thought there was a reasonable 
prospect that by that means he would be saved dragging 
him to gaol in after years. The old do-nothing policy has 
passed away for ever, and has been succeeded by a deter- 
mination on the part of the people to do something useful 
and to do it well." 

Though the League was dissatisfied with Forster's Bill, 
"we do not," said Mr. Chamberlain at a meeting in the 
Town Hall (March 7th, 1870), called to discuss the Bill, 
"commit this meeting to a position of hostility to Her 
Majesty's Government. I have great faith in the fairness 
of the Ministry." 

There were few things which made him more indignant 
throughout this contest than the assertion that in asking 
for an extension of education which should be unsectarian, 
the League was encouraging irreligion. 

" No proposal can be justly open to such a charge which 
has for its sole object the material and moral advancement 
of the great bulk of the people, and which will maintain 
the great principles of religious freedom and religious equality 
which have made this nation what it is, and which seeks to 
lay far and wide those solid foundations upon which alone 
a worthy faith can be established." 

Before Forster's Bill became law Mr. Chamberlain had 
Chamberlain attracted Bright's attention by a speech on the 
Bright? educa tion question at a breakfast meeting held 
Attention, in connection with the League. 

"The League," he said, "would far rather the whole 
measure were postponed than that half-measures should 
be thrust upon them which would satisfy no party, but 
delay the proper solution of the matter perhaps for another 
decade, and until it would be too late for this country to 
overtake the progress which more enlightened nations would 
make in the meantime." 

6 



82 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

When he sat down Mr. Bright turned to a member of 
the League and expressed his surprise and his admiration 
very warmly, saying that Mr. Chamberlain had certainly 
a career before him, and he should expect to hear more of 
him in the future. 

After the National Education League was fairly started 
Mr. Chamberlain went away for a much-needed holiday. At 
Ilfracombe he received a letter asking him to stand as 
Councillor for St. Paul's Ward in the approaching Municipal 
election. A contest was not expected. 

He wrote in answer saying that he appreciated the honour 

Mr offered to him, but that he so much needed rest 

Councillor that he could not return for the election. If, 
Chamberlain. , , , /-...,, i 

November, however, the burgesses were of opinion that he 

1869, could serve them, he would put himself into their 
hands. Accordingly Mr. Chamberlain was returned un- 
opposed as a member of the Birmingham Town Council 
in November, 1869. 

This election was of service to Mr. Chamberlain in his 
educational work. He almost immediately raised the question 
in the Council of local aid for the schools ;-«and when, in 1870, 
he became a member of the first School Board, he was able 
to assist the Liberal party, both on the Board and in the 
Council, very materially in their protest against paying fees 
(levied by means of the local rates) to undenominational 
schools. 

Despite the opposition of a large and united body of 

educationalists, including both Churchmen and 

school Board. Dissenters, Forster's Bill became law in 1870, and 

N °i873 )er ' i mme diately all over the country the first school 

boards came into possession of their kingdom. 

For the first three years Mr. Chamberlain and his friends, 

R. W. Dale, George Dawson, Charles Vince, George Dixon 

(the indefatigable President of the League), and J. S. Wright 

(President of the Liberal Association), were in a minority. 

" By grasping improperly at the whole fifteen seats," says 
Mr. C. E. Mathews in a review of Mr. Chamberlain's work, 



MEMBER OF THE SCHOOL BOARD 83 

" we only got six. That mistake gave Mr. Chamberlain the 
opportunity of showing what could be done by the bold and 
fearless leader of a minority. What historic fights took place 
on the Board — fights in which Chamberlain, Dale, Dawson, 
and Vince all greatly distinguished themselves! And then, 
when, three years later, Joseph Chamberlain became leader 
of the majority and Chairman of the Board, he showed a 
different and even a superior kind of capacity. I had the 
pleasure of hearing his valedictory address, when he gave 
a description of the six years' work of the School Board 
(1876) ; and I remember that his partisans and his opponents 
alike cheered him when he stated that he left behind him 
the recollection of no event which he could either regret 
or deplore." 

Another writer said : — 

" There is nothing, perhaps, to compare with these debates 
in the archives of any other provincial majority. In tactics, 
in the arrangements in private council of the plan of the 
battle, and above all in the scheme concocted on the spur of 
the moment to avoid checkmate on a sudden and unexpected 
contingency, — in these things Chamberlain was supreme." 

But it must not be supposed that he was fighting for 
fighting's sake. There were two great questions to be 
decided. Should the ratepayers' money be used to pay the 
fees for children who attended denominational schools, or 
not — and should religious teaching be given in the board 
schools ? 

In his speech at Bedford Mr. Jesse Collings had said : — 

" Mr. Forster boasted that ' he would canter over the 
religious difficulty.' How did he do it? With a want of 
statesmanship never equalled. He threw down a firebrand 
in every district in England to stir up religious strife and 
bitterness. Witness Rochdale, Swansea, Birmingham, and 
other towns where the councils have refused to pay the 
precepts." 

To such a pass did the dispute grow that a demand for 
a payment of £4,000 due to the School Board was refused 



84 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

by four-fifths of the Birmingham Town Council ; and the 

opposition continued until a mandamus was issued by the 

Court of Queen's Bench. A compromise was at last effected, 

by which the Board undertook to make no payments from 

the rates to any denominational schools other than industrial. 

Many of the ratepayers had resolved to be distrained 

upon sooner than pay what they regarded as a new Church 

rate, levied by the obnoxious twenty-fifth clause, which 

produced so much bitterness. This clause empowered school 

boards to pay fees to denominational schools in cases of 

poverty. 

From 1873 to ^76 the Liberal Eight were in a majority 

_ „ , on the Board. The new members were Miss 
The Second 
School Board. Sturge and Mr. Jesse Collings. The religious 

difficulty was got over in Birmingham at first 

by the creation of a Religious Education Society, which 

provided voluntary teachers in each denomination. But after 

a time voluntary effort slackened, and as a compromise the 

Bible was read daily without note or comment. 

The discontent with Forster's Act was so great that it 

became a serious question whether the Leaguers should not 

secede from the Liberal party and run candidates of their 

own pledged to the repeal of the hated clause. Deputation 

after deputation waited upon Gladstone and Forster to 

explain their views, but their remonstrances obtained little 

attention as a rule. Mr. C. E. Mathews says : — 

" I remember on one occasion accompanying Mr. Cham- 
berlain to Downing Street on a deputation to Mr. Glad- 
stone and to Mr. Forster ; and the manner in which he 
secured the earnest and rapt attention of Mr. Gladstone, 
while purposely ruffling the temper of Mr. Forster, was not 
easily to be forgotten. 

Very bitter was the indignation that Mr. Gladstone should 
have bribed the Irish Catholics with undenominational 
education while refusing it to the Nonconformists, his most 
loyal supporters. 



THE LIBERALS AND THE LEAGUE 85 

Determined to make the repeal of the clause which they 
Fight for so mucn hated a party matter, the Dissenters, 

the Repeal led by Dr. Dale and Mr. Chamberlain, swept 
of the . J c . . . . r 

Twenty-fifth the country Irom end to end, organising even 

Clause. a Scottish campaign, to lay their case before 
the people. 

In the election of 1874 no fewer than three hundred out 
of four hundred and twenty-five Liberal candidates had 
pledged themselves to vote and to work for the repeal of 
the famous twenty-fifth clause. The platform of agreement 
was made as broad as possible, and it must not be supposed 
that the clerical party were unitedly the opponents of the 
League policy. Those of them who firmly believed that 
religious education was not the work of paid teachers in 
school hours, but the proper care of religious teachers at 
stated times, found they shared with their Nonconformist 
colleagues the opprobrious epithets by which the members 
of the League were known. "Infidels," "atheists," "oppo- 
nents of the Bible and its teaching," were a few of them. 
Yet George Dixon, President of the League, was an ardent 
Churchman, who worked all his life with Unitarians, 
he was supported by a Roman Catholic priest x and by 
Evangelical Dissenters, for the cause of unsectarian education 
as opposed to denominational. 

Mr. Chamberlain's position as President of the League, his 
unwearied efforts, his constant speeches, his bitter denuncia- 
tions of the clerical and Tory party, and his fierce denials 
of the charges of infidelity and atheism flung at the League, 
brought him into a prominent position in the political 
world. He never lost sight of the fact that the end which 
the League had in view was to be obtained only by means of 
political agitation and political machinery. No sooner was 
he in the Town Council than he raised the question there. 
Education, like King Charles's head, crept in everywhere — 
into ward meetings, congratulatory dinners, at the Church 

1 Canon O'Sullivan, who was, it must be owned, unusually neutral on 
religious questions 



86 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of the Messiah lectures, at breakfast meetings and prize 
distributions. At Leicester, Scarborough, Manchester, New- 
castle, Stroud, Smethwick, Bradford, Leeds, Bolton, 
Stockport, Sheffield, he had spoken on this question before 
he was for the first time Mayor of Birmingham, in 1873. 

And he was throughout well reported. Some men are always 
well served in this respect, others always ill-treated. Few 
speeches have been so well reported as Mr. Chamberlain's. 
His utterance was clear and forcible, and from the first he 
had the faculty of interesting his audience ; he might make 
them furious, he might delight them, but at least they were 
eager to listen : few men would leave a hall when he was 
speaking, either then or now ; fewer still would l.eave it with- 
out an increase either of their dislike or of theifr admiration 
of the speaker. 

" I would sooner have the hate of any man than his 
contempt," said Mr. Chamberlain (October, 1899) ; and from 
the earliest days when he appeared on a public platform he 
has had his desire. 



CHAPTER VIII 
A RADICAL LEADER 
1870— 1873 

FIRST CHARGE OF REPUBLICANISM— WHY MADE— FIRST ARTICLE : 
"THE LIBERAL PARTY AND ITS LEADERS "—FIRST PROGRAMME : 
" FREE CHURCH, FREE LAND, FREE LABOUR, FREE SCHOOLS " — 
CONTESTS SHEFFIELD AS AN ADVANCED LIBERAL, JANUARY, 1 874. 

IN 1869, when Mr. Chamberlain entered the Council, he 
had married again, and the close tie which already 
existed between the Chamberlain and Kenrick families 
was drawn closer by this marriage, for his second 

Second ° 

Marriage, wife, Florence, was a daughter of Mr. Timothy 
Kenrick, and a cousin of his first wife. 

In the circle in which he and his wife moved were men 
of considerable literary and scientific attainments, many of 
whom were animated by a keen interest in the fortunes of 
the town, and in the ultimate triumph of Liberal principles. 

It is true Mr. Chamberlain had not had the advantage 
of a University training, but its loss was largely compensated 
for by his wide reading, his accurate knowledge of the trend 
of contemporary thought and literature, and by his mastery 
of facts and figures bearing on political questions ; while 
his practical acquaintance with the actual condition of the 
poor in our large towns, together with his sympathetic 
appreciation of the miserable position of the agricultural 
labourer, entitled him to an attentive hearing when he 
wrote or spoke on the reforms which should be adopted in 
their interests. 

87 



88 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Considering his surroundings and education, it would have 

been as unlikely as it was absurd that Mr. Chamberlain 

should be an agitator of the street-corner type. Yet that 

something of the sort was expected from him, even so late 

as 1874, when in his first year of Mayoralty the Prince 

of Wales visited Birmingham, is certain. 

The almost universal assertion then was that the Mayor 

of Birmingham was a Republican, and, preposterous as it 

now seems, some apprehension was felt as to his probable 

behaviour in the presence of Royalty — an apprehension which 

deepened when it became known that the Princess was to 

accompany her husband. Was it possible that the adored 

Princess would have cause to regret her visit ? 

If Mr. Chamberlain, at the beginning of his municipal 

and political career, was a Republican, was he accepted 

by that Party as one of themselves and what was the 

nature and extent of his Republicanism ? These questions 

can best be answered by Mr. Chamberlain himself. It 

was in 1870 that the first whispers of his Republican 

leanings were heard. On September 12th he spoke in 

support of a resolution expressing sympathy with the new 

French Republic. 

On this occasion he offered to the French people his cordial 

congratulations on having exchanged an empire — "founded 

in murder, continued in fraud, and which perished in 

corruption," — for a free Republic, and pointed out to those 

" who took so strong an objection to the idea of a Republic 

that there was really no practical difference between a free 

constitutional monarchy, such as ours, and a free Republic." 

In November, 1872, Mr. Chamberlain attended an Electoral 

Electoral Reform Congress at St. James's Hall, London, 

Reform as a delegate from the Birmingham Liberal 
Congress. , ° ° 

November, Association, the Central Nonconformist Associa- 

1372 

tion (which was fighting Forster's Act), and the 
Birmingham Republican Club. At a later date he said : — 

" There is some misapprehension attaching to the statement 
that I represented a Republican club. It is true I agreed 



WAS HE A REPUBLICAN 89 

to appear as a delegate, but I was not a member of the 
Club, which was of no importance in Birmingham, and their 
proposal that I should represent them was made without 
my knowledge. I was attending the Congress on behalf 
of the Birmingham Liberal Association." 

As this Congress was concerned with Electoral Reform, the 
Republicans, as electors, naturally wished to be represented. 
Mr. Chamberlain, however, in his speech, did not touch upon 
the question of Republicanism, but dealt with the necessity 
for Redistribution and equal electoral districts, quoting 
figures to show the absurd working of the existing franchise 
law, and holding up to ridicule the anomalous representation 
which existed in his own district. Thus Birmingham, with 
a population of 343,000, was a single constituency with three 
members, which for all effective purposes could, by means 
of the Minority vote, be reduced to one member. The 
three adjoining counties, with a population of 320,000 were 
divided into thirteen constituencies, with twenty members, as 
against Birmingham's possible three. The Minority Clause, 
he said, frittered away the rights of the majority and was 
"an unmitigated nuisance." 

Mr. Chamberlain's appearance, although in an informal 
manner, as the representative of a Republican club was the 
signal for much comment and disapproval. He availed 
himself of an opportunity which occurred a month later to 
explain his political views, when he was proposing the 
health of the Queen at a dinner held in St. Paul's Ward 
(December 6th, 1872): — 

" I have been taxed with professing Republicanism. I 

Nature of h ° ld ' and Very ^ ew mteln 'gent m en do not now 
Mr. Chamber- hold, that the best form of Government for a free 

Iain's Be- and enlightened people is that of a Republic, and 
puDiicamsin. «.t« j. ■ r e ?-• . » 

1872. that Is a i° rm of Government to which the nations 

of Europe are surely and not very slowly tending. 

But at the same time I am not at all prepared to enter into 

an agitation in order to upset the existing state of things, 

to destroy monarchy, and to change the name of the titular 



9 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

ruler of this country. I do not consider that name a matter 
of the slightest importance. What is of real importance is 
the spread of a real Republican spirit among the people. 
The idea, to my mind, that underlies Republicanism is this : 
that in all cases merit should have a fair chance, that it 
should not be handicapped in the race by any accident of 
birth or privilege ; that all men should have equal rights 
before the law, equal chances of serving their country." 

He concluded by saying : — 

" In honouring this toast we are honouring the popular 
authority, the popular will, and the supremacy of law and 
order which the head of the State represents, and are doing 
honour to the personal virtues which distinguish the lady 
who now occupies the throne and who has endeared herself 
to the hearts of her people." 

" I have never," he said, in speaking a little later on this 
subject, " in public or in private advocated Republicanism 
for this country. We may be tending in that direction, but 
I hold that the time has not arrived yet, even if it ever 
arrives ; and I hold also that Radicals and Liberals have 
quite enough practical reforms to strive after, without wasting 
their time in what seems to me a very remote speculation." 

The truth is that in 1874, the year when speculations 
were rife as to the cordiality of Mr. Chamberlain's reception 
of the Prince of Wales, he was, in fact, not acknowledged as 
a Republican by the leaders of that party. In a collection 
of notices of "English Radical Leaders" (1875), written 
from the American point of view, the writer says — 

"If at any time he has befriended the Republican side 
as a matter of justice, that is only what he has done to 
many other movements, the general principles and intentions 
of which he may or may not have approved. No doubt the 
Republican party would gain by having Mr. Chamberlain on 
their side, but it is only a matter of decency to wait till 
he has so declared himself. For the present they should 
treat him as a possible future friend. . . . 

" He is a man of marked promise, though his future value 
is to be best estimated by the opinions of those who differ 



HIS FIRST PROGRAMME 9 i 

from him. A representative man in the best sense of the 
well-to-do English middle class, Mr. Chamberlain has already 
achieved, without any fortuitous aids, a position of considerable 
influence. It is not too much to say that his opinions are 
largely instrumental in moulding the demands of advanced 
Radical or Liberal politics in Great Britain." 

Mr. Chamberlain, then, being removed from the ranks of 
the Republicans, finds a place with the Radicals or advanced 
Liberals, to whom he very soon proposed his first programme, 
" Free Church, Free Land, and Free Schools." 

It is generally supposed that it was first advocated in the 
article " The Liberal Party and its Leaders," which appeared 
in the Fortnightly (September, 1873), and created con- 
siderable sensation and much discussion. But <a year before 
Mr. Chamberlain wrote this article he had laid before his 
supporters at a ward meeting, this same advanced Liberal 
programme, which he advised the leaders of the party to 
consider seriously. At this time, though in the autumn 
of 1872 his work on the National Education League had, 
of course, attracted considerable attention, he occupied the 
position of a provincial Town Councillor only. 

An advanced Liberal, as he understood the term, was, 
he said, " a person who would not be debarred from going 
to the root of the evil by any privilege, any precedent, or 
any custom — 

' Custom, which all mankind to slavery brings, 
That dull excuse for doing stupid things.' 

If such pauperism as then existed, when one in fifteen of 

Autumn, 1872. the P°P ulati °n receive Poor Law relief, could 

speech to be shown to be the effect of injurious legislation, 

EiecTors* lt was the dut ^ and the P rovin ce of Liberalism to 
endeavour to remedy it. They were told the 
Liberal programme was exhausted. One chapter might be 
nearly closed, but they had a long way to go before reaching 
the third volume. If, however, the leaders were exhausted, 
it was the duty of the rank and file to press upon their 
attention matters of importance. 



92 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" Some time ago, it seemed to me that it would not be 
a bad future platform for the Liberal party if they adopted 
this line : ' Free Church, Free Schools, Free Land.' It 
seems to me that might occupy the leisure hours of the 
Government during the next few years, and its accomplish- 
ment would materially affect the welfare and happiness of 
the people — would materially increase them. I am not 
sanguine enough to hope that these reforms can be carried 
out by the House of Commons as at present constituted ; 
but I hope the time is coming when every man in the 
country will have a vote in its government, and when the 
anomalies now existing will be swept away by adult suffrage 
and equal electoral districts. Then, when these little re- 
forms are accomplished, I think it probable I may go in 
for examination as a very tolerable Conservative. But till 
that time comes I hope I may continue to call myself a 
Liberal, to be proud of the past which has accomplished so 
much, and prouder still if I may myself in any small way 
assist in the further triumph which that party is destined 
to secure." 



In the end of 1873 he published the first of his Fortnightly 
articles, " The Liberal Party and its Leaders," and added to 
the above programme "Free Labour," which he believed 
would be carried before any of the other reforms. 

Mr. Chamberlain's claim to be considered the champion 
of progressive legislation for the working classes is nowhere 
better exemplified than in this article. 

The great majority of our people, he says, are, rightly 
or wrongly, possessed by a deep sense of in- 

Arttcie. justice and wrong, and believe that they are the 

SeP i8^ bei " victims of class legislation directed against them- 

" The Liberal selves. Consideration of their grievances has been 

Leaders." refused by their nominal champion, the Liberal 
Government, which on all the great questions of 
the day is inarticulate or indefinite. The future programme 
of Liberalism must provide practical remedies for practical 
grievances. " We shall do no good by denying the existence 
of evils which we do not personally feel." The great bulk 



FREE LABOUR AND FREE LAND 93 

of the nation could no longer be considered as savages to 
be repressed or as children ignorant of their true interests. 
"The Act of 1867 has made them participators in the 
labour and responsibility of government ; and if they 
are uneasy or discontented, we have to seek with them, 
as well as for them, the causes and remedies of their 
dissatisfaction." 

Here is expressed in a sentence the ultimate and legitimate 
end of all truly " popular government." 

Four reforms were urgently needed — Free Labour, Free 
Land, Free Church, Free Schools. 

In discussing the question of Free Labour Mr. Chamber- 

1. Free l am asserts the right of working men " to have 
Labour. SO me voice in the conditions on which they shall 

give their labour." Soon both Liberals and Tories would 
find that the labouring classes insisted on having their claims 
considered. If those who viewed with alarm and disgust 
the growing power of trades' unions could not be brought 
to realise the unreasonableness of their fears, they might 
at least be convinced of the futility of their opposition. 
Capital should not be left without fair remuneration ; but 
from the ability and fairness shown by working men in 
co-operative societies he had no reason to believe they would 
show themselves unfair or incapable of self-denial. If, how- 
ever, the capitalists' only dread was " the probability that in 
times to come labour will insist on a larger share of the 
profits of trade than has hitherto been voluntarily accorded 
by capital, they do not deserve, and they will not obtain, 
much sympathy." 

Free Land was needed chiefly in the interests of the 

2. Free agricultural labourer, and it was outlined in the 
Land - article with sufficient clearness to make it a practical 

reform. The cheap and ready transfer of small properties, 
the removal of the injurious restrictions of primogeniture and 
entail, and the enforced recognition of the tenant's right 
to his unexhausted improvements, " are changes imperatively 
demanded, both by expediency and by justice." 



94 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

A Free Church would remove a source of division, and set 

3. Free a t liberty agencies for good which were being 
church, wasted in fruitless conflict and competition, opening 

the way to reforms now hampered by sectarian jealousy. 
Free Schools were necessary if compulsory education was 

4. Free to be anything but a sham ; but Mr. Chamberlain 
schools, evidently considered the country not yet ripe for 

the measure at this time, though it should be an integral 
part of an advanced Liberal programme. 

Mr. Chamberlain pointed out that the Liberal party would 
not be again reunited till a new programme had been 
elaborated which should satisfy the "just expectations of 
the representatives of labour, as well as conciliate the Non- 
conformists who have been driven into rebellion." 

There was no lack of plain speaking or of serious 
warning in his impeachment of the Liberal Ministry, which 
" now confines itself to preparing Bills which are meant to 
be withdrawn, and which pass into the limbo of unaccom- 
plished legislation ' unwept, unhonoured, and unsung.' " Some 
day, he predicted, we should be startled "by the abrupt 
and possibly inconvenient accomplishment of reforms which 
will throw into the shade the achievements of such a 
Ministry, if we continue much longer to flaunt our wealth 

and luxury in the face of a vast population whose 

Impeachment « , , , . , , , 

f the homes would disgrace a barbarous country, and 

Leaders w ^° are ^ ten unable to procure the barest neces- 
saries of life." It was useless for a Liberal 
Ministry to expect to retain its adherents by a policy which 
hoped to avoid defeat by proposing nothing worthy of 
attack. They had certainly done their best — 

" Agin to impress on the poppylar mind 
The comfort and wisdom of goin' it blind," 

but unsuccessfully. If Conservatism were organised selfish- 
ness, of late Liberalism had been selfishness without organ- 
isation. They had lost sight of principles in fishing for the 
votes of their opponents. Those who set their convictions 



STANDS FOR SHEFFIELD 95 

above their party and valued principles more than persons 
had no alternative but to revolt. They must expect isola- 
tion and unpopularity ; " but if they persevere they will not 
want allies and followers, and their determination will elicit 
sympathy and encourage imitation." 

Possibly Mr. Chamberlain remembered these words when 
he sent in his letter of resignation to Mr. Gladstone in 1886. 

It has been customary to consider that Mr. Chamberlain 
first attracted public attention by his achievements as Mayor 
of Birmingham, and it has been implied that had it not 
been for this work, he might probably have been lost to 
the world of politics or have taken a very unimportant place 
in it. 

The foregoing account of his early political speeches and 
writings should dispel any such illusion. In September, 1873, 
when he wrote the article which attracted so much attention 
and which proposed a policy ultimately adopted by the 
Liberal party, he had not begun any of those municipal 
reforms on which his earliest claims to recognition are 
supposed to rest. He was not elected Mayor till two months 
later, nor was he at this time a Parliamentary candidate, 
much less a well-known politician. 

Why, therefore, was the article not ignored or con- 
temptuously dismissed as a bold but unworthy bid for 
notoriety by reason of its violent attack on the Liberal 
party ? Because Mr. Chamberlain's indictment of the Liberal 
party was at that time deserved, and the programme he 
suggested as a remedy for its political shortcomings was 
ultimately adopted. 

The General Election of January, 1874, followed almost 

General immediately on Mr. Chamberlain's warnings to 

Election of the Liberal Leaders, and the party was, as he 

expected, defeated. 

It was not remarkable that after the publication of this 

article he should receive an invitation to stand as an 

advanced Liberal candidate ; and at Sheffield, where Mr. 

Mundella, an old League friend, was with him and 



96 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Mr. Roebuck against him, Mr. Chamberlain made a capital 
fight. He was, however, beaten by a thousand 
Chamberlain votes, fortunately for Birmingham. Had the 
aJJjJJ" electors of Sheffield been able to avail them- 
selves of his services in Parliament for a year or 
two, it is not very likely they would have given him up to 
any other constituency. 

That he intended to offer himself as candidate for another 
seat was no secret, and the Birmingham Town Crier, a 
semi-serious, semi-sarcastic journal, pokes a little fun at him 
on his return from Sheffield : — 

"A MODERN ULYSSES. 

" I cannot rest from canvass — I have tried. . . . 
Much have I seen and known — meetings of wards, 
Mass meetings, school boards, councils, caucuses — 
Myself not silent, heard among them all. . . . 
'Tis not too late to seek another seat; 

For my purpose holds 
To rise above the council and the board 
And sit in Parliament before I die. 
It may be I shall reach the Happy House, 
And see the great Mundella whom I knew." 

His second article, " The Next Page of the Liberal 
Programme," which provoked, if anything, still greater re- 
sentment and attention, was written at the close of his first 
year of Mayoralty (October, 1874). Thus it will be seen that 
Mr. Chamberlain the politician was a person to be reckoned 
with quite apart from Mr. Chamberlain the Mayor, who was 
then attracting notice of a different kind. 

It is characteristic of Mr. Chamberlain that he should have 
begun his career by a demand for a stronger policy from his 
own party. He had been accused of being the inventor or 
proprietor of a patent " Vote-as-you're-told " electioneering 
machine ; but, to the amazement of his opponents, he an- 
nounced his arrival on the political battlefield by challenging 
the policy of his own leaders. The liberty he would not 
accord to his fellow-men he demanded for himself, said his 



MUNICIPAL AND POLITICAL WORK 97 

critics. A little reflection will show the essential difference 
between voting as told to secure the return of a repre- 
sentative who can take action in the House and voting at the 
bidding of a Government who will not take action at all. 
The vote of the many in the constituency is to secure the 
return of the one who represents most nearly their opinions ; 
the vote of that member in a division is not to secure the 
continuance in power of his own party merely or chiefly, 
but to effect the legislation to which he is pledged to his 
constituents. 

The following table of dates shows the relation between 
Mr. Chamberlain's municipal and political work before he 
entered Parliament : — 

1872. Autumn. Mr. Chamberlain at a ward meeting asks for 

" Free Church, Free Schools, Free Land," 
as the next Liberal programme. 

1873. Sept. Fortnightly article, "The Liberal Party and 

its Leaders," elaborating this programme. 

Nov. Elected Mayor of Birmingham. 

1874. Jan. General election. Stands for Sheffield ; is 

defeated. 

„ Purchase of Gasworks proposed. Negoti- 

ations on foot and Bill prepared during 
following months. 

May. Proposed extension of free libraries and 

Art Gallery. 
June. Foundation stone of municipal buildings 

laid. Declaration of municipal policy. 

Oct. Second Fortnightly article, "The Next Page 

of the Liberal Programme." 

Nov. Prince of Wales's visit. Accusation of 

Republicanism. Punch's famous cartoon 
and verses on Mr. Chamberlain. Re- 
elected Mayor. Second year of work 
begins. 

7 



9 8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Dec. Purchase of Waterworks proposed. Bill 

for purchase unanimously approved by 
Council, and ratepayers' meeting later. 

1875. April. Waterworks Bill in progress. Mr. Chamber- 

lain conducts case for Corporation before 
House of Commons. 

July. Gas and Water Bills read. Receive Royal 

Assent, August. 

„ Gas and Water Committee appointed. 

„ Improvement Scheme proposed ; Committee 

appointed. 

Nov. Finally adopted by Council. 

„ Re-elected Mayor. Third year of work 

begins. 

1876. June. Improvement Bill before House of Com- 

mons. Royal Assent, August. 

Resigns Mayoralty and Chairmanship of 
School Board. 

„ Elected Member of Parliament for Birming- 

ham. 



CHAPTER IX 
"MR. MAYOR." GENERAL MUNICIPAL WORK 

THE BIRMINGHAM TOWN COUNCIL — EARLY DAYS — THE REFORMERS 
—MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S SUPPORTERS — HIS MUNICIPAL POLICY — 
COUNCIL HOUSE— THE PRINCE'S VISIT — GIFTS TO THE TOWN. 

THE reputation of the Birmingham Town Council when 
Mr. Chamberlain joined it as Councillor (1869) wa s 
not of a kind to encourage cultivated men to take up public 
work for the Corporation. 

" Those who remember the early days of the Council," 

Early Days savs Mr - Bunce in his "History of the Corpora- 

ofthe tion," " associate it with frequent discussions of a 

council, disorderly character, reckless imputations, unwise 
and even impossible projects of financial reform, protracted 
meetings, speeches of interminable length — so prolix that 
the Council once made a standing order restricting speeches 
to fifteen minutes each — and, as the consequence, the frequent 
retirement of valuable members, resignation of committees, 
neglect of public interests, and general confusion. . . . 

" The credit of the Corporation was impaired, and so many 
efficient members of the Council had been sickened of public 
life that the status of the governing body had been lowered 
— so much so, indeed, that with certain classes of the town, 
including persons who ought to have taken a higher view 
of the duties of citizenship, the Council became a by-word 
and an object of aversion, and even of professed contempt. . . . 

" But such a state of things could not last. Birmingham 
was becoming too important, and public opinion too well 
instructed, not to desire a higher method of conducting 
municipal business. . . . 

" One by one leading citizens came back into the Council, . . . 

99 
LofC. 



ioo THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

and the first work they had to do was to combat the leaders 
of the dominant section. It was a task of real difficulty, 
and by no means a pleasant thing. ... At a later period 
the powerful aid of Mr. Joseph Chamberlain and those who 
were glad to acknowledge him as their leader . . . contributed 
to develop a new phase of municipal government. . . . 

" The quality of the Council continued steadily and rapidly 
to improve : a higher standard of public duty was established, 
capable citizens recognised the obligation of taking part in 
the government of the town, and a series of important 
enterprises was entered upon, under the brilliant administra- 
tion of Mr. Chamberlain, resulting in the acquisition of 
the gas- and water-works, the development of the Health 
Department, and the institution of the Improvement Scheme." 

When Mr. Chamberlain joined the Council there were only 
three members (Messrs. Avery, Jesse Collings, and Harris) 
who sympathised with his ideals of municipal government ; 
but no exertions were spared to induce capable and energetic 
men holding similar views to present themselves for election. 
He devoted himself ardently to the cause, speaking frequently 
in the wards and enlisting recruits for the Council. The 
numbers of the Reform party grew steadily, and only four 
years after he became a member of it a crowning effort 
was made. Every ward in the town was contested amid 
excitement which rivalled that of a General Election, and 
on the polling day a large crowd assembled to wait for 
the announcement of the results. The Reformers came in 
with a very large majority, and immediately elected Mr. 
Chamberlain as Mayor (November, 1873). 

Strong as the Reformers now were in the Council, it cannot 
be doubted that they owed much of their success to the 
generous assistance they received from prominent public 
men outside the Council. No history of this phase of 
Birmingham life would be complete without a reference 
to the warm sympathy and the effective aid given by the 
Nonconformist ministers, and by some of the clergy of 
the Church of England, to the work of the Reformers by 
preaching the " Municipal Gospel," as Dr. Dale termed it. 



THE MUNICIPAL GOSPEL 101 

George Dawson, who was attached to no denomination ; 
Dr. Dale, the Congregationalist ; Charles Vince, the Baptist ; 
and Dr. Crosskey, the Unitarian, were foremost in supporting 
the Reform party in the Council ; but the two former probably 
exerted the strongest influence. 

Each of these men was willing to give credit to the others 
for their work. Dr. Dale says of Mr. Dawson : — 

" The original creation of this new spirit was, I believe, due 
to the late Mr. George Dawson more than to any other man. 
For many years he had been teaching that, unless the best 
and ablest men in the community were willing to serve it, 
new laws could not work any great reformation, and that 
it was the duty of those who derived their prosperity and 
opportunities of culture from the community to become its 
servants. 

" Mr. Dawson was the prophet of the new movement. But 
Mr. Dawson had not the kind of faculty necessary for putting 
faith into practice. . . . 

" This was largely done by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, who 
began to show proof of those great powers which have since 
been recognised by the nation. . . . Mr. Chamberlain gave 
himself to the work with a contagious enthusiasm. . . . He 
used his social influence to add strength to the movement. 
He appealed in private to men of ability who cared nothing 
for public life, and he showed how much they might do for 
the town if they would go into the Council ; he insisted that 
what they were able to do it was their duty to do. He dreamt 
dreams and saw visions of what Birmingham might become, 
and resolved that he, for his part, would do his utmost to 
fulfil them. . . . 

" It now became the ambition of young men, and cultivated 
men, and men of high social position, to represent a ward 
and to become aldermen and mayors. . . . 

" The new movement was fortunate in securing from the 
first the able support and wise guidance of the Birmingham 
Daily Post. Its editor, Mr. Bunce, was the trusted friend and 
adviser of the leaders, and the intimate personal friend of 
the most important of them. Through the columns of the 
most powerful newspaper in the midland counties the new 
ideas about municipal life and duty were pressed on the 
whole community." 



io2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Dr. Dale's zeal on behalf of the town was not surpassed 
by that of Mr. Chamberlain himself. The support of such 
a man was invaluable. 

" For that fair ideal of municipal life," he said, " which for 
many years past we have been trying to realise, I have felt 
a passionate enthusiasm. ... It has been my happiness and 
my pride to sustain, according to my limited measure of 
strength and resources, those whose powers and whose zeal 
have made them the leaders of this movement. They have 
been good enough to accept me as a comrade. I have shared 
their hopes ; I have accepted their principles ; I have watched 
their work with admiration ; I have exulted in their triumph." 

Unfortunately none of the ministers of religion were legally 

eligible to sit on the Council. 

Mr. Chamberlain was fully sensible of the assistance he 

thus received, and on the occasion of his election 

Iain's as Member for Birmingham he paid a generous 
Supporters. tribute to Dr Dale > s work f or the town ._ 

" I have seen a statement that I go to Parliament as the 
representative of Mr. [Dr.] Dale. 

"Well, if that be so, there is not a representative in the 
House of Commons who will have a better, wiser, or nobler 
constituency. But you will at least remember this — that if 
Dr. Dale has any influence over the fifty thousand electors 
of Birmingham, he owes it to his devotion to their highest 
interests and to his eloquent and outspoken advocacy of all 
that is good and great." 

Mr. Chamberlain's testimony to George Dawson's work 
was equally emphatic : — 

" It is a great thing to be able to say of a man that he has 
influenced the life of a great town like this ; but we know 
that if this town of three hundred thousand inhabitants has 
its special characteristics and distinguishing virtues, which 
have made for it a foremost place in the Empire, these char- 
acteristics and virtues are chiefly due to the teaching of 
George Dawson, and to the works and labours of that school 



THE MAYOR'S DUTIES 103 

of earnest fellow-workers, colleagues, and friends which he 
may be said to have founded in this town." 

In spite of the help which Mr. Chamberlain thus willingly- 
acknowledged, his task was by no means an easy one, and 
it says much for his tact and courtesy, as well as for his 
ability, that the reforms which he proposed, sweeping and 
costly as they were, found almost unanimous acceptance with 
his fellow-Councillors. 

These achievements — the purchase of the Gas- and 

, Water-works, and an extensive Town Improve- 
General r 

Mayoral ment Scheme — are treated of in the following 

Work 

chapter. The general mayoral work in a town 
such as Birmingham is very varied and onerous, and requires 
a chapter to itself. 

"It is by no means easy," said Mr. Bunce, "to estimate 
the amount or the value of the work done by such a Town 
Council as that of Birmingham — the time and thought 
required and the heavy sacrifices entailed. . . . Some of the 
chairmen of the most important committees give steadily, the 
year through, almost daily attendance, and others are closely 
occupied for two or three days in each week, while nearly 
all give up as much time as the head of a manufacturing or 
commercial firm usually devotes to his private business. . . . 

"The Mayor ... is expected, not only to represent the 
Corporation on all public, official, and ceremonial occasions, 
but also to make himself acquainted with the detailed 
business of each department. Practically for his year of office 
the whole time of the Chief Magistrate is given up to the 
public, and this involves attendance at the Council House 
and service in its Committee Rooms literally from morning 
to evening, with rare intervals for repose and relaxation." 

During Mr. Chamberlain's first year of office the foundation 

council stone of the Council House was laid amid general 

mdati n ent husiasm. It was fully time that the town 

stone Laid, should possess suitable municipal buildings. In 

the old days the administrative departments of 

the borough were not under one roof, but dispersed through 



io 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

several buildings, to the great hindrance and confusion of 
public business, while the Mayor had literally no place to 
call his own. " Until 1862, when the Council agreed to pay 
for a single room for him at the Town Clerk's office, he 
had either no room at all or had to pay for one out of his 
own pocket." 

The site on which the Council House stands was bought 
as far back as 1853, but no real attempt was made to use it 
until 1868. Plans were sent in and accepted in 1871, and 
the corner stone was laid by Mr. Chamberlain in June, 1874. 
Mr. Chamberlain celebrated this important municipal event 
by a luncheon at the Great Western Hotel, and at his 
expense a great display of fireworks was given in the 
evening at Aston Park. 

During the ceremony of the stone-laying he expressed his 
delight that there would now be, not only a place for 
Corporation business, but one in which many meetings (for 
which the Town Hall was unsuitable) might be held. How 
many worthy projects had found a grave in that subter- 
ranean chamber known as the Town Hall Committee Room ! 

" For many years we have conducted our municipal 
business in a mean and squalid chamber, affording limited 
accommodation but unlimited annoyance. We, the sanitary 
authorities of the borough, should no longer violate in our 
own persons every known rule of health." 

The Mayor then expounded very clearly his views of the 
functions and importance of municipal bodies — views which 
he has never ceased to hold and which he has taken many 
opportunities of emphasising. 

" I have," he said, " an abiding faith in municipal in- 
stitutions ; I have a deep sense of the value and importance 
of local self-government. Our Corporation represents the 
authority of the people ; through us you obtain a full and 
direct representation of the popular will, and consequently 
any disrespect to us, anything which depreciates us in the 
public estimation, necessarily degrades the principles which 



VISIT OF PRINCE OF WALES io5 

we represent, strikes through us at the Constitution itself 
and lowers our authority and public usefulness. It behoves 
us to find fitting accommodation for our local Parliament 
... In erecting buildings worthy of the population and 
importance of Birmingham we are not seeking to gratify 
our personal vanity or any petty sense of self-importance 
but endeavouring to honour great principles of the import- 
ance of which we are firmly convinced, and to show our 
respect for the institutions upon which the welfare and 
happiness of the community very largely depend." 

Mr. Chamberlain took this opportunity of expressing his 
June, 1874. S ratitudeto his colleagues for their support of his 
schemes. During his year of Mayoralty he had 
met with uniform courtesy. In Birmingham, however hot 
their discussion, he said, antagonism was seldom allowed 
to overstep the limits of, or to interfere with, the mutual 
respect and good feeling which ought to characterise the 
private relationship of honourable and worthy opponents. 
" When shortly I lay down the chain of office, I hope I 
may be able to say, as to-day, that my official position has 
brought me many friends, but to my knowledge not a 
single enemy." But Mr. Chamberlain did not lay aside the 
mayoral chain in November. He retained it until June 
1876, when he entered Parliament. 
The next great local event was the visit of the Prince 
visit of and Princess of Wales (November, 1874). It was 
*5f w££ e a brilliant success. Their Royal Highnesses in- 
H °i874 er ' s P ected Gill °tt's pen factory, and the Princess 
electro-plated a vase at Messrs. Elkington's ; they 
were entertained to luncheon by Mr. Chamberlain at the 
rooms of the Society of Artists, (the best place that could 
then be found for so important a function), the Council 
House as yet being merely a skeleton building. 

If rumour can be believed, the Prince was not only pleased 
with his reception, but also "enjoyed himself," to use a 
commonplace phrase. It is possible he was curious to see 
how the Mayor of Birmingham, who had the reputation of 



io6 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

being a theoretic Republican, would acquit himself while 
proposing the health of the Prince and Princess of Wales. 

The Times — which in those days was by no means an 
admirer of Mr. Chamberlain, and one of the bitterest critics 
of his Fortnightly articles, (the second had been published 
the month before this visit) — referred to his speech as being 
couched in a tone of courteous homage, manly independence, 
and gentlemanly feeling. 

After assuring the Prince that both the people and the 
authorities had done their best to offer the Princess and 
himself a hearty welcome, Mr. Chamberlain said : — 

"We are so unaccustomed to the presence of such dis- 
tinguished guests that it is possible we may have failed 
somewhat in the style of manner of our greeting, or in 
the ceremonial which has accompanied it ; but I believe 
their Royal Highnesses will recognise the earnest wish to 
please, and the general satisfaction which their spontaneous 
visit has called forth, and cannot doubt that the result of 
this visit, under such circumstances, will be to draw closer 
the ties between the Throne and the people, and increase 
the popularity already enjoyed by members of the Royal 
House — a popularity based quite as much on their hearty 
sympathy and frank appreciation of the wishes of the nation 
as on their high position and exalted rank. . . ." 

Mr. Chamberlain then thanked the Princess for under- 
going the fatigue of a lengthened progress (in an open 
carriage in November) to gratify the people, who entertained 
a " sentiment of loyal affection and personal attachment for 
the graces of mind and character with which the Princess 
had adorned her life among the English people." 

" This town has long been distinguished, and not without 
cause, for the independence of its citizens, and the freedom 
and outspokenness with which all opinions are discussed ; 
and this fact gives value to the welcome which has been 
offered, and stamps the sincerity of the wishes which are 
everywhere expressed for the continued health of their 
Royal Highnesses." 



PUNCH ON THE MAYOR 107 

Mr. Chamberlain naturally felt some indignation at the 
idea that it would be possible for him to treat the Prince 
and Princess with anything but courtesy. 

" These people seem to forget," he observed, " that a man 
might be a gentleman as well as a Republican, and that 
even an advanced Liberal " [by which name Mr. Chamberlain 
preferred to designate his political opinions] " might not be 
unmindful of the duties of hospitality and the courtesy 
which everyone owes to a guest." 

Punch issued a cartoon representing the Princess cutting 
the claws of the Republican lion (Mr. Chamberlain), with the 
following lines : — 

"OUR BRUMMAGEM LION. 

" Like a gentleman he comported himself in the glare of the Princely sun — 
Has just said what he ought to have said, and done what he ought to 

have done, 
Has put his red cap in his pocket, and sat on his Fortnightly article, 
And of Red Republican claws and teeth displayed not so much as a 

particle." 

The Town Crier published a cantata, " Judicious Joseph," 
in which Joseph is represented as bringing tidings of the 
Prince's visit. The people in chorus ask, — 

"What will the Mayor do— what will he do? 
Will it not place him in a deuce of a stew — 
For how can he meet him or how can he greet him, 
Or how entertain him, address him and treat him ? " 

Joseph replies, — 

" If the Prince I would not meet, 
You'd abuse me on the instant ; 
When I say I will him treat, 
Then, forsooth, I'm inconsistent." 

Mr. Chamberlain as Mayor was not only concerned 
The Mayor with sewers and slums, but with the citizens' 

and recreation and culture. He was greatly in favour 
Recreation. c . , , . ,. 

ot opening more parks and providing innocent 

enjoyment for the working population, the monotony and 



ioS THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

dreariness of whose lives strongly appealed to him. In 
his speech at the opening of Highgate Park (1876) he 
says : " It is simply nonsense to wonder at the want of 
refinement of our people when no opportunity is given 
for innocent enjoyment. We are too apt to forget that 
the ugliness of our ordinary English existence has a bad 
influence on us." A fine town with beautiful buildings and 
gardens was as much a power in education as any of the more 
direct educational influences. To the members of a young 
men's institute he expressed the opinion that when everyone 
had been taught to read and write they would still want 
rational recreation, which even the greatest students need. 

Mr. Chamberlain took a keen interest in the develop- 
ing Mayor ment of the Birmingham Free Libraries and Art 

and Art. Gallery. In April, 1875, Mr. Jesse Collings, Chair- 
man of the Free Libraries Committee, presented a report 
announcing that reorganisation and rearrangement of the 
gallery were in contemplation, and read the following letter 
from Mr. Chamberlain : — 

" SOUTHBOURNE, AUGUSTUS ROAD, EdGBASTON, 

"April 26th, 1875. 

" MY DEAR COLLINGS, — I am anxious to show, in some 
Gifts to practical way, my confidence in our municipal 
the Town, institutions, and my grateful sense of the kindness 
which has always been extended to me by my colleagues 
of the Town Council. After some consideration I have 
determined to offer to the Council, through you, the sum 
of ;£iooo, to be expended by the Free Libraries Committee 
in the purchase of objects of industrial art for permanent 
exhibition in the Art Gallery of this town. I am led to 
suggest this disposal of the gift by my knowledge that this 
branch of our work has suffered from the absence of funds 
applicable to the purpose, while at the same time, and 
even in its imperfect state, the gallery is one of the most 
popular and highly appreciated institutions governed by 
the Corporation. 

" I am, my dear Collings, 

" Yours sincerely, 

"J. Chamberlain." 



GIFTS TO THE TOWN 109 

A very beautiful collection of precious stones was bought with 
this money. In 1881 M tiller's "Prayer in the Desert" valued 
at £1,800 and its companion picture " A Street Scene in 
Cairo," were also given by Mr. Chamberlain to the Art Gallery. 

In the year in which he entered Parliament Mr. Chamber- 
lain terminated his connection with the Birmingham School 
Board, of which he had been Chairman during the three years 
of his Mayoralty. As a parting memorial he gave to the 
Board £500 for the foundation of a scholarship by means 
of which a promising boy or girl might obtain admission to 
one of the schools on King Edward VI. 's foundation in 
Birmingham, and so mount the educational ladder which 
leads from the Board school to the University, and which at 
least one Birmingham boy has climbed. 

Before the Improvement Scheme took definite shape 

„,,. „ , , Mr. Chamberlain tried to awaken the town to a 
The Health 
of the sense of its duties with respect to sanitation, and 

own * to that end arranged for a Sanitary Congress to 

meet in Birmingham. It was a great success and was largely 

attended. The reports of its meetings were read by Birming- 

Sanitary ham working men, some of whom tried in a rough 

congress, fashion to profit by the lessons the great men of the 

Congress were inculcating. Between eight and nine hundred 

visitors accepted Mr. Chamberlain's invitation to be present. 

The most valuable part of his mayoral work, as he has 

often admitted, was the opportunity it afforded 

Mayor's him to become acquainted with the public life 
Work 

of the town. He entertained royalty, and pre- 
sided at annual gatherings of missions and institutes. He 
made speeches at the master bakers' dinner, a young men's 
institute, a creche, a co-operative society, a Women's Suffrage 
meeting ; attended farewell dinners and school prize-givings ; 
a board school contest, an election, the inspection of gasworks 
and sewage farms, a Parliamentary Commission, literary 
work — nothing seemed to come amiss or to give him too 
much trouble if his help was required. He was essentially 
a citizen, and identified himself with citizens. 



CHAPTER X 

A MUNICIPAL REFORMER 
GAS, WATER, AND IMPROVEMENT SCHEME. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S greatest municipal achieve- 
ments were the purchase of the Gas and Water, and 
the initiation of the Improvement Schemes. Resolutions to 
adopt his proposals were, in the case of the Water Scheme, 
carried unanimously by the Town Council, in the case of the 
other two with only one and two dissentients respectively. 

Of these three great projects, the gas undertaking (speak- 
ing broadly) occupied the first mayoral year, the water the 
second, and the Improvement Scheme the third. 

It may be thought that more time should have elapsed 
between the prosecution of such large enterprises, but 
there was a direct connection between them which made 
it advantageous to the Corporation to proceed with them 
as speedily as possible one after the other. The rapidity of 
their execution is rightly placed to Mr. Chamberlain's credit. 
From the first he conducted the negotiations and undertook 
the difficult task of presenting these ambitious proposals in 
a business-like and attractive manner to his more cautious 
and more apprehensive colleagues. 

Briefly his reasons for advocating these reforms were as 
Necessity f°M° ws : For many years there had been difficulties 

for the with regard to the disposal of the sewage of the 

Reforms ox o 

town ; expensive litigation was forced upon the 
Corporation, which would shortly be compelled to undertake 
far-reaching and costly sanitary improvements. They had 



A MUNICIPAL REFORMER in 

no surplus revenue with which to undertake these works, 
while the rates were very high and fast increasing. Other 
Corporations derived large sums in aid of the rates from 
dock dues, tramways, gas, and water-works. Of these sources 
of revenue only the two latter could possibly be available 
for Birmingham. But if they were placed in the hands of 
the Corporation great benefits would be conferred on the 
town, apart from the question of revenue. 

The monopoly of the gas supply would give them money ; 
the control of the water supply was vital for the health of the 
community ; the Improvement Scheme would enable them 
to discharge their obligations as the Sanitary authorities, by 
cutting a broad street through one of the most crowded 
and insanitary quarters of the city. When the leases 
expired the whole of the property reverted to the Corporation, 
and would raise it to the position of one of the wealthiest 
in the country. 

Mr. Chamberlain pointed out to his colleagues that the cost 
of purchasing the gas would be very great. The borough debt 
would rise from half a million to two and a half millions at 
once. There were two companies to be bought out — the 
Birmingham Gas Company and the Birmingham and Stafford- 
shire. The total amount paid for these two properties was 
reported on December 31st, 1875, to be £1,953,050 iSs. lid.; 
but the bargain was an advantageous one for the Corporation 
as the profits for the first half-year amounted to £25,000. 

In his speech in the Council proposing the municipalisation 
of the gasworks, Mr. Chamberlain laid down the principles 
on which their decision ought to be based : — 

" I distinctly hold that all monopolies which are sustained 

speech m an y wa y ky the State ought to be in the hands 

Proposing of the representatives of the people — by the repre- 

PU f C th aSe sentat i vc authority should they be administered, 

Gasworks to and to them should their profits go, and not to 

the Town private speculators. In the second place, ... 1 am 

always inclined to magnify my office [as Mayor] : 

I am inclined to increase the duties and responsibilities 



ii2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of the local authority, in whom I have myself so great a 
confidence, and will do everything in my power to constitute 
these local authorities real local Parliaments, supreme in 
their special jurisdiction. . . ." It was only because he was 
convinced of the perfect disinterestedness of his colleagues 
that he had the boldness to lay before the Council " this 
momentous proposition, involving as it does, if carried out 
to its legitimate conclusion, an enormous increase in the 
patronage and influence of the Council, a great aggrandise- 
ment of its power, its responsibilities, and its duties." 

To the question, why he had not devoted his attention 
to the waterworks first, he answered that he hoped very 
soon to bring before the Council a proposition with regard 
to that great undertaking. 

" But in the meantime I hope the Council will deal with 
the bird in hand, without waiting to consider the prospect 
of obtaining the bird in the bush. . . . When the purchase 
of the Water Works comes before you, it will be a question 
concerning the health of the town ; the acquisition of the 
Gas Works concerns the profits of the town and its financial 
resources. . . . Both are matters of absolute public necessity." 

With regard to the delicate question whether a bargain 
between the companies and the Corporation could be mutually 
advantageous, there were several reasons why such might 
be the case, particularly as considerable saving would be 
effected in management, cost of collecting rates, and in avoid- 
ing the necessity for a double service of mains. Lastly, the 
Corporation would have the great advantage of the difference 
between dividends which the companies would have paid 
and the interest at which the municipal authorities could 
borrow the capital needed. Had they decided on this step 
fifteen years ago, they would at the moment be saving ^15,000 
a year. In conclusion he asked the Council to approve a 
measure which " would secure and extend its authority, 
confirm its privileges and power, and relieve the ratepayers 
of burdens becoming every day more onerous." 



THE GAS SCHEME 113 

The proceedings at the ratepayers' meeting which was 
Ratepayers' called to discuss the question were lively. Con- 
Meeting-. s iderable scepticism was evinced as to the possi- 
bility of business men like the gas companies' directors 
agreeing to a bargain which should leave any margin of 
profit for the Corporation. It was contended that the 
Corporation could only make a profit by raising the price of 
gas to the consumer, and therefore the ratepaying consumer 
would save nothing. Mr. Chamberlain denied this. " Will 
you guarantee what you say ? " called out a ratepayer. 
"Yes, I will," returned Mr. Chamberlain. 

" To make a profit in that way would be a mere juggle ; 
it would be merely taking out of one pocket to put it in 
another, a proceeding with which I should be thoroughly 
ashamed to be connected. . . ." 

A gentleman who was present relates that, when Mr. 
Chamberlain mentioned the satisfactory sum for which the 
undertaking could be bought, a prominent opponent inquired 
sarcastically : " Would you give that for it ? " "I would," 
was the prompt reply. 

" I will repeat," said Mr. Chamberlain, " the offer I made 
to the Corporation, that if they will take this offer and 
farm it out to me I will pay them £20,000 a year for it, and 
at the end of fourteen years I shall have a snug little fortune 
of £180,000 or £200,000. . . . Councillor Stone asks us to 
throw away future large profits for the sake of present small 
gains. I cannot accept that as my line of policy ; it is not 
the way in which I have been in the habit of conducting my 
own private business. I ask you to believe I am actuated 
simply by the desire to do something to serve the town in 
which I have lived so long and to which I owe so much." 

The audience knew very well that Mr. Chamberlain was 
in a position to retire from business, and his reference to his 
own method of conducting his private affairs came with con- 
siderable force. In the opinion of most of his fellow-citizens 
he might be trusted to know what a good bargain was, and 



ii 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

clearly he could have no possible reason for advocating the 

scheme if it were not profitable. A majority of the ratepayers 

voted for the scheme. 

,* x-4.^ In 1879 Mr. Chamberlain reviewed the results 
Result of the ' ^ 

scheme, of this purchase. Put briefly, it amounted to 

Review, 1879. ,. 

Carried to the Relief of Rates ... ... £80,000 

„ „ Reserve Fund ... .... .£50,000 

„ „ Sinking Fund £35,000 

Meanwhile two reductions in price of gas, of threepence per 
thousand cubic feet each, had been made in the three years, 
amounting to a sum of £60,000 per annum, the gas at the 
same time being of a higher quality than formerly — in fact 
it compared favourably with that of other boroughs. 

The Corporation might therefore fairly congratulate them- 
selves on this bargain, as they could now spare £25,000 
annually, for items of expenditure not otherwise provided 
for out of the rates. 

Perhaps the only grave municipal mistake Mr. Chamberlain 
made was in under-estimating the growth of the electric 
light industry. We have lived to see electricity " on tap 
in our cellars," though he thought there was " no appreciable 
chance of such a discovery " ; but, nevertheless, gas in Birming- 
ham is more largely consumed than ever, and the Corporation 
gasworks still continue to yield a handsome profit. Mr. 
Chamberlain however, wisely took advantage of the electric 
light scare to obtain consent to carry a larger sum to the 
sinking fund, with the object of sooner paying off their 
liabilities. 

In referring to his co-workers, he said : " Our labours have 
been very arduous, . . . and in the case of some of my col- 
leagues, at all events, they have been only performed under a 
deep sense of public duty, which has involved considerable 
sacrifice of personal interest and domestic ease." In con- 
cluding his review of the three years' work he made generous 
acknowledgment of the unpaid services which the Corporation 



CHAIRMAN OF GAS COMMITTEE 115 

and gas department staff had rendered in giving " an immense 
amount of extraordinary labour which work of this kind 
involves, and which is hardly provided for in the ordinary 
terms of service." 

Both the Gas Bill and the Water-works Bill passed through 
Parliament in the spring of 1875, and received the Royal 
Assent in August of that year. The Artisans' Dwellings 
and Improvement Act became law on July 13th, 1875. 

Mr. Chamberlain lost no time in getting to work. At 
a Council meeting held on July 27th he had the pleasure 
of moving the appointment of a Committee to deal with each 
of the three projects which, as Mayor, he had proposed to 
his colleagues. He himself took the chairmanship of the 
Gas Committee, and on his election to Parliament in June, 
1876, a Deputy Chairman was appointed, Mr. Chamberlain 
continuing to be a member of all the three committees till 
he took office as Minister in 1880, when his connection with 
the Council ceased. 

In the vote of thanks given to him on that occasion the 
Gas Committee record their sense of the " unsparing skill 
and devotion with which he has administered the affairs of 
the department, . . ." and of " the unvarying kindness and 
courtesy in the discharge of the duties of his office," ... by 
which " he has won the lasting esteem and regard of every 
member of the Committee." 

The Deputy Chairman of the first Gas Committee, who 
eventually succeeded him as Chairman, writes : — 

" I was present at the final negotiations with the Birming- 
ham Gas Company, and was at once impressed with the 
thorough grasp of the subject which Mr. Chamberlain dis- 
played, and the masterly way in which he dealt with the 
complicated questions which emerged. It was no light task 
to amalgamate two companies, each with extensive works, 
two secretaries, two engineers, two staffs of officers ; yet the 
final result secured much more perfect management, security, 
and economy, and the ratepayers reaped the advantage. 
The works were enormously increased, the expenditure 



n6 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

was rigidly controlled, and at the same time the condition 
of the workmen was materially improved. As the work 
progressed I found evidence of Mr. Chamberlain's great 
ability, not only with respect to finance, but in his knowledge 
of the intricacies of gas manufacturing and of the general 
principles on which the work must be conducted. 

" As Mr. Chamberlain was detained at Westminster, I had 
the honour of presenting the first annual report of the Gas 
Committee, and was able to show a net profit of ,£34,122, 
besides carrying large sums to depreciation and sinking 
fund, thus more than justifying Mr. Chamberlain's pre- 
dictions. The Council, after approving the report, adopted 
the very unusual course of moving a special vote of thanks 
to the Gas Committee. 

" I consider Mr. Chamberlain the most able negotiator I 
have ever met. He always discerned the line of least 
resistance, and advanced along it, concentrating his force 
on the vital points to be secured, while surrendering, where 
necessary, unimportant advantages. There was no guess- 
work in his methods ; he secured exact information, carefully 
prepared his plans, and in a word, knew exactly what he 
wanted and how to get it." 

The waterworks were acquired by the town on January 

waterworks Ist ' . l8 7 6 - The property was paid for by 
Purchase of granting perpetual annuities of £54,491, which at 

twenty-five years' purchase was equivalent to 

£1,3 50,000. 
A better supply of water was urgently needed. In 1869 
one hundred and fifty thousand people were dependent on 
wells, man}' of which were polluted and ought to have been 
closed. In his speech proposing the purchase of the water 
supply of the town to the Council, Mr. Chamberlain pointed 
out that the closing of the wells would greatly increase the 
profits of the water companies, which " profits we are after- 
wards expected to buy at an enormous premium." As 
the Council had no choice but to close the wells, it would 
be cheaper for them to buy out the companies first, and 
then administer the water supply as efficiently and as 
cheaply as possible. 



PURCHASE OF THE WATERWORKS 117 

"What do you think," asked Mr. Chamberlain, "of the 

The inhabitants being compelled to drink water which 

Necessity. j s as fo^d again as sewage before clarification ? . . . 

" Not merely is the water supply of Birmingham bad in 
quality, as I have pointed out already, but it is altogether 
insufficient in many cases. ... I have been told by one 
of the oldest magistrates of Birmingham that, within his 
knowledge, courts of houses have been deliberately erected 
contiguous to each other, one court of which has been 
supplied with waterworks water and the next court has 
been left without any provision at all, the designer deliberately 
intending that his tenants should steal the water from the 
other court which had been provided for. For my part, I 
hold that it is a positive disgrace to us that such a large 
proportion of our population should be placed in the alterna- 
tive of either stealing the pure water or drinking water 
which contains the germs of ill-health and of death." 

The right principle to consider in conducting the negotia- 
tions was, he considered, that of securing to the shareholders 
the profits which the companies could clearly show were 
likely to continue under their management ; but profits 
which are due to the growth and increase of the town 
" belong, as I hold, to the ratepayers, and not to these private 
speculators." 

His evidence, as given before the House of Commons' 
Committee, was clear and convincing, and of much value to 
the corporation in fighting the exorbitant claims made by 
the companies, who refused to sell unless compelled to do so. 
" We have not," he said, " the slightest intention of making a 
profit. . . . We shall get our profit indirectly in the comfort 
of the town and in the health of the inhabitants." 

The closing of the wells naturally caused inconvenience, 
and in the case of landlords who were thereby obliged to 
provide waterworks water, there was much grumbling. 
But the benefits to the town generally and to the poor in 
particular, were enormous. The Bill became law in August, 
1875. 

" Having purchased the waterworks," says one critic, 



,iS THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" the Corporation writ', of course, desirous to make it pay. 
To buy the thing was a blunder in the eyes of some, to let it 
be a source of loss would have been a crime. Consequently 
it became necessary to force the water supply business, and 
the municipal authorities went about it in a way that pressed 
hardly sometimes anil provoked not a little resentment." 

It b\ this is meant that the Corporation closed wells which 
were pure in order to compel the use of their water, the facts 
do not bear out such a statement. It is true that here and 
there a well may have been condemned unnecessarily, but 
such closing was due to an excess of sanitary zeal. The 
pollution was so widespread, and of so horrible and so 
dangerous a character, that Mr. Chamberlain and those who 
went with him in this matter were determined to err on the 
right side. Moreover, as they were on the point of under- 
taking sanitary reforms of the most sweeping character, there 
would be little good in clearing out pestilential dens and 
sweeping away rookeries, if the tenements which were left 
had only impure or very doubtful water. 

The working of the water department by the Council was 
satisfactory, and Mr. Bunce, writing in [884, said that it 
provided for the whole of its liabilities, and the water rate 
had been substantially reduced. Subsequently a large 
scheme for supplying Birmingham from the Elan Valley in 
Wales was undertaken. 

The Improvement Scheme made a very considerable 

difference to the appearance as well as to the 
The . 

improvement healthiness of Birmingham. The most striking* 

scheme, alteration was the formation of a handsome street 

(appropriately named Corporation Street) right through one 

of the worst and most dangerous quarters of the town, 
for the places that were swept away harboured criminals 
and pestilence both ; morally and physically, some of these 
localities were as bad as it was possible for them to be. 

The condemned area lay immediately behind one of the 
wealthiest and most important parts of the town, and the 
new thoroughfare ran at right angles from New Street, 



THE IMPROVEMENT SCHEME 

terminating in a very poor district. The ground rents of 
the land at the best end of the street paid, to some extent, 
for the loss caused by the destruction of the slums at the 
other, and, further, by pouring in a stream of fresh air 
through what was one of the most crowded parts of the 
town, at once improved its health. 

Mr. Chamberlain's own explanation of the scheme shows 

that he had taken the miserable condition of the 
Chamberlain peo pi c over whom he was placed very seriously 
hf X S'h ln8 t0 ncart - I n l a yi n £ nis proposals before the 

Council, he said : — 

" We want to make these people healthier and better ; 
I want to make them happier also. Let u-; consider for 
a moment the forlorn and desolate lives the best of tl 
people must live, in courts like those described. It made 
my heart bleed when I heard the descriptions of Mr. White 
and others of the dreariness — the intense dreariness — and 
the lack of everything which would add interest or pleasure 
to the life which obtains among that class. ... I know 
for a fact that there are people there- almost as ignorant of 
what is going on around them as if they lived in a lonely 
and savage island. . . . Some would even lose themselves 
in New Street. There are people who do not know that 
there is an existence on the other side of the Town Hall ; 
people who are as ignorant of all that goes to make 
the pleasure, the interest, the activity, and the merit of 
our lives, as if they were savages in Ceylon, instead of 
being Englishmen and Englishwomen in the nineteenth 
century enjoying all the blessings of civilisation. . . ." 

Mr. Chamberlain estimated the preventible deaths yearly 
at three thousand, and eighteen thousand people suffered 
annually from preventible diseases. Assuming six weeks 
as the average duration of sickness, and allowing only ten 
shillings per head per week for medical attendance, loss of 
wages, and other matters, these people cost the town at 
least £54,000 a year, sufficient to pay for the improvement 
three or four times over (for Mr. Chamberlain had calculated 
that the average cost of the whole scheme was to be 



120 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

£l 2,000 yearly). Was that too much to pay for such an 
improvement as was proposed ? 

" The town must pay for this state of things in meal or 
malt. . . . We must pay in our health or with our money. 
. . . Those who die are even happier than those who live 
to drag out a wretched existence in the courts we have 
heard described. . . . 

' We bring up a population in the dank, dark, dreary, filthy 
courts and alleys such as are to be found throughout the 
area we have selected ; we surround them with noxious 
influences of every kind, and place them under conditions 
in which the observance of even ordinary decency is im- 
possible. And what is the result? What can we expect 
from that kind of thing ? I think Mr. White said the other 
day that to some extent the position of the people was their 
own fault, and I heard a cheer when that statement was 
made. But I am sure Mr. White only meant that to be 
true in a very limited sense. 

"Their fault! 

" Yes, it is legally their fault, and when they steal we 
send them to gaol, and when they commit murder we hang 
them. But if the members of this Council had been placed 
under similar conditions — if from infancy we had grown up 
in the same way — does any one of us believe that we should 
have run no risk of the gaol or the hangman ? For my part 
I have not sufficient confidence in my own inherent goodness 
to believe that anything can make headway against such 
frightful conditions as those I have described. The fact is, it 
is no more the fault of these people that they are vicious 
and intemperate than it is their fault that they are stunted, 
deformed, debilitated, and diseased. The one is due to the 
physical atmosphere — the moral atmosphere as necessarily 
and surely produces the other.'' 

That Mr. Chamberlain had not exaggerated the evils of 
sanitary tne district with which it was proposed to deal 

Condition w jji De clearly seen from the report of the late 

of the ... 

Condemned Mr. Councillor White, who, as Councillor for the 

Area ' ward in which the worst districts lay, had a 

most intimate knowledge of their condition derived from 

continued personal visitation. 



MR. WHITE'S SPEECH 121 

"It is not easy," he said in his report, "to describe or 
imagine the dreary desolation which acre after acre of the 
town presents to anyone who will take the trouble to visit 
it. . . . The rubbish and dilapidation in whole quarters 
have reminded me of Strasburg, which I saw soon after 
the bombardment. . . . 

" In one case a filthy drain from a neighbouring court 
oozed into a little back yard ; in another the sitting-room 
windows could not be opened owing to the horrible effluvia 
from a yawning midden just under it ; in another case the 
fireside of the only sitting-room had to be deserted, owing 
to the noxious percolation from a privy penetrating the 
wall within a foot or two of the easy-chair. . . . 

" In other cases I have penetrated court behind court in 
which the space between a high wall on one side and the 
door of the houses on the other was so narrow that it would 
not permit of my umbrella being placed horizontally between 
them. In this very place were two cases of smallpox and 
one of scarlet-fever. . . ." 

As to the moral effects of living in such places, Mr. White 
related that he constantly heard such complaints as — 

" ' I never drank too much till I come into this 'ere hell 
of a place.' 

"'What have people got to do but to drink here? It is 
about their only comfort. There is nothing but dirt and 
nastiness to live in, and stinks and smells.' 

"' Young 'uns die off pretty quickly, that's certain — there's 
more bugs than babies ! ' 

" ' The parsons tell us to be good ; nobody can't be good 
in such places as these.' 

"You, Mr. Mayor," continued Mr. White addressing Mr. 
Chamberlain, " have, I know, in connection with the 
benevolent and humanising work at Lawrence Street Chapel, 
done much to mitigate the evils of which I speak, but all 
seems like a drop in the bucket considering what ought 
further to be done." 

Mr. Chamberlain said very plainly how earnestly he hoped 
the Council would stand by him in this matter, and how great 
was his desire to see the scheme carried out. 



T22 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" I have had the matter under my consideration for a 
long time ; it has been a matter of continued and anxious 
deliberation with me. I have thought of it during the day, 
I have thought of it during the night, and I have even 
dreamt of it, and I have come to the conclusion that under 
any circumstances I would still recommend the Council to 
adopt the scheme. It is a case in which bold action will 
be, in the long run, the cheapest and the most profitable. . . . 

" We shall become the ultimate freeholders of forty acres of 
land . . . we throw open four and a half acres of streets, we add 
four and a half acres to the fresh-air spaces of the town. . . . 
I believe that the town, and above all the next generation, 
will have cause to bless the Town Council of Birmingham 
if it carries the scheme before it, and exercises what I venture 
to call a sagacious audacity. 

" It is the only occasion for which I ever wish to live 
beyond the ordinary term of human life, in order to see the 
result of this improvement and hear the blessings that will 
then be showered upon the Council of 1875 which had the 
courage to inaugurate this scheme . . . which will make this 
borough the richest borough in the kingdom sixty or seventy 
years hence." 

Criticism on the scheme was invited by Mr. Chamberlain 
from the Council and the town. It was hardly necessary 
to issue the invitation ; the criticism was more than ready, 
and it burst forth in a great stream. The Artisans' Dwellings 
Act, it was alleged, was intended to be used for sanitary 
improvements only, and not for general town improvements. 

Mr. Chamberlain answered this objection by saying : — 

" Let us work the whole scheme under the Act. . . . That 
will not be in the slightest degree a wresting of the intention 
of the Act. ... I had several interviews with Mr. Cross, who 
was in charge of the Bill, and he told me himself, in answer to 
my inquiries, that it was intended to let in such approaches 
to an improvement as those now proposed to the Council, 
and which 1 described to Mr. Cross." 

As a matter of fact, one portion of the scheme could not 
be financially worked without the other. 



THE IMPROVEMENT TRUST FUND 123 

" There is," said Mr. Chamberlain, " the criticism which 
betrays on the face of it its object and its motives, which 
is dictated by disappointed vanity or political rancour. 
That is a criticism which we must bear with what patience 
we may. It is part of the burden imposed on everyone who 
leaves private life in order to attempt any public service. 
But there is another kind of criticism which is as much 
to be courted and prized as the first is to be condemned 
and despised — that is, the criticism which is the honest and 
the honourable contribution of those who, having common 
objects, desire to secure in the best possible way our common 
end. That is the criticism which I invite, as I have said, 
at your hands, and at the hands of the town." 

Great differences of opinion as to the merits of a scheme 
which involved such an expenditure of public money might 
honestly exist. Buyer and seller do not usually agree as 
to the value of property, and where freeholder, leaseholder, 
and occupier have all to be dealt with, the negotiations are 
naturally complicated. But looking back on the working 
out of the scheme, it is rather to be wondered at that more 
mistakes were not made. On the whole it has been a success, 
and though it has not been found possible to provide for so 
many of the disestablished poor as was hoped and expected, 
this has in many cases been a benefit, as it has compelled 
the erection of vast numbers of small houses, moderately 
rented, in the suburbs. 

As there was no fund available for the purchase of 
properties before the Act came into force, Mr. Chamberlain 
guaranteed £10,000 towards an Improvement Trust Fund, 
which was largely contributed to by other public men. 



CHAPTER XI 

SOCIAL LIFE AND INFLUENCE 

RETIRES FROM BUSINESS — PRIVATE LIFE — SECOND MARRIAGE— LIFE 
AT SOUTHBOURNE — BIRMINGHAM MEN — THE COMIC PAPERS — 
PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 

"TN 1874," said Mr. Chamberlain, "I made up my mind 

JL that I must retire from business. Municipal life com- 
pletely swallowed up commercial life." 

He was now in command of a fortune sufficient, not only 
for a Mayor of Birmingham, but for the greater needs of a 
Member of Parliament or of a Cabinet Minister. 

Mr. Chamberlain's parents had come to Birmingham many 
Retires from y ears previously, and settled at Moor Green Hall, 

Business, now the residence of Mr. Arthur Chamberlain, 

1874 

a pretty old-fashioned place close to Highbury. 
Here they lived till their deaths, respectively in 1874 
and 1875. Mr. Chamberlain, senior, actively engaged in 
business in Birmingham, and was a partner in the firm of 
Messrs. Smith and Chamberlain, large brassfounders. He 
took a keen interest in the life of the town and subscribed 
liberally to its charities : to the National Education League 
he gave a sum of £1,000. He had the happiness of seeing 
his son in a singularly successful position as a commercial 
man, and of knowing that he had been elected to hold 
the highest office in the town to which he came as a 
complete stranger. 

Two of Joseph Chamberlain's brothers joined him in the 
screw trade, and they retired from business at the same time 
(1874). All of them associated themselves with the work 

124 



HIS MUNICIPAL COLLEAGUES 125 

of the Church of the Messiah, and as Richard Chamberlain 
took a prominent part in public work, his career will be 
noticed later. 

Mr. Chamberlain was personally very popular in the 
Council, as well as in Birmingham society generally. One 
of his colleagues says : — 

" His speeches at this time in the Council were clear, well 

arranged, and persuasive. He took much pains to 

with his attach the members of the Council to himself and 

Municipal to persuade them to his own views, raising- their 

Coli.63 2TU.6S 

self-respect and gradually introducing a higher 
tone. As his influence and following increased, his policy in 
this respect remained the same. Though somewhat dogmatic, 
his satire, if keen, was never malicious, as is alleged. He 
could be hard upon bores and severe upon obstructionists. 
One worthy but garrulous old member, who had made a 
foolish speech in a ward meeting and who had no small 
opinion of himself, he likened to ' an old hen who goes about 
cackling when she thinks she has laid an egg.' 

" I remember on the occasion of the debates on the 
abolition of the annual fairs which were held in Birmingham, 
Mr. Chamberlain amused us by saying that he should oppose 
the motion " [that they be discontinued], " as he approved of 
the annual holiday and used to send his children and 
servants to see the booths. He supported his opposition on 
the ground that the people needed all the innocent recreation 
they could get." 

" It must be remembered," said Mr. Chamberlain in referring 
to this debate in later years, " that the people had not then 
the many opportunities for recreation which they now have. 
The fair was also undoubtedly a time of great enjoyment 
to the country people, who could combine a pleasure trip to 
town with business. The opposition to the fairs was, I 
considered, got up in the interests of certain tradesmen 
who were annoyed by the crowds collected and by the 
temporary suspension of their business." 

But the fairs were abolished notwithstanding Mr. Chamber- 
lain's defence of them. 

His demeanour in Council was generally quiet in spite of 



126 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

his intense enthusiasm in the schemes that he was bringing 
forward, and of the earnestness with which he expounded 
his views. But when he was roused he was a formidable 
opponent. 

On one occasion there was a " scene " in the Council, in 
consequence of the attempt of one of the members to abuse, 
not only Mr. Chamberlain's confidence, but his hospitality, 
A local paper {The Dart) thus records the incident. In the 
course of an attack on the Improvement Scheme, a member 
of the Council hinted that he was about to reveal an after- 
dinner conversation which had taken place at Southbourne 
(Mr. Chamberlain's private house). Another member of 
the Council indignantly protested, — 

" and then in a white heat Mr. Chamberlain rose, and said 
that, as his opponent had not scrupled to read letters without 
permission from the writers, he begged him not to scruple 
to repeat anything which was said at his [Mr. Chamberlain's] 
house, when he was admitted to the dining-room." 

Another scene of a different kind is also described : — 

" It was the gas budget day, and we had a full house. 
Our Prime Minister, First Lord of the Treasury, and 
Chancellor of the Exchequer had to unfold the beauties 
of as roseate a balance sheet as ever drew honied words from 
the lips of mortal chairman. 

" Mr. Chamberlain had not the red camelia in his button- 
hole that he sported the day that the Council House was 
opened, but he was got up to look as like sweet sixteen as 
possible, and for an Alderman without a corporation (his 
own joke) he looked his loveliest. I pictured him a few 
years hence, when, perhaps, wearing the highest honours a 
sovereign may confer, and standing on the Ministerial side 
of the table in the other House, he dwells with gleeful 
delight on a splendid surplus. . . . 

" To-day he had a splendid surplus (^54,000) to announce 
and a welcome threepence to take off our gas. Besides, 
he dealt with the whole gas question in a most lucid and 
exhaustive manner, and I for one, never knew one-tenth 



PERSONAL APPEARANCE 127 

part so much about it as I do now. . . . Mr. Chamberlain 
deserves high praise for his magnificent working of the gas 
concern. Can we always have it worked so well? That 
thought alone disturbs me. 

" Mr. Chamberlain to-day took a new lease of municipal 
life and popularity, and if he will only keep his friends' zeal 
down a. bit, and train them to show a little of his mag- 
nanimity by using their power kindly and gently when 
forbearance is gracious and generous, it will be a long time 
before his position as leader of our municipality is impaired." 

Mr. Chamberlain at this time was extraordinarily youthful 

Personal in appearance, with a slim, upright figure, fresh 
Appearance, complexion, and clean-shaven face. He was noted 
for the extreme care and neatness of his dress ; even at 
a ward meeting he has been described as appearing "in a 
black velvet coat, jaunty eyeglass in eye, red neck-tie drawn 
through a ring, very smart indeed." 

Soon after he was elected Town Councillor he sauntered 
one day into the Committee Room of the Town Hall, where 
a discussion was proceeding as to how to raise money for 
some public object. Mr. Chamberlain merely looked on, and 
presently said quietly: "Put me down, Mr. Mayor, for £$." 
The Mayor glanced at him a moment, as if he were not at 
all sure who the subscriber was. " Who's that ? " said some- 
one in a loud whisper. " That ? Oh ! that's Chamberlain." 
" Isn't he a swell ? " was the answer. The unknown Councillor 
was dressed in a long, well-cut drab overcoat, he wore a 
red tie and single eyeglass, but the orchid is not mentioned. 

Mr. Jesse Collings tells another story illustrating the 
difficulty strangers had in believing Mr. Chamberlain was 
of mature years. They were abroad together, and, not 
finding at Malaga the boat they wanted to take them on 
to Gibraltar, they went on board a small steamer and tried 
to arrange with the captain to take them over. He refused, 
having, as he declared, no accommodation for passengers.' 
Under pressure, however, he consented to give up his cabin 
to Mr. Collings, saying, "You can take my berth; the 
youngster must knock it out on the sofa." 



128 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

At a Town Hall meeting the writer heard a stranger, who 
saw Mr. Chamberlain for the first time, exclaim — " That 
Chamberlain ? Why, he's a widower, isn't he ? and he hardly 
looks as if he could be married ! " 

By Mr. Chamberlain's second marriage there were three 
Death of Mrs. daughters and one son, Arthur Neville. But in 
Chamberlain. February, 1875, a further bereavement fell upon 
the Mayor of Birmingham, for Mrs. Chamberlain died after 
a short and sudden illness. Very great sympathy was felt 
for her husband, who at the height of his municipal 
popularity, and with a fair prospect of a political career 
immediately before him, lost the affectionate support of 
that friend who above all others would have most rejoiced 
in his success. The Town Council adjourned as a mark of 
respect, and at the following meeting passed a resolution 
of condolence : — 

"The members of this Council, while feeling deeply the 
solemnity of the silent respect due to a great sorrow, cannot, 
in justice to themselves or to the town they represent, refrain 
from expressing their profound sympathy with the Mayor, 
Alderman Chamberlain, in the sad affliction which in the 
providence of God has fallen upon him. 

" They know well, and remember gratefully, that the wife 
he mourns has nobly shared many of his public duties, and 
that the gracious influence of her pure character has always 
been exerted on behalf of whatever could alleviate the 
miseries of the sick and destitute, and conduce to the general 
well-being of this community ; and they assure the Mayor 
that he has not only won their high admiration for the 
unselfish devotion with which he has applied his great 
abilities to the service of the town, but that their intimate 
association in office has united them to him by those personal 
ties of regard which render his bitter sufferings common to 
themselves ; and they trust that time may bring to their 
dear colleague the solace of resignation." 

Mr. Chamberlain was in the south of France when he 
replied to this kindly expression of affection and sorrow. 
After thanking them for their sympathy on the occasion of 




Photo by] 



\_Draycott. 



THE ORCHID HOUSE, HIGHBURY. 



HIS FELLOW COUNCILLOR'S SYMPATHY 129 

the irreparable loss he had so recently sustained, and assuring 
them that he would always retain a grateful appreciation of 
their kindness, Mr. Chamberlain said : — 

" Under the altered conditions of my life, however, I feel 
that it will be impossible for me to fulfil any longer all 
the duties of the honourable office to which they have 
twice elected me. Besides the ordinary work of the Council 
and the committee which perhaps I might still hope to 
perform, the Mayor of Birmingham is called upon to dis- 
charge many other social and public duties, the fulfilment 
of which has been a source of happiness and satisfaction in 
the past, but is quite beyond my power in the future. 

" Consequently I feel it my duty at once to tender my 
resignation of the office of Mayor to the Council, and at the 
same time to assure them of my readiness and desire to 
serve the town in connection with any of the committees of 
the Council to which they may be pleased to appoint me." 

But the Council would not accept the Mayor's resignation. 
They begged that he would withdraw it, and assured him 
that his services and his counsel as Mayor were essential 
to the satisfactory conduct of the Parliamentary business 
to which the borough stood committed, and that, while 
deeply sympathising with him, they would readily do their 
part " to relieve the Mayor from those merely ceremonial 
duties which he justly feels that he cannot now discharge." 

Mr. Chamberlain returned to his work in the following 
March. He thanked his colleagues for this further evidence 
" of your sympathy and friendship, and more especially for 
the just appreciation you have shown of the nobility and 
worth of the wife I have lost, whose counsel and sympathy 
and encouragement were never wanting in all that seemed 
likely to promote the welfare and happiness of others." He 
added that hewould continue his mayoral duties " in the 
full assurance that you will extend to me the support and 
consideration which have made my past work easy, and of 
which I now stand in greater need than ever." 

9 



i 3 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

At this time he was living at Southbourne, Augustus 

Road, Edgbaston, near The Dales, the residence 
Soutlibourne. _ , _ ' _. . .. _ , , r 

of Mr. George Dixon, the junior Member for 

the borough, who was also Chairman of the National 

Educational League, and one of his earliest friends. 

Southbourne was but half an hour's walk from the Council 
House, and was pleasantly situated in a part of Edgbaston 
still fresh and open. The house was not large, as compared 
with Highbury. It possessed a very fine library with a 
panelled ceiling and carved oak fittings, designed by the late 
Mr. J. H. Chamberlain, an intimate friend (though not a 
relative). 

He entertained largely and judiciously ; few men well 
known in Birmingham for work or for learning but have 
been at one time or another included among his guests. 
Artists, scientists, educationists, Town Councillors, masters of 
King Edward VI.'s Schools, those interested in the foundation 
of Mason College (opened October, 1880), and many dis- 
tinguished visitors to the town, might all be met at South- 
bourne. Here were given those pleasant dinners at which 
men interested in the development of their beloved town met 
and discussed fresh plans and higher ideals of municipal life. 

Dr. Crosskey, the Unitarian minister ; Dr. Dale, the In- 
dependent ; Charles Vince, the Baptist ; George Dawson ; 
J. S. Wright, President of the " Six Hundred " ; Dixon, 
Bright, and Muntz, the Members ; Sir Walter Foster and 
other distinguished medical men ; J. T. Bunce, the ablest 
editor Birmingham has ever seen ; Jesse Collings, Mr. 
Chamberlain's lifelong and intimate friend ; — these are but 
a few of the men who, though they may not have had a 
national reputation, should yet be included amongst those 
whose work has largely contributed to the success of the 
man whose reputation is international. 

But less-known men were not forgotten by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, and his hospitality was extended to those whose names 
have never appeared prominently in connection with their 
work for the town, but whose conscientious devotion to 



LJJE AT SOUTHBOURNE 131 

dry detail in civic matters, preserved that high standard 
of public work and of honourable emulation in the public 
service, which it is Mr. Chamberlain's greatest merit to have 
developed. 

" The Southbourne library was the scene of many a 
symposium ; here the affairs of the town were freely 
canvassed and many plans discussed. Mr. Chamberlain's 
invitations were judicious, bringing together men who had 
much in common and who had something to say worth 
hearing, and he was always particularly thoughtful to invite 
from time to time the chief officials of the Corporation. 
He was an admirable and gracious host, and all the appoint- 
ments of the house and table were in perfect taste." 

lie remained at this house until 1880, so that not only 
his municipal, but four years of his Parliamentary life were 
passed there. 

In 1873 Mr. John Morley and Admiral Maxse came to 
Birmingham to make the acquaintance of the man who was 
so fiercely opposing Mr. Forster and his educational policy. 
The friendship between the editor of the Fortnightly and 
the Mayor of Birmingham grew rapidly ; the former was 
a frequent guest at Southbourne, and the two men were at 
that time on terms of the closest intimacy. 

Other well-known Liberals — Sir William Harcourt, Lord 
Rosebery, Mr. Goschen — were also visitors, and he had the 
pleasure of entertaining Mr. Gladstone on the occasion of his 
first visit to Birmingham (May, 1877). 

Looking back to this time, perhaps that which strikes the 
observer most about Mr. Chamberlain is the unusual interest 
which attached to all he said and did, and the interest with 
which he contrived to invest commonplace persons and 
things. He was brimful of enthusiasm of a quiet kind 
and had the power of presenting his views in so forcible and 
attractive a form that his hearer was often persuaded " that 
that was just what he had been feeling all along, although 
he had not been able to put it into shape." 



i 3 2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

His relations with the Corporation officials and servants 
were particularly pleasant, and he always insisted that they 
must be properly paid. " Unless the Council feels it to be its 
truest economy to give sufficient remuneration to those whom 
they may employ in connection with these undertakings," 
said Mr. Chamberlain, " the less it has to do with them the 
better." 

If in debate he was at times unnecessarily bitter and 
sarcastic, in private he would generously acknowledge the 
good qualities of the man he had in public fiercely opposed. 

His work for the town was a labour of love. 

" Birmingham," he said, "is not my native town — I wish it 
Speech to were 5 but it is the town of my adoption and 

working predilection. I have lived here about twenty 
Men. years" [spoken in 1874], "and I think it the 
finest, the most intelligent, the most patriotic town on the 
face of the universe, and I am prepared to maintain the 
same opinion before any audience in or out of Birmingham. 
At the same time, my favourite town, I admit it with grief 
and sorrow, is not perfect. . . . 

" I do not think, mind, that Birmingham is so bad as some 
other great towns, but still it is bad enough, and so long as 
this great blot " [neglect of sanitation] " remains on the fair 
fame of our town, all its well-wishers are bound to put their 
shoulders to the wheel and try to remove it, and so, by God's 
help, we will ; and by the assistance of my colleagues in the 
Council I hope that in twelve months the town won't know 
itself." 

Perhaps all Mr. Chamberlain's fair dreams were not 
realised, and many of them not with the rapidity which he 
desired. But it is certain that within his three years of 
Mayoralty, he attempted more and he accomplished more 
than any other of Birmingham's Chief Magistrates : the time 
was ripe and the man appeared. He was most loyally 
supported and was ever anxious to acknowledge the value 
of that support. 

It may be added that with his election to Parliament Mr. 
Chamberlain's interest in the town was in no way diminished ; 



DIGNITY OF MUNICIPAL WORK 133 

and in 1878, when reviewing the progress of the Improve- 
ment Scheme, he said that local affairs were then to him even 
more important than his Parlimentary interests ; he would 
never sacrifice the former for the latter. 

" I can only say that if I had been actuated (as my 
political opponents not very charitably impute to me), in the 
endeavours which I have made to serve the town in which I 
have lived so long and to which I owe so much, by a desire 
to make those services the mere stepping-stone to what they 
are pleased to call a higher position, then it would have been 
very natural that as soon as I had reached this object I 
should have kicked down the ladder by which I had risen — 
that I should have declined, as far as it was in my power to 
do so, all further responsibility in the work we have done 
together ; that I should have ceased to prosecute with you 
the great undertakings which jointly we have initiated and 
have hitherto successfully carried forward. 

" That is not the view I take of my duty. If these 
positions are incompatible, I say that, without a moment's 
hesitation, I am prepared to resign the Parliamentary trust 
which has been reposed in me into the hands from which I 
have received it ; but I will not resign the opportunity of en- 
deavouring with you, and in connection with municipal work, 
to serve the town, and of sharing the responsibility and 
interest of local work, which has formed my pleasure and 
which has occupied a large portion of my time during the 
last few years of my life." 



1Boo\\ III 
LIFE AS A LIBERAL M.P. 

1876—18: 



»35 



CHAPTER XII 
THE NEW M.P. FOR BIRMINGHAM 

ELECTED M.P., JUNE 1 876— FIRST SPEECH TO CONSTITUENTS — FIRST 
SPEECH IN HOUSE, AUGUST 1 876 — ITS RECEPTION — FIRST WORK 
— THE GOTHENBURG SYSTEM AND LATER OPINIONS ON 
TEMPERANCE REFORM— STYLE OF SPEAKING. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S mayoral duties were now to be 
replaced by the absorbing, exciting, and responsible 
duties of Parliamentary life. 

That life has now (1900) lasted twenty-four years, ten of 

which have been spent as Cabinet Minister, including four 

as President of the Board of Trade, with a short interval as 

President of the Local Government Board, and the last five 

at the Colonial Office. He entered the House at the age 

of forty, and the Cabinet at the age of forty-four. If many 

Members make an earlier entry into Parliamentary life, few 

achieve so complete a success or so rapid a promotion. 

It was natural that the people of Birmingham should 

have looked to him as their future Parliamentary 

m.p. for representative : he had identified himself with 

irming am " the town in every possible way ; he was fitted to 

take charge of their interests in the House of Commons, 

and he had shown that he understood the wider issues of 

national politics. His fellow-citizens confidently expected 

great things of him. 

In June, 1876, Mr. George Dixon resigned his seat in 
consequence of his wife's ill-health, and Mr. Chamberlain 
was returned unopposed, amidst great enthusiasm, on June 
17th, 1876. 

137 



t.?8 THE RICH? HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

lie addressed his constituents (June 28) in Bingley Hall, 
an Immense building annually used for cattle shows. The 
number of people that can bo packed into it at a public 
meeting is uncertain ; twenty thousand would be a low 
estimate it has even been put at thirty thousand. Notwith- 
standing the heat (jt was a hot summer's night) and the 

crush, the crowd listened to Mr. Chamberlain's long speech 

with the elosest attention ; he was at the height of his 
popularity, and Birmingham hardly knew whether to be 
prouder of her senior Member, John Bright, or of her junior 
Member. Joseph Chamberlain. 

When he lose to speak there was a tumult in the hall, 
.\w^\ he had 10 wait till the storm subsided. It is possible 
that he is never nervous ; it is impossible that such a reception 
from his follow -citi/ons should not have moved him ; he did 
in fact show some traces of emotion in his opening sentences. 
A part oi his speech is here given : — 

" No man could rise to address such an assembly as this 

without a feeling o\ grave responsibility and of 

Speech to some natural emotion, and in my case these feelings 

Constituents, are deepened by the sense of personal obligation 

jSjfc' under which 1 lie to this great constituency, which 

has ever shown to me a generous consideration 

and which has conferred upon me the highest honour in 

its gift. 

•• it is not without reluctance that 1 relinquish the office 

I have held for nearly three years, and which I shall ever 
hold to be one of the most honourable to which a citi.en 
can aspire. Local government is increasing in importance 
while Imperial is diminishing, for it is not a time when to 
follow the fortunes of the Liberal party in Parliament would 
be likely to bring distinction on the politician. . . . What is 
the underlying principle of Birmingham Liberalism ? It is 
that we trust the people, that we have a firm confidence 
in their good sense and patriotism, and if the greatest good 
of the greatest number be, as 1 believe it to be, the chief 
end of government, then we think that the people best under- 
stand their own affairs and are best able to secure their 
highest interests, without at the same time doing injustice 



mfvi SPEECH TO COKSTO [JENTS ; V , 

to any class or section. Mistakes of the people are less 
dangerous to the commonwealth," said Mr. Chamberlain 
impressively, "than the mistakes of a minority or of a 
privileged cla 

He then declared his opinion', on Licensing Reform, 
Education, and Disestablishment. 

Mr. Chamberlain's attitude on the last of these questions 
MsMtattitit-has so often been asserted to be the natural 

mmit - outcome of his position as a Dissenter that his 
pronouncement on hi i real views is worth careful attention :— 

"J have never been content to argue this question as 
if it were a squabble between Dissenters and Churchmen, 

nor have I ever attacked the religious work of the Church 
or the personal work of those who preach her doctrin< 
but I have maintained, and I do maintain, that it is an 

institution which divides the land into hostile camps upon 

all social, educational, and political qui and that it 

converts what ought to be a religious organ into the machine 
of a party opposed to progress. 

" 'J he fact is, that union between Church and State is 
separation between Church and people. 

" One reason why working men do not go to church may 
he sought for in the- fact that workmen are compelled to 
look upon the c;h, )rc h as their opponent in all the political 
reforms upon which they have set their heart 

" You might almost think that a new Act of Uniformity 
had been passed which made Conservatism the fortieth Article 
and the possession of Liberal principles a disqualification 
for 1 foly Orders. . . . 

" What the Liberals want is to secure better representation, 

ultimate to promote temperance, to secure the prevalence 
L1 £i (A education, and remove the great causes of 
social discord and the great obstacles to political 
progress, to provide food and comforts for millions of their 
fellow-countrymen. Those are the constitutional objects 
which we seek by means as constitutional as those by which 
our opponents try to defeat them. . . . 

" England is said to be the paradise of the rich ; we have- 
to take care that it is not suffered to become the purgatory 
of the poor." 



i 4 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 
In conclusion he said : — 

" I could wish that we could settle our political differences 

without this personal bitterness, and for myself, if I 

Duty as a have ever attacked an opponent when I might have 

Member of contented myself with condemning his opinions, 

Pariiamen . ^ gver j ^ aye un j ust }y imputed motives when 

I should have been satisfied with blaming actions which I 
disapprove, I hope I shall never be ashamed to express the 
regret which I ought to feel. 

" On the other hand, no hope of escaping obloquy shall 
ever cause me to abate one jot of honest conviction or to 
refrain from frank and free expression of it. 'If,' says the 
proverb, 'you turn aside to throw a stone at every cur that 
barks, you will never get to the end of your journey.' I 
am your representative. I have other work to do than to 
notice ungenerous criticism from political foes. 

" No man can sit for Birmingham who does not represent 

the working classes, which form four-fifths of this 

Represenu- g reat constituency. I therefore refuse altogether 

tive of tne to consider myself, in any sense, a representative of 

^ciasses g middle- class interests. . . . But the working classes 
have much to gain from legislation, and although 
I do not believe their interests to be antagonistic to those of 
other classes — because the welfare and security of the whole 
depend upon the contentment and happiness of every part — 
yet I share their hopes and aspirations, and I claim until 
you withdraw it the privilege to speak on their behalf, and 
in their name and your name to plead their cause." 

Throughout this book, when Mr. Chamberlain's popularity 
is referred to, it is not intended to imply either that his 
actions obtained universal approval or that in Birmingham 
itself there were not men opposed to him both politically 
and personally. All that is meant is, that during the period 
under review, the great preponderance of feeling, especially 
in Birmingham, was in his favour ; and during his municipal 
career more particularly, this popularity was not the out- 
come of loyalty to the chief of a party, but was largely a 
sentiment of liking for the man. 

He was probably at this time better known personally 



ENTRY INTO THE HOUSE 141 

to his constituents than any other Member of Parliament 
has been, unless " Labour " candidates be excepted. 

The following letter shows, however, that there were among 
the ratepayers those who could not forget that "twopence 
on the improvement rate is a gigantic tangible fact " : — 

" Dear Sir,— 

" You are better known as the ' Mad Mayor of 
Birmingham ' ! Very appropriate too ! You certainly can't 
have common sense ! You are going on involving the town 
in expense just to pleasure your own fancies and a lot of 
addle-headed Town Councillors that, like a flock of sheep, 
will agree to anything. 

" The ratepayers must be fools to let you go any further. 
You want to borrow more money for improvements. It 
is a disgrace ! An Englishman's house used to be his castle. 
Now^ it is filled with spies on the plea of sanitary in- 
spection. It is a disgrace to them who call themselves 
rulers of this scandalous town ! " 

In July, 1876, Mr. Chamberlain took his seat in the House. 
Entry into The ceremon y °f introduction was to be performed 
the House, by Mr. Bright and Mr. Cowen, the Member for 
y ' " Newcastle, an admirer of the new Member for 
Birmingham. Many friends came forward to congratulate 
Mr. Chamberlain, among others being Mr. Morley (who was, 
however, not in the House at the time). But before taking 
the oath an incident occurred which was of course com- 
mented on, and over which the Birmingham Town Crier 
made merry. 

Mr. Chamberlain, new to the etiquette of the House, was 
unaware that he might not wear his hat until he was actually 
sworn in, and after prayers were over he promptly put it 
on. Consternation reigned : surely Mr. Bright would explain 
matters to his young colleague. But Mr. Bright either did 
not see what had happened or took no notice. Would some 
one write the offender a line ? No one did. Whispers ran 
up and down the benches : would he incur the wrath of 
Mr. Speaker? Presently one of the doorkeepers came in 



i42 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

with a message for the new Member, and when, with perfect 
deliberation, a few moments later the hat was removed, 
the House breathed again. 

The Town Crier, in the " Diary of a New Member," gives 
the supposed impressions of Mr. Chamberlain on his entry 
into the House : — 

" July 15. — Kept my hat on in the House when I went 
there. Other people did the same. It seems to be the 
only sign of difference between the Members and door- 
keepers. Seems I did wrong ; you don't wear your hat 
until you are sworn. Felt strongly disposed to swear off- 
hand ; but there is a form provided, which you are obliged 
to follow. It is longer than it need be, and not so expressive 
as a voluntary form might be made. Mr. Bright and Mr. 
Cowen took me up to see the Speaker. . . . We shook hands, 
and I went through the formality of the oath. Then I took 
my seat, put on my hat, and felt as if I had been in the 
House for a twelvemonth. 

" The first impression one gets from the House is a desire 
to get away as soon as possible. The smoking-room is nice, 
and you can go out on the terrace and look at the penny 
steamboats ; so far as I can see, a good many Members 
would be better employed if they did nothing else. Instead, 
they come up and vote the wrong way. You vote by going 
out of the House into a long passage, chatting to anybody 
you find there, and then you go through a door and are 
ticked off like a lot of sheep, and then you go back into 
the House again and presently repeat the performance. 

" Legislation involves a lot of walking. . . . 

" I never had any idea till now how tiresome speeches 
might be. Hitherto they have seemed delightful, but 
perhaps there is a difference between making them and 
listening to them. . . . The whole thing is a weariness and 
a bore. This Education Bill, for instance. A League 
meeting is the thing to freshen them. ... If it wasn't for 
the smoking-room, the place would be intolerable. I wonder 
how Dixon stood it so long. Bright is different ; he has 
been here so many years that he likes it. Quite an acquired 
taste, like truffles. I haven't said anything yet about the 
great people up here. For one thing it isn't so very easy 
to find them." 



HIS MAIDEN SPEECH 143 

It is curious that Mr. H. W. Lucy, in the life attached 

to his authorised edition of Mr. Chamberlain's 

mthe^ouse s P eecnes » should give the wrong date for his 

August 4th, maiden speech, remarking that — 
1876. l & 

" with a wisdom which might be more widely 
imitated, he did not till his second Session attempt to catch 
the Speaker's eye. He was content to watch the House, 
learn its ways, and make it familiar with his unobtrusive 
presence before he claimed its attention as a participator 
in the debate. The first speeches in the House of Commons 
of men who subsequently make themselves famous are 
matters of enduring interest." 

No excuse will therefore be needed for quoting a consider- 
able part of that speech which was really Mr. Chamberlain's 
maiden effort, though it was delivered on August 4th, 1876, 
on Lord Sandon's Education Bill, and not February 17th, 
1877, on the Prisons Bill. 

During the discussion on the payment of fees by the 
guardians, Mr. Chamberlain rose, saying that he had so 
recently come into the House that he felt reluctant to 
trespass on its time, being of opinion that he should best 
show his respect for the assembly he was so proud to 
enter by refraining from addressing it while inexperienced 
in its forms and practice. 

" But the question under consideration is one in which 
I am so deeply interested, and one in which I have taken 
so considerable a part personally, that it seems to me it 
would be scarcely honest if I were to remain silent and 
refrain from stating to the House the opinions which I have 
formed upon this subject. 

" The noble lord (Lord Sandon) who has just sat down 
said that we were, he hoped, about to arrive at a satisfactory 
settlement of the question. I fear that the House of 
Commons cannot be congratulated on any such result. 

" Allusion has been made in the course of the debate to 
the Birmingham School Board, to whom, I hope, Members 
will at least give credit for honesty of purpose and real 



144 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

educational zeal. As the majority of that Board had en- 
deavoured to enforce compulsory attendance before any 
bond schools wore built, it had become necessary to pay 
the fees of the children of poor parents at denominational 
schools, but the feeling against this course was so strong — 
hundreds of people declaring* they would rather be distrained 
u^ou than pay the ' New Church Rate ' — that even the 
denominational majority of the Board were unwilling to 
enforce it, and provision for payment in those cases was 
made by voluntary subscriptions." 

Mr. Chamberlain then explained how, under the second 
Board, of which he had been Chairman, the system was 
adopted, of complete separation of religious and secular 
education — "a very different thing from a system of purely 
secular education." He denied indignantly that this plan was, 
as had been said, " to the eternal disgrace of Birmingham." 
Never had so complete, so thorough and universal a measure 
of religious teaching been given to their children before. 

" ■ The rights of conscience ' was fast becoming (as Mr. 
Forster had in 1873 made it) a geographical expression. In 
the rural districts there are ten thousand to twelve thousand 
parishes with only Church schools, and this rate now asked 
for, is for the maintenance of their doctrines, not as the old 
church rate was, merely for the maintenance of the fabric 
of the church." 

In conclusion he said that the amendment raised so 
important a principle that it would justify even a factious 
opposition on the part of honourable Members on his side of 
the House, and would lead to future opposition detrimental 
to the cause of education. He thanked the House for 
having listened to him so attentively. 

The Member following — Mr. Hopwood — referred to the 
able and temperate speech they had listened to from the 
Member for Birmingham, whose ability had been so fully 
shown in a speech which must have been listened to with 
attention and pleasure by all who heard it. 

" Mr. Chamberlain's speech was acknowledged to be one of 



RECEPTION IN THE HOUSE 145 

the successes of the season," said another critic, and it was 
of course hailed with great satisfaction in Birmingham. 
The second speech (on the Prisons Bill) was a protest 

against transferring the control of prisons to the 

PrtBonamu. Imperial Government. Mr. Chamberlain confessed 

Fe i877 ary ' himself divided between admiration for the object 

which the Home Secretary (Mr. Cross) had in 
iriew and dissatisfaction with regard to the means by which 
he hoped to accomplish his end. " If you save a hundred 
pounds," he said, " out of the local rates, it is not much if it 
entails on the Imperial Government an expenditure of double 
that amount." He had had considerable experience of 
Government contracts, and while he had always found Govern- 
ment officials very civil, " no system could be devised which 
was less competent to secure the best article at the lowest 
price ; it would not compare with the advantages possessed 
by local authorities possessing multifarious sources of informa- 
tion." Now, the financial arrangements of the prisons were 
to be taken from the control of the Town Councils : this 
was a blow to the dignity of local government. The visiting 
justices might make recommendations, but the local authori- 
ties would have no power to order the work to be done. 
Why did not the Government take over the reformatories and 
industrial schools also? He protested against the "Radical 
and revolutionary proceedings of the Government." 

The " first appearance " of the Radical Member for Bir- 
mingham had been looked for with interest, not unmingled 
with trepidation, by some Members of the House. They 
had been prepared to see a man with the roughness of a 
miner and the dress of a Hyde Park agitator. Sir Walter 
Barttelot had evidently evolved some fancy picture, says 
Mr. H. W. Lucy— 

" for his surprise at seeing the junior Member for Birmingham 
in a coat and even a waistcoat, and in hearing him speak 
very good English in a quiet and undemonstrative manner, 
was undisguised. . . . Moreover, the Radical wore, not spec- 
tacles (with tin or brass rims, as Felix Holt would un- 

10 



i 4 6 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

doubtcdly have done, if his sight had been impaired), but 
an eyeglass. Positively an eyeglass ! Surprise deepened 
when the Radical, in a low, clear, admirably pitched voice, 
and with a manner self-possessed without being self-assertive, 
proceeded to discuss the Prisons Bill on the same lines as 
Sir Walter himself. ... At the close of the speech, Sir 
Walter, overcome with surprise, found himself shaking hands 
with this Radical." 

As Mr. Chamberlain had spoken in the House some seven 
months previously, this picture is somewhat overdrawn, and 
Sir Walter's surprise rather belated. The new Member's 
slim, well-set-up figure, his faultless dress, precise speech, 
clear, well-modulated voice, came as a surprise to many 
who had assumed that the Radical Member for the most 
Radical of towns could not possibly be a gentleman as 
regards the external man, whatever he might be " at heart." 

As a debater he at once made his mark : a quiet humour, 
far removed from that of the " funny man," showed itself ; 
his sarcastic vein was at first rigidly controlled, while his 
grasp of the essential points of his case, the clever arrange- 
ment of his arguments, the lucidity and point of his illus- 
trations, combined with his natural action and pleasant 
voice, attracted unusual attention and favourable comment. 
It was evident that the junior Member for Birmingham 
would always command a hearing. 

Six months after his entry into Parliamentary life, Vanity 

Description Fair published a cartoon of Mr. Chamberlain, 
by " Vanity , ... , . 
Fair." describing him as — 

" a devout Radical Philistine ; yet he is gentle-mannered, 
well-read, and a careful writer ; a welcome guest, an excellent 
host, a successful candidate for a position in smart society, 
and therefore" [surely a strange " therefore "] "undoubtedly 
destined to play a leading part whenever the Liberals shall 
next appear upon the stage in power. He has already made 
himself known for somebody in Parliament, and although, 
having but delicate health and not being a born orator, 
it is a question whether he will make for himself a great 



Tour in Sweden 147 

position in the House, it is certain that he will make himself 
an excellent position in other people's houses." 

Thus early did he receive the approbation of " smart 
society," according to the verdict of one of its leading 
journals. " The delicate health," however, must have been 
a pretty journalistic fiction. Mr. Chamberlain, to use the 
old-fashioned phrase, "enjoys excellent health," — with the 
exception of an occasional attack of gout — though he has 
sustained a heavier strain through bereavement in private 
life, and by reason of political and personal attacks in public 
life, than almost any other statesman of the last fifty 
years. But his appearance in earlier years was that of a 
delicate man : the thin white face, with its sharp lines, 
and the slight figure, did not give an impression of physical 
strength. 

Mr. Chamberlain passed the summer vacation of 1876 
in a tour in Lapland and Sweden, an account 

TJlG 

Gothenburg of which he published in the Fortnightly for 
MuS P ai f December, 1876. Together with Mr. Jesse 

Public- Collings he spent some weeks visiting a little- 
House. Ol D 

known district and " roughing it " considerably. 

The account of the journey is interesting, and he was 

evidently much impressed by the scenery and the beauty 

of the Swedish capital. A still stronger impression was 

made by the extreme isolation and dreariness of the scattered 

peasant life in remote villages. 

The object of the journey was to investigate the Swedish 
system of the municipal control of drinking houses, usually 
known as the " Gothenburg System " from its successful 
adoption by the town of Gothenburg. Modifications of the 
plan arc in force elsewhere, but Mr. Chamberlain desired 
to see for himself how it worked out in Sweden, where it 
originated, and whether the evils which the Swedes hoped 
to combat successfully were analogous to those which 
English legislators had to combat in their own country. 

After his visit to Sweden, he laid his proposals before the 



i 4 8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

"Six Hundred" in November, 1876. In his speech he lays 

Birmingham down three propositions :— 
"Six 

and the " I. The absolute suppression of drinking is 

scheme, impossible. 

" 2. The evils of drinking will become permanent, and 
perhaps increase, unless we can secure some better regulation 
of drinking. 

"3. This regulation can only be efficiently secured by 
entrusting the trade to the control of local authorities. 

" I should like to say that I came to this conclusion a 
long while ago, and before I ever heard of what is called 
the ' Gothenburg System.' . . . I want you. . . to consider the 
resolution which I submit to you independently in the first 
instance, at all events, of anything you may have, heard 
abcut the Gothenburg system ; because, bear in mind, that 
an experiment in one country can never be an absolutely 
certain guide as to results in another country." 

The main advantages of the new system were that all 
drink-shops were in the hands of a public body instead of 
those of private owners ; the number of such places could be 
at once enormously reduced ; the regulations for the conduct 
of public-houses would be more strictly enforced ; the 
liquors sold would be pure ; by removing vested interests 
further regulation — such as Sunday closing — which those 
interests oppose would become possible ; and closing on 
election days would be practicable. Moreover, the political 
interests of the trade would disappear. Further, all extraneous 
temptation, in the way of " music and mirrors, glass and 
gilding," to excessive drinking would be removed. 

The means whereby these reforms would be carried out 
were simple. Parliament was to be asked to empower the 
local authorities to buy up the licensed houses within their 
district. Compensation at a rate fixed by Parliament was to 
be given ; the number of houses was to be determined propor- 
tionately to the population, beyond which it could not be in- 
creased,though the authorities might reduce this number ; the 
management of the houses was to be in the hands of salaried 



THE GOTHENBURG SYSTEM 149 

servants appointed by the Corporation ; their position was 
dependent on good conduct and an orderly house ; their 
remuneration was in no way increased by the alcoholic 
liquors they sold, but they were to have a commission on 
the sale of food and non-intoxicating drinks, so that it would 
be to their interest to diminish the sale of intoxicants and 
increase the sale of food. 

The profits might be variously applied. Some proposed 
that they should be used for the multiplication of parks, 
museums, and free libraries ; others that they should be paid 
over to the Imperial Government as the tax on alcoholic 
drink now is. As the plan was finally shaped they were not 
to be devoted to the relief of rates, so that the ratepayers 
could never have any interest in the increase of the trade. 

The public-houses themselves were to be plain, clean, 
homely, unadorned buildings. The presence of children, 
of gamblers, and of prostitutes would not be allowed, and 
the hours of closing would be earlier and the hours of 
opening later than at present. 

Was not this a Utopian dream ? Apparently not in 
Sweden. 

Mr. Chamberlain next recounted some of his Swedish 

Some experiences, explaining at the same time that these 

Gothenburg regulations had so far been applied to spirit-shops 
experiences. . , : in -n • 1, 

only ; and as the supply of beer was still practically 

unrestricted, the results were not as good as might reasonably 

be expected in England, where beershops would also be 

included. 



" We were in a house at nine o'clock at night — just before 
closing, for people are very early in Gothenburg and go 
to bed at nine o'clock — and it was crowded with working 
men tossing off their glasses of spirits, and I am bound to 
confess we saw some drunken men among them. But we 
did not see any drunken men supplied with drink. They 
were not drunk as we call drunk here — not drunk and 
disorderly, or drunk and incapable ; but they were quiet 
drunkards. We saw these men walking to the bar and 



iSo THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

asking for further supplies, and in all cases they were refused, 
and in two or three cases they were put out of the house 
and told to go home. 

" Well, after we had looked on for some time I said to the 
Chief of the Police, who accompanied me : ' I have seen 
enough of this class of house. I want now to go to the 
worst in Gothenburg.' He said : ' This is the worst house 
— this is the very worst house in Gothenburg.' 

" It is close to the quays, it is frequented, not by ordinary 
working men, but by ' lumpers ' who assist in unloading the 
ships — by men of the very lowest class — and it used to be in 
former times a den of disorder, a constant scene of debauchery 
and riot ; it was the haunt of prostitutes ; it was as well 
known to the seafaring population under a cant name as the 
worst den in Rotterdam. 

" I assure you that that house when I saw it was more 
respectable than dozens of houses in Birmingham, London, 
and other large towns. The consequence of this improved 
character of the houses is to be found in the amount of crime 
in the town, which is now below the average, and chiefly 
made up of comparatively venial offences, the more serious 
offences being almost unknown." 

Mr. Chamberlain then answered the various objections 
which were urged against the plan. The most forcible one, 
which was felt by many ardent temperance reformers, was, 
that they did not conscientiously see how they could 
(through their municipal representatives) have anything to do 
with the sale of alcoholic liquors at all. 

" But," said Mr. Chamberlain, "you cannot get rid of the 
responsibility by shutting your eyes. . . . As a matter of 
fact, you are deriving a great portion of the revenue of this 
country from the profits of the trade at the present time ; 
you are undertaking the responsibility of its control and regula- 
tion, and the question is whether you will do that efficiently 
or in the perfunctory way in which it is now carried on. 

" We may, I believe, lessen the evils connected with this 
traffic, and I say that is a worthy and a noble object. 

" I remember a speech attributed to Mr. Spurgeon, who 
was taken to task for some unconventional manner or 
language in the pulpit, and who said in reply : ' If I could 



THE GROSVENOR HOUSE MEETING 151 

save souls by standing on my head, I would always preach in 
that position.' Well, I say, if I could save half the drunk- 
ards in Birmingham — if I could relieve them from tJie con- 
sequences of the vice to which they are a prey — if I could 
increase to that extent the happiness and prosperity of the 
community by turning publican, I would put on an apron 
and serve behind a bar to-morrow, and I should say I could 
not possibly engage in a nobler or more religious work," 
[that is, of saving half the drunkards in Birmingham.] 

" We must not expect," he added, " an Act of Parliament 
to make men sober, but then on the other hand that is 
only half the question. We must take care that an Act of 
Parliament does not make men drunk." 



It is to be noted that when this speech of Mr. Cham- 
berlain's is quoted, all the words in italics are left out. 
Immediately after its delivery, the cartoonists were busy 
depicting him as a barman. 

Early in January, 1877, Mr. Chamberlain proposed to the 
Town Council that the Corporation should apply for powers 
to try this system of licensing in Birmingham, and his 
motion was carried by forty votes to ten. In February he 
wrote another article on the subject of " Municipal Public- 
Houses," and in this Session introduced a resolution asking 
for a trial of the Gothenburg system in England. 

Seventeen years later (1894), at the Grosvenor House 
Later opinion meeting in support of public-house reform, he 
a^e Reform, defined his first and his final position on this 
1894. matter. In 1877 he had given evidence before 
the Lords' Committee, and as one of the results of that 
Committee various recommendations were made to Parlia- 
ment, one being that this scheme should have a fair trial. 

"In 1877 I failed — that is to say, I failed to bring 
Parliament round to my opinion, and although I have not, 
in the slightest degree, had my confidence in the soundness 
of the principles which were then laid down shaken or 
destroyed, yet I must confess I have allowed the matter 
to slumber. . . . 



152 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" Why have I left this reform so long in abeyance ? 
Well, because of the hostility of the Temperance party. That 
is the whole secret of the matter. . . . Until wiser counsels 
prevail among the Temperance party, I fear that the history 
of temperance agitation will continue to be a dismal 
record of the wrecks of well-meant efforts and promising 
experiments. . . . 

" I earnestly entreat them [the members of the United 
Kingdom Alliance] to reconsider the policy of that great 
organisation. I say that, during my time, I know of no 
organisation either political or social, which with so much 
money has done so little good. . . . 

"When I made my proposal (1877), which was that this 
matter should be carried through by a municipality, there 
were many objections which were directed exclusively with 
a view to the municipality having anything to do with the 
matter. All these objections fall to the ground in the case 
of the Bishop of Chester's scheme, according to which a 
trust instead of a municipality would take charge of the 
subject. . . . 

" I approve of the Bishop's plan, as perhaps I should 
be also willing to approve of any reasonable modification 
[of the scheme]. 

"Since 1877 all the reflection, all the consideration, I 
have been able to give to this matter has only strengthened 
my conviction that here, and here alone, lies the reasonable 
and hopeful opportunity of making a great reduction in the 
intemperance which we deplore." 

Such a scheme of Temperance Reform was one of 
Mr. Chamberlain's earliest dreams, it still represents his 
mature views on what is perhaps the most important 
and most pressing question of English domestic legislation. 
From the material point of view alone, the statesman who 
succeeds in carrying a good temperance measure will have 
done much to enable us to regain and to hold that dominant 
position in the industrial world which we look upon as 
necessary for the maintenance of English supremacy. In 
the event of success the reduction in our bill for the support 
of the criminal and pauper population alone would pay for 
the cost of the experiment, and possibly the income wanted 



RECEPTION BY THE HOUSE 153 

by Mr. Chamberlain in order to provide old age pensions 
might be drawn from the savings thus effected. 

The speech on the Gothenburg question was Mr. 
Chamberlain's first big effort in the House. He spoke for 
nearly an hour, and " on rising was loudly cheered," while 
" loud and continuous cheering from both sides of the 
House " greeted the close of the speech, which was listened 
to with marked attention, and fifty votes were recorded 
in favour of his resolution. 

From this time his position in the House was assured. 
The following description of it, dated from an article in 
the Birmingham Post by " an Independent Member," shows 
the impression made after his third speech in the House. 

" He had some notes, but he hardly ever used them. 
Before he had spoken twenty sentences, Mr. Gladstone leaned 
forward to see and hear the speaker. Cross (the Home 
Secretary) took notes, and Sir Stafford [Northcote] was 
drawn into a sitting position, and sat upright. There were 
no epigrams, no personalities, no desperate attempts to be 
funny. It was a calm, serious argument, leading to a level 
and logical conclusion. From end to end it was the work 
of a man who felt the subject too important for wit and 
laughter, and who laid himself out to convince rather than 
to secure applause. 

" Mr. Chamberlain must be credited with having thoroughly 
learnt the art of oratory. His voice is perfect ; his articula- 
tion distinct. His action, too, is good ; he knows what to 
do with his hands. I am not sure that when speaking he 
was not wearing spectacles or an eyeglass of some kind. 
... If he does, let him be earnestly counselled not to use 
anything of the sort while speaking. It is of the greatest 
importance that the audience should see the orator's eyes. 
Barring this, his action is good — and heaven only knows 
what we have to suffer from distorted action in this House ! 

" Except Mr. Bright, Mr. Gladstone, and Roebuck, I cannot 
call to mind another Member of the House who understands 
practically what rhetoric is, and yet a man is born to speak 
in public, just as truly as he is born to sing in public. 

" It is pleasant to find that Mr. Chamberlain trusts little 



154 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

to that ' inspiration of the moment ' to which is due so 
much of the watery flood which drowns the House. He 
had evidently prepared carefully, and yet there were passages 
in his speech which could not have been more spontaneous 
had they occurred to him on the spot, notably when he 
protested against Mr. Lowe's theory that municipal govern- 
ments could not be trusted with patronage. 

" Of course the central excellence of the speech was its 
earnestness, because Sir Wilfrid Lawson's treatment has, 
unfortunately, made this subject a theme for continual jokes 
and laughter. Here at last was one more human being 
in the House — a man, not a mask. Who knows what nine 
out of ten of the Members are really meaning or thinking ? 
This sincerity will ultimately secure success. Mr. Chamber- 
lain has made his mark — he must take one precaution, and 
be careful not to repeat the achievement of Tuesday too 
often. Once or twice in a Session is enough." 



CHAPTER XIII 

ORGANISING THE LIBERAL PARTY 

1877— 1880 

DISSOLUTION OF NATIONAL EDUCATION LEAGUE 1877 — FEDERA- 
TION OF LIBERAL ASSOCIATIONS— MR. GLADSTONE'S VISIT TO 
BIRMINGHAM, MAY 1877 — FORTNIGHTLY ARTICLES "THE 
NEW POLITICAL ORGANISATION" AND "THE CAUCUS" — MR. 
CHAMBERLAIN AT ROCHDALE — JOHN BRIGHT'S TRIBUTE- 
FRANCIS SCHNADHORST. 

" ' I y HE question of popular education is rapidly becoming 
X the line of demarcation between parties and the 
test of true Liberalism in this and every other European 
country," wrote Mr. Chamberlain in his article on " Free 
Schools" (January, 1877). In this he lays down the pro- 
position that compulsory education must be followed by 
free education, if the former is not to become a sham 
and to cause injustice in the many cases in which the 
exercise of compulsion tended simply to drive the children 
into denominational schools. 

"The efforts of all lovers of justice and of all friends of 
education must now be directed to the establishment of the 
principle that representation shall go hand in hand with 
taxation, and that no grant of national or local funds shall 
be made to any school a majority of whose managing body 
does not consist of representatives elected by the district 
for the purpose." 

This, then, was to be the work of the Liberal party — to 
secure this representation, and to fight for free schools. 
The circular issued in 1877 which dissolved the National 

*55 



156 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Education League also suggests that the Liberal party, when 
organised, should undertake this work : — 

"They feel that the great question of education cannot 
long remain in the position determined by the Act of 
last Session. The Liberal organisations, especially in the 
boroughs, are now being perfected by the establishment of 
Liberal Associations on a representative basis, and a practical 
step toward rendering them better available for general 
political work has already been taken by the resolution of 
the Birmingham Liberal Association to call a meeting of 
delegates, with a view to uniting the various organisations 
in one Federation. To such a union the education 
question may properly and safely be committed for con- 
sideration as one of the features of the Liberal programme." 

The Federation of the Liberal Associations throughout 

Gladstone's the coun try took place in May, 1877, in Bir- 

visit. mingham when Mr. Gladstone visited the town 

May 31st, 1877. - °_. - J ., , 

for the first time, if we except the hour he 
used to spend there on his way to school waiting for 
the coach. A great reception was prepared for him ; he 
was to be escorted by a procession of delegates and by 
companies of men (five hundred from each ward) all the 
way from New Street Station to Mr. Chamberlain's resi- 
dence in Edgbaston. But the enthusiasm of the people 
outside the station was such that they broke the barriers, 
swept aside the police, and surrounded the carriage in 
which Mr. and Mrs. Gladstone, accompanied by Mr. 
Chamberlain and his daughter, were sitting. They pressed 
forward to shake hands with the great leader, and one, 
more excited than the rest, patted Mr. Gladstone on 
the back. Some sort of processional order was at length 
attained, and the cavalcade made its way to Edgbaston, 
halting a moment at Mr. Dixon's house, where his wife and 
daughter welcomed the distinguished visitors. 

In the evening the great meeting in Bingley Hall took 

Meeting in place, when nearly thirty thousand men assembled 

Bingley Hail. to hear Mr Gladstone, and few who were there 



MR. GLADSTONE IN BIRMINGHAM 157 

are likely to forget it. It was said to be the largest 
audience ^ ever gathered together to hear one man speak. 
At five o'clock the ticket-holders began to take their seats ; 
at six the doors admitting to the free part of the hall were 
thrown open, and the cheers and the noise as the people 
rushed in from all sides at once and "swarmed" up the 
supports in the gallery almost to the roof was something 
never to be forgotten. The heat and the crushing were 
indescribable. Behind huge barricades men were wedged 
in solid masses of a thousand or more ; the barricades con- 
verted the hall into vast pens ; the roar of the incoming 
multitude, the trampling of feet, the scuffling, were not unlike 
the sounds to be heard outside a wild-beast show. Glass 
had to be taken out of the roof to admit more air, and as 
the stifling, gasping crowd eagerly watched, the workman 
seated himself in the aperture he had just made, blocking 
for the moment the current of air. A howl of anger went 
up from the hall, which, though only meant as a warning "to 
come down out of that," was horribly suggestive of what the 
wrath of those excited men penned up below might mean. 

They were separated by breast-high palisading from a 
long thin line of seat-holders right down the body of the 
hall. Stout as this protection was, even before the meeting 
began it was seen to sway under the attacks made upon it 
by the rushes of the men within. Considerable anxiety was 
depicted on many faces ; some seat-holders even relinquished 
their seats, for ladies and even children were in the reserved 
places, with insecure barriers on both sides of them. Had 
these come down, a frightful rush from both sides must have 
taken place. At one moment a clergyman stood up on a 
chair, shouting, "Take the women and children out." A 
yell of derision followed : " Yah ! Yer wus than a woman 
yerself!" At last great beams were brought in, and the 
barrier was shored up, policemen standing against it all the 
way down the hall. 

As the meeting went on the crush became serious ; one 
great grimy head after another which had been looking over 



158 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the barriers disappeared, and one burly form after another 
had to be lifted over and laid in the gangway of the reserved 
seats as man after man fainted. Presently they recovered, 
scrambled to their feet, and stood white and shaken, but 
intent to cheer at every opportunity as the speeches went on. 

Delegates from nearly a hundred Liberal Associations were 
present, and the organiser of the whole, Francis Schnadhorst, 
(the Secretary) with other officials of the Liberal Association 
and the Mayor and Corporation were on the platform. There 
were very few "big guns." The meeting was a practical 
demonstration of the power of the people, and perhaps not 
less so of the enormous responsibility which lay in the hands 
of the men who could influence this great instrument for 
good or evil. 

Great as was the excitement beforehand, it was but a 
breeze compared with the hurricane of enthusiasm which 
swept the meeting when the Liberal leader stood before 
them, accompanied by Mr. Chamberlain, Dr. Dale, and other 
favourite speakers. For once Dale, a man almost as popular 
as their junior Member, was not welcome. " Sit down, sit 
down, and let's hear Gladstone ! " was shouted from all parts 
of the hall, and scarcely had the audience patience to listen 
to the preliminary proceedings. 

Mr. Gladstone's reception was one which he could never 
forget, and when he came again in 1888 it must have 
been saddening to Mr. Chamberlain, to reflect how far 
they had drifted asunder since they stood together that 
May evening to receive the finest welcome which could be 
offered to any man by his fellow-citizens. 

Mr. Gladstone's speech was concerned with the develop- 
ment of the Eastern question and with the rejection of his 
famous resolutions in the House of Commons. The country 
believed itself to be drifting into a war of intervention on 
behalf of the tyrannous Turk against the oppressed Christian, 
partly through hatred of Russia, partly by reason of Disraeli's 
calculating obstinacy. Both the conscience and the senti- 
ment of the country (which are not always allied) were dead 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S NEW POLICY 159 

against such a war, and Mr. Chamberlain had already re- 
corded his protest in the House in unmistakable terms, 
saying that there was still a chance of maintaining friendly 
relations with the Czar and circumventing Turkey, while, by 
strengthening the Greek kingdom, a certain measure of 
protection against Russian aggression would be obtained. 

Mr. Chamberlain's speech did not deal with the Eastern 
Mr. chamber- question, but proposed a federation of the Liberal 
lam's speecn. strength of the kingdom, in which "all Liberal 
Associations founded on the principle of popular election 
should be included." The National Liberal Federation was 
intended " to give the opinion of the people full and direct 
expression in framing and supporting the policy of the 
Liberal party. Public agitation hitherto had confined itself 
to preventing mischief ; now they would make a new depar- 
ture and see if it could not shape a new policy, as well as 
defeat an ignoble one." The Liberal creed was " Progress," 
and they could not stand still very long without ceasing to 
be Liberals. The new programme was still " Free Schools, 
Free Land, Free Church" — a programme for the people. 

Mr. Gladstone worked hard during this visit, and on the 
following day, having inspected the Small Arms Factory 
and shaken hands with many of the workmen, he drove to 
the Bristol Road Board School, was conducted over the 
buildings, was cheered by the children in the playground, 
and received an address from the " Six Hundred," who had 
assembled there. Thence he went to the Town Hall and 
met the Mayor and chief officials of the town, who were 
anxious to welcome him in their historic hall, of which he 
had heard so much. It looked cold and empty after the 
crowd in Bingley Hall the previous night, but Mr. Gladstone, 
who, in spite of a long morning's work, refused to sit during 
the proceedings, showed the greatest interest in everything 
and paid a warm tribute to the municipal work and 
workers of Birmingham. 

The day ended with a great banquet given by the Mayor 
(Mr. Alderman Baker), at which Mr. Bright was present and 



i6o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

returned thanks for " The Borough Members." He contrived 
to chaff Mr. Chamberlain on his insatiable activity, and slyly 
remarked that things did not move nearly fast enough in 
the House to suit his young colleague. " I can see Mr. 
Chamberlain is looking at me through his glass, only waiting 
till I have finished to get up and protest against what J 
am saying." 

Mr. Chamberlain did not lose his opportunity. With 
somewhat more earnestness than the occasion seemed to need, 
he pointed out the solid agreement which existed between 
himself and Mr. Bright. " My Right Honourable colleague," 
he said, "hates programmes. I entirely agree with him, 
and heartily approve of the programme he has just set 
before you." As for his work as Mayor, he avowed that 
he had never worked harder before or since, and if the 
opportunity of effectively serving the borough in Parliament 
were not afforded him, he would return and dwell once more 
with his own people. 

Thus ended a memorable visit, and thus Mr. Chamberlain 
found himself after less than a year of Parliamentary life a 
man of note in the eyes of the Liberal party. His reputation 
was no longer local. The presence of the Liberal leader had 
sanctioned the extension of the political organisation which 
was to dominate the whole Liberal party, and of this organisa- 
tion Mr. Chamberlain was now the recognised leader. In 
two articles in the Fortnightly he expounded its methods 
and its aims. 

" The true significance of Mr. Gladstone's visit to Bir- 

" The New mingham," said Mr. Chamberlain in "The New 

Political Organisation," " has been seized by the great 

tion^and majority of those who are interested in the 

"The ( matter. . . . He delivered a great speech on the 

caucus. Eastern question, and no attempt was made to 

commit him to any public expression of opinion on the 

general policy of the Liberal party. . . . The ex-leader of 

the Liberal party and the most popular statesman of our 

time has expressed his sympathy with the efforts of those 

who are trying to retrieve the fallen fortunes of the Liberal 



THE LIBERAL FEDERATION 161 

party ; and he has frankly admitted the claims of the 
Radicals — the men who are in earnest [as he himself had 
defined them to be] — to recognition and fair consideration 
in the party councils. . . . 

" It is the confident expectation of the promoters of the 
new organisation that it will result in greater definiteness 
being given to the aims and objects of the party." 

If the view of the leaders (that inaction was inevitable and 
politic for the present) was the right one, then Mr. Chamber- 
lain sarcastically observes : " Our occupation is gone ; there 
is no question of a programme, no need for a leader ; all 
that is required is the service of a political charwoman or 
two who will keep the dust from the furniture and the flies 
from the chandelier." 

But the leaders were wrong. The rank and file had 
positively dragged their officers into action in the case of 
the Merchant Shipping Bill, the two Slavery Circulars, and 
the Burials Bill. As for the Eastern question, it was the 
people who decided against war with Russia. For three 
months the Liberal leaders had refrained from challenging 
the action of the Government, while every day we were 
drifting nearer to war. The inaction of the leaders had 
been due in great measure to a mistaken impression of the 
mind of the country. 

"It will not be the least of the objects of the new 
Federation to prevent from time to time the possibility of 
such misconceptions, and to reflect accurately the opinions 
and the wishes of the majority of the Liberals for the in- 
formation of all who are responsible for party management." 

A formal programme was expressly precluded from the 
constitution of the new Federation, — 

"since the only qualification required from its members 
is that they shall be representatives freely chosen by the 
popular vote of all Liberals in their respective districts. . . . 

" The managing committees are elected by public meetings 
annually called in each ward, and open to every Liberal resi- 

II 



i6 2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

dent. Thus the constituency of the association is the whole 
body of Liberals in the borough. The divisions which are 
so often caused by sectional or personal interests are rendered 
impossible or harmless by the width of the base on which 
the association rests, and its thoroughly representative char- 
acter is so well understood that no imputation of individual 
dictation or management by clique can possibly be sus- 
tained. . . . 

"It cannot be too strongly insisted on that the Caucus 
does not make opinion, it only expresses it. ... It will not 
turn Conservatives into Liberals or secure for a Liberal 
minority a representation to which its numbers do not entitle 
it. . . . If the committees are not really representative. . . 
the caucus will soon sink into deserved neglect and contempt. 
.... All the machinery in the world will not rouse enthu- 
siasm in England, unless there is a solid foundation of genuine 
and earnest feeling to work upon. . . . 

" Resolutions from the Central Committee would be 
immediately sent to the local associations, with a recom- 
mendation to call public meetings and take steps in the 
support of the proposition. 

" If they approve of the suggestion, they will make the 
necessary arrangements to carry them out, and will no 
doubt request their Members in Parliament to vote for the 
motion. But this can only be done if they agree to the 
recommendations of the central committee. It did not follow 
that pressure wonld be put upon a Member if he was unable 
to comply with the request of his constituents. 

" The constituents are not so ungenerous or so unjust as 
individualism to allow honest differences on certain subjects to 
and Party, outweigh long service and general agreement. . . . 
" When individualism is really a virtue and represents 
original and independent thought and deep conviction, there 
is no caucus in the world that is powerful enough to repress 
its legitimate expression or to prevent it from competing 
for the popular favour." 

Eight years later Mr. Chamberlain proved the truth of 
his own words. 

" A party," he defined as " the union, more or less temporary 
in character, of persons who have important common aims. 



ADVICE TO LIBERALS 163 

It does not exclude the idea of infinite difference and shades 
of opinion, but it does involve the subordination of these 
to the primary objects of association, so long as the union 
subsists at all. In a political party the common aim changes 
from time to time." 

The cardinal and fundamental principles in a robust and 
vigorous Liberal creed, were — 

" a firm faith in the people at large, and a belief that 
they will in the long run, in spite of many mistakes, find 
out what is best for themselves with more unerring instinct 
than their self-appointed philosophers and friends. 

" ' The men in earnest ' — to use Mr. Gladstone's phrase — 
will not easily accept inglorious ease. Believing that 
Liberalism has yet a great mission to accomplish — that it 
is fraught with incalculable possibilities of good, they will 
not be slow to make their appeal to the people whose interest 
in political affairs and whose share of power is continually 
increasing, and they will have good reason to rejoice if 
organisation, with unity and strength, brings also definite- 
ness of aim to the counsels of the Liberal party." 

An attempt was made to show that the new Federation 
was hostile to Lord Hartington and the official leaders. 

" This," said Mr. Chamberlain, " is really nonsense ! . . . 
With the exception of Mr. Gladstone, there is no Liberal 
leader who would command as much confidence and support 
as Lord Hartington has secured, and what is sought for is 
not a change of persons, which might be anything but an 
improvement, but only the formation and the expression of 
such an amount of public opinion as would encourage our 
present leaders to move a little quicker and go a little 
farther. . . . 

" Surely we may strive to impress Lord Hartington with 
the necessity for giving direction to the labours of the 
Liberals without having imputed to us disloyalty to our 
chief, or a reckless eagerness to break up the party." 

Mr. Chamberlain's advice was : " Let the Liberal party 
follow the example of the most earnest, honest and popular 



1 64 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

member of the Liberal party [John Bright], and it will not 
have to complain of ingratitude or indifference." 

The agreement between Mr. Bright and his colleague was 
Rochdale openly expressed by the older Member on the 
November occasion of a big meeting at Rochdale in November, 
1877. 1877, when Bright introduced the junior Member 
for Birmingham to his fellow-townsmen. Mr. Chamberlain 
had gone North to explain the new Liberal organisation, 
which he did at great length, urging that individual opinion 
under the new system was as valuable as under the old. 
They must first determine upon which of the pressing 
reforms they would decide to concentrate their forces. 
Perhaps if the)'' gave up Disestablishment to please Lord 
Hartington, and Free Education to please Mr. Forster, and 
Free Land to please the landowners, they might be allowed 
as a united party to vote on a Burials Bill, or on one of 
those harmless measures which excited no opposition because 
they roused no enthusiasm. 

It was evident that Land Reform presented itself at this 
time to Mr. Chamberlain as the most practical measure. He 
saw in it two great advantages. Firstly, by throwing more 
land into the market, the present enhanced cost of it would 
be reduced, and by giving security to tenants for improve- 
ments they would invite an expenditure of capital which 
would enormously increase the production of food. Herein 
Mr. Chamberlain saw a chance for the employment of large 
numbers of the working class, many of whom were out 
of work owing to the continued commercial depression. 
Secondly, many urgently needed municipal improvements 
which affected the very lives of the burgesses could not be 
carried out owing to the exorbitant prices which, under the 
present system, it was possible for landowners of property 
near large towns to demand, if compelled to sell. 

It is important to note that Mr. Chamberlain prefaced 
his views on Free Land by explaining that — 

" he was not going to argue for arbitrary interference with 
just rights of property, but if by means of the ordinary action 



MR. SCHNADHORST 165 

of free exchange the old yeoman class could be re-created 
and a large proportion of the people settled on the land, we 
should have a guarantee for the security of the State and the 
general well-being of the population, which must always be 
wanting so long as the vast majority of the working class 
were divorced from the soil." 

On the conclusion of this speech Mr. Bright paid a 
generous tribute to Mr. Chamberlain's work both in and 
out of Parliament : — 

" He has done great service in his own town. There, 

T i. r> ■ v.*. where he is best known, he is best appreciated. 
John Bright's „ . , ... . ' rr 

Tribute to 1 o-night you will give him the warm and cordial 
Mr. cnamber- anc i enthusiastic welcome which we owe to every 

Ielih 1877 

man who in a public position earnestly and con- 
sistently endeavours, so far as lies in his power, to give good 
government to the population of this great Empire. This 
speech will have large influence amongst you, and wherever 
it is read. I hope every one of us will feel that we have 
had a great treat, and that we have been taught a great 
lesson, and it is our duty to follow the advice he has given 
us and to join with the Liberal party in every part of the 
kingdom in impressing on the Liberal leaders that there are 
yet great things to be done." 

The perfection of this new political organisation was due 
Mr, to Mr. Francis Schnadhorst, and his rise to power 
sennadnorst. j s one f the romances of Birmingham life. It 
may be said at once that political power is a strange, 
intangible thing, which does not, in Birmingham, depend on 
a man's social status or on his wealth. Mr. Schnadhorst 
began life as a shopkeeper. He was an extremely quiet 
man of reserved manners and soft, almost timid, speech, 
with a kindly heart and a great capacity for work. His 
remarkable power was due to his insight and foresight. He 
could discern the signs of the times in a marvellous way, 
and he was an adept at setting the right men to work in 
the right places. His first work was not political, but was 
done in connection with the mutual improvement societies 



1 66 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of Birmingham, in which he took the greatest interest. He 
was a member of Dr. Dale's congregation at Carr's Lane 
Chapel, and it was Dr. Dale who " discovered " him. When 
the Liberal Association was in want of a Secretary, he brought 
forward Mr. Schnadhorst, who began his new work in an 
unostentatious manner. 

Mr. Chamberlain was not slow in realising the ability of 
his new co-worker, and the excellence of the arrangements 
made on the occasion of Mr. Gladstone's visit, and the 
wonderful growth of the Birmingham Liberal Association, 
and its success in contesting an election, all proved that 
the right man was in the right place. The name of the 
Secretary of the Federated Associations of course became 
widely known. His advice was sought for in all parts of 
the country to help in organising local branches ; in truth, 
his work was incessant, and more than once he broke down 
under it. 

In 1877 his Birmingham friends subscribed to a testimonial 
of ^1,000, which was presented to him by Mr. Chamberlain, 
who paid a generous tribute to the value of his services. 
Later, when Mr. Schnadhorst left the town, he received 
£10,000 as a testimonial. 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE MINISTERS APPRENTICESHIP 
1876— 1880 

RELATIONS TO LEADERS— FOREIGN AND COLONIAL OPINIONS— SPEECH 
ON FLOGGING— POSITION IN THE HOUSE— GENERAL ELECTION 
OF 1880. 

THOSE who aver that Mr. Chamberlain's attitude during 
the first four years of his Parliamentary life was that 
of a man anxious for power at any cost — doing all that was 
possible to minimise the authority of both Mr. Gladstone 
and Lord Hartington, with the design either of making 
himself too disagreeable to be ignored, or of gathering round 
him a body of men who eventually would put him in the 
place of leader — should remember that if this were his aim, 
he showed himself a very poor tactician in the means he took 
to reach his end. He openly avowed his allegiance to the 
old leaders, and while evidently thinking Mr. Gladstone the 
better man of the two, was yet quite willing to follow Lord 
Hartington, provided he would " give direction to the labours 
of the Liberals." If, like Lord Randolph Churchill, he had 
wanted to found a Fourth party, he should have renounced 
both Lord Hartington and Mr. Gladstone. 

It was unlikely, almost impossible, that men so essentially 
different in temperament as Lord Hartington and Mr. 
Chamberlain — the one an aristocrat trained in the old Whig 
school, breathing an atmosphere of genial patronage towards 
the people, whose legislative Providence he felt himself to 
be ; the other a believer in their right to work out their 
own political redemption, a man impatient of any leader 

167 



168 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

who did not know his goal and make straight for it — should 
be at one in the policy to be pursued. 

Before he came into personal contact with Lord Harting- 
ton, he appears to have been more dissatisfied with him 
than after he learnt to know him better and to understand 
his position more fully. In 1874 he "damns him with 
faint praise," describing Lord Hartington as " the serious 
son of a respectable duke " ; and later, on one occasion 
in the House, Mr. Chamberlain was openly at variance with 
him and publicly withdrew his allegiance from "the late 
leader of the Liberal party." 

The direct cause of this attack was due to the tone 
taken by Lord Hartington on the question of flogging in 
the Army. Mr. Chamberlain fiercely opposed the Government 
measure, and so effective was his opposition that the Ministers 
had to promise some modification of the Bill, which at the 
instigation of Sir W. Barttelot they afterwards tried to 
escape from. It is said that Lord Hartington, unaware of 
this disposition to back out, interposed in the discussion and 
deprecated any further continuance of it on the part of the 
Radicals, intimating that they ought to be content with the 
compromise which had been offered to the Government. Mr. 
Chamberlain " cleverly sprang a mine on the Government " 
by showing that their Bill would legalise the use of the lash 
for over a hundred offences, from the most serious ones 
down to such a trivial one as making a clerical error in 
accounts. The Daily News said that the effect created 
by the speech was wonderful and not to be resisted by the 
Government, even with their steady, bucolic, docile majority 
behind them, and they had to promise that the offences 
punishable by flogging should be considerably modified. 

There was in 1877 and 1878 almost as much division of 
Foreign and °P^ mon an< ^ bitterness of feeling between the 

colonial contending parties over the Eastern question as 
Policy Tli © 01 a 

Eastern there was at a later date over the Boer War. Mr. 

Question. ch am k er i a f n believed that Lord Beaconsfield, by 

thrusting the Russian bogey in the people's faces, was doing 



THE FLEET AT CONSTANTINOPLE 169 

his best to bring on a second Crimean War and a general 
European conflagration. The continuance of the terrible 
misrule which made possible the Bulgarian atrocities, which 
" Dizzy " is said to have laughed at, was in his opinion a 
greater evil than the presence of the Russians at Con- 
stantinople would be. 

" But if," said Dr. Dale, " the Liberals declared that in 
their judgment Russia might take Constantinople and India 
be as safe as before, the Cabinet would charge them with 
provoking Russia to seize it." When, a fortnight after 
this was written, Russia was at the very doors of the 
Turkish capital, the British Lion began to growl. The 
fleet was first ordered to Constantinople and then counter- 
manded. Lord Carnarvon, the Colonial Secretary, resigned ; 
Lord Derby, the Foreign Secretary, threatened to do likewise ; 
and a little later, the fleet having actually been despatched, 
he left the Cabinet, making way for Lord Salisbury. A 
vote of six millions was asked for, and the Reserves were 
called out. All this took place between January 24th and 
March 28th, 1878, and from one hour to the next the nation 
did not know what Lord Beaconsfield meant to do ; the only 
certainty was the uncertainty of his movements — in ordering 
and countermanding, in working excitement up to fever 
pitch, and calming down a little when the country flocked 
to towns' meetings and protested against war. The Prime 
Minister seemed sure of nothing, except that whatever Russia 
wanted, we wanted the opposite ; whatever move she made, 
we must make another in the opposite direction. 

Having got to this stage, Parliament adjourned for the 
Easter Recess, and the very next day native troops were 
ordered from India to Malta. Then indeed a storm broke 
over Lord Beaconsfield's head which even he could hardly 
withstand ; yet so plausible did he make his case that Lord 
Hartington's motion condemning the employment of the 
Indian troops was rejected by 347 to 226 votes. 

Mr. Chamberlain, who had always insisted that we ought 
to take a firm hand with the Porte and that our dog-in-the- 



J7o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

manger policy was directly responsible for the Russo-Turkish 
War, addressed a significant question to the Government as 
to the exact cost of bringing the Indian troops to Malta. 

Beaconsfield's " Peace with Honour " was hailed with de- 
rision by the Liberals, and the Treaty of Berlin was a very 
unsatisfactory return for a war vote of six millions. We left 
the reforms in Asia Minor " to the increasing wisdom of the 
Sultan," though we made ourselves responsible for them at 
the same time that we guaranteed " the integrity of the 
Turkish Empire." We took Cyprus for ourselves, but Greece 
received no accession of territory. 

In December, 1879, Parliament was summoned on account 
The of the declaration of war against Afghanistan, a 
Afghan War. war wn ich may be regarded as one result of our 
quarrel with Russia ; for, jealous lest the Ameer should fall 
under Russian influence, we insisted on his receiving a British 
envoy, which, on a consideration of £60,000 a year, he con- 
sented to do (May, 1879). But in September the first envoy, 
Sir Louis Cavagnari, was murdered at Cabul, and Sir Frederick 
(afterwards Lord) Roberts was sent to avenge him. Mr. 
Chamberlain, together with the rest of his party, while 
appreciating Roberts's splendid achievements in the Afghan 
campaign, believed the policy of the Viceroy, Lord Lytton, 
to be one of " wanton aggression merely to obtain a scientific 
frontier," and he opposed the war with all his strength. 

His colonial policy at this time was that of the Liberal 
south party as a whole, and was strongly tinged by John 

Africa. Bright's feeling that domestic legislation was the 
proper work for a Liberal Government, and that all money 
expended in extending the bounds of the Empire and all 
spent on war was tantamount to a robbery of the English 
poor and the trading classes generally. Consequently he 
did not approve of the Zulu War. "We should have left 
the Zulus entirely to themselves," he said. " Our interference 
was the great primal blunder which produced all the evil." 

The plain truth is that few but the colonists understood 
the colonies in those days. Governments often refused 



GENERAL ELECTION OF 188a 171 

to listen to the advice of men who had lived all their 
lives abroad ; they were too apt to consider the colonists 
as grasping and greedy, provoking squabbles upon every 
conceivable occasion, and then calling upon Great Britain 
to get them out of their troubles. It is not unlikely that 
each Government in turn really believed that " it was six of 
one and half a dozen of the other " in relation to the disputes 
between natives and colonists and Boers and colonists. 

The end of Lord Beaconsfield's term of office was very 
near at hand when in 1880 he appealed to the 
Dissolution country to return a Conservative Government 
once more. The answer was sharp and decisive. 
The people were tired of the glittering Imperialism which 
promised so much and realised so little ; they were tired of 
depression and bad trade and a heavy Budget ; they had 
paid away a solid six millions, and the only tangible gain 
was an island which no one wanted and the right to hector 
Turkey. They were tired also of waiting for the county 
franchise, for free education, and for the era of good trade 
which many of them devoutly believed would come with a 
change of Government. Perhaps also they were weary of 
agitating, of stormy public meetings, of ever-recurring panic 
of war, and of eternally protesting that they wanted " Peace, 
Retrenchment, and Reform." 

The worth of the new Liberal organisation was now tested. 

General It was in working order in sixty-seven constituen- 

Eiection. c j eSj anc j j n s i x ty of them Liberals were returned 
to the new Parliament. In Birmingham two Conservatives 
appeared : Captain Burnaby, who was famous as the author of 
" The Ride to Khiva," and the Hon. A. G. Calthorpe, whose 
family owned the whole of Edgbaston, the richest suburb of 
Birmingham, in which, however, resided the most ardent 
supporters of the Liberal party. Had their principles been 
popular, Burnaby and Calthorpe would have stood little chance 
of gaining a patient hearing among men accustomed to the 
eloquence of Mr. Chamberlain and the oratory of John Bright. 

The first appearance of the Conservative candidates was in 



172 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

1878, when they were unmercifully ridiculed. One cartoon 
depicts Captain Burnaby tilting at a windmill, from which 
Mr. Chamberlain, smiling imperturbably, watches him. In 
another the Conservative candidates were represented as 
" dumb animals " ; one a big shaggy dog [Burnaby] who 
is saying to the other, a small and timid man [Calthorpe] 
" Can't you talk ?" Mr. Chamberlain's attack on the licensing 
system, construed by the publicans into an attack on them, 
was made the subject of a number of these cartoons : in one 
he is shown as the municipal publican driving a roaring 
trade ; in another he is seen ascending the steps of his club 
(" Always Open. — By Order of the Committee ") at midnight, 
while next door two working men are turned away from 
the humble " Travellers' Rest," which, though it is still early 
in the evening, is "closed by Act of Parliament." 

The successful return of the three Liberal candidates was 
celebrated by a cartoon of the Parliamentary train driven 
by Mr. Schnadhorst, into which an obsequious guard is 
hurrying Mr. Chamberlain, who has just arrived, while Mr. 
Bright and Mr. Muntz look out of the window of a carriage 
labelled " To London (Westminster)." Running down the 
platform are Captain Burnaby and Mr. Calthorpe, who are 
stopped by an official, who informs them that they have 
" taken the wrong ticket " (to Coventry). 

A most interesting collection of cartoons illustrating 
Birmingham history between 1876 and 1886 might be made. 
Numbers of skits and doggerel verses, full of local allusions, 
found their way into circulation during the election, and the 
following specimens, poor as they are, show the state of 
feeling in the town : — 

" Kick Joseph out I Our youngest born I 

We, like the Patriarch of old, 
Must weep if Joseph should be torn 

From us — and into Egypt sold. 
We cannot choose — but Burnaby 

We really must return — of course ; 
We can't refuse to make M.P. 

A man of such great mental force. 



ELECTION DOGGEREL 173 

" Let Joseph go — or Phil [Muntz] — or Bright — 

Their greatness is a patch to thine ; 
As Jablochkoffs electric light 

Doth gas — so thine does theirs outshine. 
Their manners too — how rough 

Compared with those we find in thee ! 
Before we thought them good enough, 

For we were blind — but now we see," etc. 

Another says : — 

" Our confidence we can't restrain 
In Mister Joseph Chamberlain, 
Warm of heart and strong of brain, 
Ever modest, never vain. 
Who did gas and water gain ? 
Who does our Liberal hopes maintain ? 
Who will make free teaching plain ? 
Who'll free the land from feudal stain ? ' 
Who'll free the Church, both creed and fane? 

Why, Mister Joseph Chamberlain. 
Three cheers, and thrice three cheers again, 

For Mister Joseph Chamberlain, etc. 

The obedient members of the Liberal Association were 
mercilessly lampooned, but they did as they were told and 
gloried in their new name, issuing the following verses : — 

" VOTE-AS-YOU'RE-TOLD. 

"Here's to the man who has fought for the right, 
Here's to the man who is trusty and bold, 
Here's to our silver-haired hero John Bright ; 
We'll carry him in with ' Vote-as-you're-told,' etc. 

" Here's to Joe Chamberlain, manly and sound — 
Shame fall on the man who is cold ! — 
To him by a thousand good deeds we are bound, 

And we'll carry him in with ' Vote-as-you're-told,' etc. 
Etc., etc., etc. 

When the returns became known after the General Election 
1 Law of Primogeniture 



i 7 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of 1880, Lord Beaconsfield resigned in April without waiting 
for a meeting of Parliament. 

Although Mr. Chamberlain in a hasty moment had 

designated Lord Hartington " the late leader of the 

the Election Liberal party," " the serious son of a respectable 

of 1880. ^uke " was s tiH its nominal head, and for him the 
Queen sent when Lord Beaconsfield placed his resignation 
in her hands. It was openly said that her Majesty would 
not summon Mr. Gladstone if either of the other Liberal 
leaders could be prevailed upon to form a Ministry. As a 
matter of fact, Lord Hartington was first sent for to Windsor, 
and then Lord Granville. Though it was believed that an 
unofficial intimation had reached Mr. Gladstone that the 
Queen wished to see him, he did not go to Windsor until 
he received the usual official summons. 

To those who knew anything of the state of feeling among 
the various sections of the Liberal party, it was certain that 
no one but Mr. Gladstone could form a Ministry, or keep 
one together after it had been formed. He had already 
made his peace with the Radicals, and had tacitly approved 
of their organisation by being present at the Federation of 
the Liberal Associations in 1877. 

When the strength of parties was ascertained, it was 
strength of estimated that there were 243 Conservatives, 349 

Parties. Liberals, and 60 Irish Nationalists. It was clear, 
therefore, that even if the latter voted unitedly with the Con- 
servatives, the Liberals would still have a substantial majority. 
A more unlikely contingency could at the moment scarcely 
be imagined, for Beaconsfield's election manifesto had so 
offended the Irish that they in their turn issued another 
calling on Irishmen everywhere to vote against "Benjamin 
Disraeli, the enemy of their country and their race." 

Within the Liberal party itself the strength of the various 
sections was not so easy to ascertain. They might be roughly 
divided into Whigs, headed by Lord Hartington ; advanced 
Liberals, represented principally by Gladstone and partially 
by Bright ; and Radicals, led by Mr. Chamberlain and Sir 



THE RADICALS AND THE CABINET 175 

Charles Dilke, whose programme commanded increasing 

support from a large body of Liberals. 

Mr. Gladstone could not do without the support of the 

. Radicals, and he could not obtain it unless they 

and the were represented in his Government. Admitting 
Cabinet 

that they possessed their full share of political 

ambition, their refusal to support him unless thus repre- 
sented was based on a sound principle. By accepting 
minor offices in the Government they would signify their 
willingness to follow its policy, while they would have no 
direct hand in shaping that policy in the Cabinet. On 
the other hand, with a spokesman in the Cabinet they 
would be able to make their wishes known. The question 
now was, who was to be that Radical member of the Cabinet ? 

It says much for the impression Mr. Chamberlain had 
made in only four years of Parliamentary life that his name 
was freely mentioned as one of the two possible candidates ; 
the other was Sir Charles Dilke. Either was prepared to 
accept a subordinate post should Mr. Gladstone offer Cabinet 
rank to the other. Mr. Gladstone eventually decided to 
offer Mr. Chamberlain the post of President of the Board 
of Trade, and Sir Charles Dilke's knowledge of military 
affairs was utilised in the office of Under-Secretary for War. 
Mr. Bright became Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. 

Both Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain went to the Board 
of Trade when they first entered the Ministry, and both 
were, by their business training and general commercial 
knowledge, well qualified to hold that office. 



CHAPTER XV 

THE MINISTER AT HOME 

1880 

FREE LIBRARIES FIRE— 1 879— CHAMBERLAIN MEMORIAL — MR. 
RICHARD CHAMBERLAIN AS MAYOR, 1880 AND l88l— LIFE AT 
HIGHBURY— THE ARTS' CLUB. 

DURING the four years that had passed since Mr. 
Chamberlain's entry into Parliament, his interest in 
Birmingham men and matters had in no way diminished. 
He kept up his knowledge of local politics, was aware of 
all that was being done on the School Board, and not until 
his appointment in 1880 as Minister in Mr Gladstone's 
Government did he resign his seat on the Town Council. 
In 1879 the town had suffered a grievous loss, in many 
ways an irreparable one, by the burning down of 
Free the Central Free Library, and the destruction 
Burnt iiown °f special collections of great value, including the 

January Staunton collection of Warwickshire prints and 
llth, 1879. . , , , ... _, . v 

manuscripts and the splendid Shakespeare and 

Cervantes libraries. The fire occurred on Saturday afternoon, 
January nth, during an intense frost. Alarming rumours 
soon reached the skaters in the neighbourhood of the town, 
and men left in hundreds to see what was the matter, 
arriving at the fire to find the great pile fiercely alight and 
the firemen quite unable to cope with the flames. 

Such a scene had never before been witnessed in Birming- 
ham. The Mayor (Alderman Jesse Collings), with blackened 
face, with scorched clothes, and drenched to the skin, to- 
gether with half the Town Councillors and book-lovers 

176 



A GREAT CALAMITY 177 

of Birmingham in similar plight, was carrying armfuls of 
precious folios across to the Council House and offices in the 
neighbourhood. From the School of Art adjoining, separated 
only by a partition from the burning buildings, men and 
women students rushed to save anything which could be 
saved. The work was dangerous as well as difficult, and 
the Mayor narrowly escaped a serious accident The water 
from the pipes froze on the pavements, and more than one 
person was injured by falling upon the ice. As the firemen 
worked, the spray froze upon their hair and beards, and 
icicles hung from the burning building. 

The townspeople were terribly depressed by the loss of their 
fine library, and it is not too much to say that those who 
had done so much in gathering together the treasures it 
contained were almost heartbroken for a time. From all 
quarters came not only condolences, but kindly offers of help. 
Her Majesty sent a donation, and from the colonies came 
prompt and generous offers of assistance. 

Before the steam from the smoking buildings had vanished 
into the wintry air, the people were considering how to 
repair their loss. At a meeting of the Libraries Committee 
on the Monday after the fire it was resolved that immediate 
steps be taken for this end and that the public be asked for 
;£io,ooo at once. Although it was a time of great commercial 
depression and hundreds of men were out of work, the re- 
sponse to this appeal from all classes was prompt and liberal. 
The origin of the fire was the ignition of some shavings 
which, through the carelessness of a gasman in repairing a pipe, 
were allowed to come in contact with a jet of gas. As Mr 
Chamberlain was at the time still Chairman of the Gas Com- 
mittee, one of its members went to tell him of the disaster. 

" On arriving at Southbourne," he said, " I found Mr. 
Chamberlain in his library. He expressed the utmost 
concern on hearing what had happened, and I asked him 
what we should do in face of so great loss. 

" ' Do ? ' he replied at once ; ' build a bigger and a better 
one than before.' 

12 



178 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" On the Monday a Committee was called to consider the 
question of rebuilding, and I remember that Chamberlain 
came into the Club with a subscription list in his hand, 
which he showed to me, and I found that in addition to his 
own large donation he had already obtained promises for 
a very considerable amount before coming to the meeting. 
This action was characteristic of him in many ways." 

A letter was read at this Committee meeting in which Mr. 
Chamberlain offered £1,000 from "a private source at his 
command," and himself gave £500. In the evening he was 
addressing a meeting of working men, and, referring to their 
loss, said it should only spur them on to greater efforts, and 
he felt confident Birmingham would not rest until a far finer 
library was erected. 

When Mr. Chamberlain became President of the Board 
Chamberlain °f Trade, his brother Richard was Mayor of 

M i88o ia1 ' Birmingham, and held that office for two years. 
It was during his first year of Mayoralty that the 
public presentation of the vote of thanks from the Town 
Council was made to the new Minister, the Right Honourable 
Joseph Chamberlain, on his resignation of his Aldermanship 
and connection with the Corporation. 

In commemoration of his work on behalf of the town it 
was decided to erect a memorial in the form of a fountain, 
which bears his medallion on the front of it. This was 
completed and presented to the town with much ceremony 
on October 26th, 1880. In the evening of the same day a 
banquet in honour of Birmingham's junior Member was 
given by his brother the Mayor at the Council House. The 
memorial fountain is erected in the centre of what is known 
as Chamberlain Square, profanely called " Squirt Square," 
from the small boys who there do congregate, and who amuse 
themselves by playing with the water. On the one side 
of the fountain is a statue in honour of George Dawson, and 
on the other, one of Sir Josiah Mason, who gave to the town 
the Mason Science College, now Birmingham University. 
This building lies immediately behind the square, which is 



RICHARD CHAMBERLAIN 179 

bounded otherwise by the Town Hall, Art Gallery, and 
Free Library. 

Mr. Richard Chamberlain served the town faithfully, 
Mr. Richard both in and out of the Town Council. He was 
Chamberlain. Deputy Bailiff of the Grammar School Board 
after its reorganisation in 1878, and he took a deep interest 
in the movement to rebuild the School of Art and put it 
into the hands of the Corporation. 

" The result of his efforts," says Mr. Bunce, " was disclosed 
at the Council Meeting in November, 1881, by the 
announcement of three offers of assistance unexampled in 
the unity of time and magnitude of amount — two being 
donations of money (of .£10,000 each) and one of a valuable 
site for the new School of Art." 

The money was given by Messrs. Tangye and Miss 
Ryland, the site by Mr. Cregoe Colmore. Mr. Richard 
Chamberlain continued his labours as one of the School 
of Art Committee, and was ably seconded by Mr. William 
Kenrick. The Art Gallery was also largely aided by 
generous contributions of pictures from both these gentlemen 
— Mr. Richard Chamberlain offering " any two pictures " out 
of his collection which the Council might select. His 
brother's gift of two fine examples by Muller has already 
been mentioned. 

Mr. Richard Chamberlain's special gift was for finance. 
He was the possessor of a very wonderful " slide rule " which, 
so his colleagues in the Council pretended, could solve 
calculations beyond the unaided power of any ordinary 
Councillor. As Mayor his popularity was very great, and 
his hospitality, though in no way ostentatious, was generous 
and graceful. He received a special vote of thanks from 
the Council for extending it to the representatives of the 
friendly societies " as a graceful recognition of the valuable 
work done by their agency in inculcating the principles of 
thrift and self-help among the industrial classes of the com 
munity." He also provided free organ recitals in the Town 



180 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Hall on Saturday afternoons, which were very keenly 
appreciated. The Council House library was founded by 
him, and he expressed his hope that succeeding Mayors 
would see their way to contribute to its completion. 

He lost his wife, even as his brother had done, while still in 
the midst of his municipal career, though his two years of 
Mayoralty were ended at the time of her death. In acknow- 
ledging the kindly vote of condolence sent by the Town 
Council, he said : — 

"The terms of the resolution do but afford another 
instance of that kindly feeling on the part of my colleagues 
which has been shown me during all the time I have had the 
honour of serving with them." 

Mr. Richard Chamberlain afterwards became Liberal 
Member for one of the divisions of Islington, and joined the 
Liberal-Unionists after the split in 1886. He remained in 
Parliament until his nephew, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, took 
his seat, whom he, together with Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, 
introduced to the House. Failing health compelled him to 
give up public work, and he died in March, 1899, leaving two 
daughters by his first, and one son by his second, wife. 

In 1880 Mr. Chamberlain left Edgbaston and settled at 
Highbury, a large house which he had built for 
himself close to Moor Green Hall, Worcestershire, 
about three miles from Birmingham, where his brother 
Arthur still lives ; Highbury was named after the old home 
in London. His friend the late Mr. J. H. Chamberlain was 
the architect ; the gardens were laid out by Mr. Milner, the 
landscape gardener who had laid out those of Southbourne. 
Mr. Chamberlain had now the space necessary for the 
hot-houses in which he was to cultivate his favourite flower, 
and from that time he was seldom seen on any public 
occasion without a choice orchid in his buttonhole. His 
friends used to chaff him about the palace of Highbury and 
foretell such an access of grandeur that they would be 
unable to visit him as of old. But it is safe to say their 




\Pholo by] IDraycott. 

BIRMINGHAM UNIVERSITY AND THE CHAMBERLAIN MEMORIAL 
FOUNTAIN. 



HIGHBURY 181 

welcome was as warm, and the hospitality extended to them 
as generous, as it had been in the old days at Southbourne. 

The Town Crier published a letter supposed to be 
written to Mr. Chamberlain by the Council House curator, 
telling him — 

" how the old Town Council here is a-goin' of it. First of 
all, I ought to tell you Richard has my corjal approbation 
as Mayor. At the same time I think as how the responsi- 
bilities of office sit heavy on his sole. His hair don't seem 
so raving black as it was when he first come to the old 
Council House. 

" Richard's a good deal too amiable with them Aldermen 
and Councillors, and he lets 'em talk more nor is good for 
'em, or me either. Ah ! when you was here, how we used 
to bowl 'em over like ninepins, if they tried to talk too much, 
and get through the business like a pot a-bilin'. . . . 

" But all the members, young and old, often talks about 
you, and sometimes I hear 'em speakin' about the new house 
you're a-bildin' at More Green. . , . Some on 'em thinks as 
it be a long way to go to dinner to meet the Royal Family 
and nobility. Most of 'em, though, seems to think it's a 
first-rate house. ... I've been to see it, and I think it's 
palayshull." 

The working man also expresses his views on Mr. 
Chamberlain as Minister : — 

" Now there's Chamberlain, our Member. We workin' men 
admire and respeck him no end. But you know when we 
sent him to Parliament he was a-goin' to put things right, 
he was. . . . But law bless yer, he hadn't bin there long 
enough to do nothink as he promised afore he got a nice 
place, and now a course he's obliged to be circumspeck. 

" A course it's all right, and I daresay we should all do 
the same if we had the same temtashuns. . . . 

" But arter all it's jolly rum ! I think, myself, Joseph 
does as much, and speaks out as much, as any feller in the 
Cabinet can, and if he goes on a-speakin' out much more, 
maybe as he'll get turned off his job. 

" Still, yer know a Member can't be a genuine Member 
and a Cabinet Minister at the same time. . . . 



182 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" It don't seem to me it's much use a-combinin' and 
a-unionin' now. When a man sacrifices his independence, 
and goes a-doin' everything in rucks, he ought to get some 
advantage by it, but I can't see as how he does." 

This last remark has reference to the alleged tyranny 
of trades unions, and perhaps is also a quiet dig at the 
" Vote-as-you're-told " policy. 

For many years Mr. Chamberlain had been one of the 
The most prominent members of a club to which most 
Arts Club, influential Birmingham Liberals belonged. It was 
quite a small club known as the Arts Club, founded about 
the year 1873 for the purpose of "facilitating the daily 
social intercourse of gentlemen holding Liberal opinions 
who are engaged or interested in the public life of Birming- 
ham." Its influence was very great, and in proportion 
to its strength it was disliked by those outside it, who were 
only too ready to assert that not only municipal matters — 
such as the election of the Mayor and Councillors — were 
practically determined within its walls, but that the greater 
part of the Liberal political programme was also arranged 
by its members ; there, they said, Schnadhorst received his 
orders, and there the inner circle concerted measures for 
the overawing of the malcontents. 

A powerful majority engaged in political work is nearly 
always accused of being ruled by a clique, and at the heart 
of most successful political organisations is often a club, 
ostensibly a social club, where men united by common 
interests and common anxieties meet to discuss their line 
of action in presence of the foe. The number of the members 
of the Arts Club was never to exceed seventy-five ; it is 
noteworthy that ten of them were Mayors of the borough, 
and eight are, or have been, Members of the House of 
Commons, namely the Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain and 
his brother Richard, the Rt. Hon. W. Kenrick, the Rt. Hon. 
Jesse Collings, MrJ Powell Williams, Sir Walter Foster, 
Alderman Cook, and Mr. J. S. Wright (who never took his 
seat, as he died suddenly shortly after his election). Other 



THE ARTS CLUB 183 

well-known men who belonged to the club were Dr. Dale, 
George Dawson, Sam Timmins, J. Thackray Bunce, Francis 
Schnadhorst, J. H. Chamberlain, Arthur Chamberlain (second 
brother of the Colonial Secretary), William Harris, and many 
others who made their mark on Birmingham life. 

In small unpretentious rooms over a tailor's shop earnest 
and important discussions took place on Council matters, 
and generally some plan of united action was decided on. 
Here Mr. Chamberlain unfolded and discussed his ideas as 
to the Gothenburg system of licensing, and amused his 
audience with capital stories of his own and Mr. Collings's 
adventures in Sweden and Lapland ; here, too, some of the 
Mathews family, members of the Alpine Club, would tell 
mountaineering stories. The great feature of the club was 
the after-luncheon hour, when, in the smoking-room, discussions 
on public affairs, free chaff, and many good stories were to be 
heard. To this club members would bring distinguished 
strangers ; among others who came at different times were 
John Bright, Sir Charles Dilke, and John Morley, the last- 
named often. Occasionally a "Sociable Supper" was held with 
more or less success, but some good talkers found it difficult 
to be sociable to order, and a sarcastic member, amid com- 
plete silence, asked quietly : " At what hour did we arrange 
to begin to be sociable ? " 

It is interesting to note the opinion of this club as set 
forth in one of the Birmingham papers : ' — 

" Mr. Chamberlain's friends founded, soon after he came 
to the front, a small political club, to which only the wealthy 
and faithful few among the Liberal leaders were admitted. 
This club has become the real seat of government, where 
all measures are framed for the ordering of our municipal, 
social, charitable, and political institutions. It cannot be 
wondered at that those among the party who are not 
admitted to its secret councils should look with jealous 
eyes on this club, and that it should be viewed with secret 
dislike by a very large section of the Liberal party in 
this town. . . . 

1 The Dart. 



1S4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" Hitherto there have been no questions on which any 
large section of the Liberal party has been divided from 
another. But it is hardly possible, with such diametrically 
opposite religious beliefs, that such will not arise. . . . 

" The real leaders of the Liberal party are divided into 
two sections : at the head of one is Mr. Chamberlain, at 
present the principal leader of the other is Mr. R. W. Dale, 
a Congregational minister. The Chamberlain dynasty are 
secularist to a man, and some day great religious questions 
will crop up, on which all the Liberals who follow Mr. Dale 
and Mr. Wright (President of the Liberal Association) will 
find themselves in a different camp from that of Chamberlain, 
Timmins, and Collings. And then it will be found that Mr. 
Chamberlain has command of the vast electoral machinery 
of the town, by means of which it is boasted that even a 
chimney-sweep would be returned to Parliament if the 
electors were told to vote for him." 

This prediction of a split in the party on religious grounds 
was not verified ; when the split did come, Mr. Chamberlain 
and Dr. Dale were found upon the same side. It is also 
incorrect to say that the membership of the Arts Club was 
limited to the wealthy. Whether it was viewed with dislike 
by any large section of the Liberal party, or was really 
a caucus in any objectionable sense of the term, and 
usurped the functions of more representative bodies, as alleged, 
may well be doubted. 

This club was dissolved by mutual consent in 1879, when 
the new Liberal Club was founded, but the latter never 
flourished as the older institution had done, and it was a 
financial failure ; the expenses of establishment were far 
too large. It was housed in a huge and costly building 
adjoining the Mason Science College, and after the split up 
of the party in 1 8S6 had to be closed, and the premises sold 
at a heavy loss to members and shareholders. The buildings 
were first used as the Girls' High School in connection 
with King Edward VI's Foundation, and afterwards let 
out as offices. 

The same freedom and friendship as there had been in 



THE LIBERAL CLUB 185 

the old Arts Club was not found among the members of 
the new Liberal Club. It was opened with much rejoicing 
by Mr. Bright in 1879, and for a time its prospects were 
very promising. But the General Election of 1885 saw 
it at the high-water mark of its prosperity and influence, 
and the polling night was the most memorable in its history. 



CHAPTER XVI 

THE MINISTER AT WORK. 
1880-1885 

LEADER OF THE RADICALS— CONSTRUCTIVE LEGISLATION— BANK- 
RUPTCY ACTS— PATENTS ACT— MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL- 
FIGHT FOR THE FRANCHISE. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN had made his name known in 
debate ; he was now to show that he could carry the 
House with him in constructive legislation of an important 
character. Much of the time that should have been available 
for domestic legislation in 1880 and 1881 was wasted over 
Mr. Bradlaugh and his right to affirm, and over the Irish 
question. Indeed, the organised — one might almost say the 
scientific — obstruction of the Irish party was the cause of 
the destruction or the postponement of important measures 
throughout the whole of this administration. Indirectly the 
Irish Members were the means of procuring the new Rules 
of Procedure, and though there is still room for improvement 
in the methods of the House of Commons, it is doubtful if the 
more expeditious despatch of business now possible would 
have been attained had not the conduct of the Nationalists 
clearly shown the necessity for such new rules. So long 
as Parliamentary obstruction remains a fine art, so long will 
it become necessary at intervals to meet the obstructionists 
on their own ground and devise fresh checks. 

Mr. Chamberlain was one of the most ardent supporters of 
the new Rules of Procedure, 1 as he also was of the institution 

1 In 1890, in an article in the Nineteenth Century, Mr. Chamberlain 
contrasts the English and American Parliamentary procedure. He 

186 



CONSTRUCTIVE LEGISLATION 187 

of the Grand Committees of the House of Commons, the 

one dealing with law and justice, the other with trade, 

shipping, and manufactures. The idea underlying their 

appointment was, that to save the time of the House, 

technical details should be dealt with by Members who were 

experts, and that their recommendations should receive the 

same consideration that those made by a Committee of the 

whole House would receive. 

In this Session Mr. Chamberlain was engaged in mastering 

Work of ^ e details °f his office, which included anything 

tue Board from margarine to the mercantile marine, and 
of Trade. r j . , ? . . _, 

irom trichinosis to traction engines, lhere is, in 

fact, a cartoon published about this time which represents 
him as " Too busy to talk ! " 

For a landsman Mr. Chamberlain took an unusual interest 

in ships and shipping, and his knowledge of matters 

concerning the lives of seamen was accurate and 

extensive. In his first Session he managed to get two 

measures passed for their benefit, one dealing with grain 

cargoes, the other with the payment of seamen's wages. 

In 1 88 1 he introduced an Act empowering municipalities 

to undertake their own lighting by electricity if 

they received the sanction of the Board of Trade, 

without the trouble and expense of obtaining a separate 

Act of Parliament. 

His Bankruptcy Bill, introduced in the first Session, had 

Patents and to ^ e dropped, but he carried a measure dealing 

Bankruptcy with this subject in 1 883. His Patents Bill 

became law the same year. The chief merits 

of the former were that it " checked a great deal of the 

waste and some of the fraud which had gone on before 

points out that the suppression of debate is the result of the American 
system, but that in England the factious conduct of the minority — 
"very often a small minority made up of the least respectable and least 
intelligent members of the Opposition " — causes the paralysis of all 
government, and legislation is often " only possible by the sufferance 
of that minority." And he proposes a scheme by which the abuse 
may be remedied. 



188 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

it became law. ... It required that the conduct of the 
insolvent should be subjected to a searching inquiry, and 
that the action and accounts of the trustees should be 
controlled and audited by an independent authority." 

In moving the second reading, March 19th, 1883, Mr. 
Chamberlain said : — 

" This was not a matter which could be considered a very 
exciting one . . . but it was a question which had a deep 
interest for great masses of our people, and especially for 
the great body of industrious tradesmen, who saw, with 
natural indignation, that under the present system swindling 
was made so easy, so safe, and so profitable, that they often 
found their hardly-won earnings wrested from them by the 
fraud and culpable misconduct of others." 

The Bill was acknowledged to be a good Bill, if not a 
perfect one ; but so long as fraudulent debtors exist they 
will find means of evading the law, and it will be constantly 
necessary to amend the law to prevent these evasions. 

The Patents Bill was warmly welcomed. It enabled the 
inventor to take out a " provisional patent " for £1 and 
reduced the first payment from £20 to £3. The poor but 
clever inventor had now an infinitely better chance than 
before of profiting by his own ingenuity. The Grand 
Committee on Trade was of the greatest service to Mr. 
Chamberlain in enabling him to get these two measures 
promptly and fairly discussed. They were passed with 
comparatively little opposition. 

But when Mr. Chamberlain came forward with his 
Merchant Merchant Shipping Bill, matters were very different, 
snipping Bill. Had the measure been absolutely perfect, it would 
have met with organised opposition for two reasons. Firstly, 
it was to the interest of a certain number of shipowners 
to oppose interference with the direct or indirect profits 
they derived from the loss of their ships. But Mr. Chamber- 
lain hoped that the upright men engaged in the trade would 



MERCHANT SHIPPING BILL 189 

openly dissociate themselves from those who were un- 
doubtedly, though secretly, over-insuring their ships in order 
to profit by their loss. Secondly, Mr. Chamberlain had 
too closely identified himself with Mr. Plimsoll to obtain 
the support of the majority of the shipowners. Mr. Plimsoll, 
in his despair at the apparent failure of his efforts in a 
noble cause, had in 1875 hurled terrible accusations at the 
shipowners as a body — charges which were equally resented 
by the best and the worst men, though for different reasons ; 
and, as it happened, the Mayor of Birmingham, the future 
President of the Board of Trade, had presided at a town's 
meeting called to sympathise with Mr. Plimsoll and to 
condemn the inaction of Lord Bcaconsfield's Government. 

There were two other reasons which helped to increase the 
difficulty of getting the Bill through. It was considered by 
many to be more stringent than was necessary or, perhaps 
it would be more correct to say, than was advisable at the 
moment ; secondly, the Government, discredited by their 
conduct of Egyptian affairs and by the Transvaal Conven- 
tion, looked coldly upon a measure that would alienate a 
solid body of voters. 

Mr. Chamberlain had tried to frame his Bill in a concilia- 
tory spirit, and though no large proportion of the shipowners 
would openly support it, the best of them were agreed as 
to the need for such a measure. When speaking to a 
deputation from the Associated Chambers of Shipping 
(March 8th, 1883), he appealed most earnestly to their sense 
of justice. 

" I know absolutely no trade, except that of shipowners, 
in which it is possible for a man to lose life and property 
and actually make a profit out of it (Hear, hear). . . . 

" I will draft the clauses of a Bill to carry out such amend- 
ments in the law as seem desirable. But before attempting 
to introduce such a Bill, I will send it round to every 
shipping organisation with which I am acquainted, and I 
will appeal to you once more for your advice and assistance 
and practical suggestions. But do not meet me by a 



i 9 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

non possumus ; do not content yourselves by saying that 
you do not want any legislation ; but consider the serious 
nature of the circumstances and give me your assistance — 
for it is as much your interest as mine to remedy what 
is defective." 

In the House, at the close of his speech proposing the 
second reading, he asked : — 

" Who is to be benefited by delay [in passing the 
Bill] ? . . . I say for my own part that I have done all I can. 
I have made great concessions. I do not say that I have 
liked these concessions ; . . . but under the pressure under 
which 1 am put, 1 cannot do what I would do, or all that 
I think it would be right to do. But 1 am anxious to do 
what 1 can, and 1 think if I am met in anything like the 
spirit which 1 hope I have shown in introducing the subject, 
that it may still be possible, even having regard to the 
advanced period of the session, to do something . . . which 
will provide in some measure, at all events, for the greater 
security of life and property at sea." 

When the Bill was withdrawn, a Royal Commission to 
inquire into the subject was appointed, and the subsequent 
legislation between 1888 and 1894, which greatly improved 
the position of men in the merchant service, was largely 
owing to Mr. Chamberlain's exertions. He himself did not 
believe that his Bill was too stringent. In speaking at Hull 
a >ear later (August, 1885), he said : — 

" That Bill did not go far enough. It was the most I 
thought possible to achieve under the circumstances of the 
time, but I will never again introduce so inadequate a 
measure. . . . The principle we ought to establish is this, that 
no man has a right to risk the property of others, still more 
to risk others' lives, unless he takes a substantial pecuniary 
risk himself. . . . We must do all we can to enlist on the side 
of security the most potent factor of self-interest. We must 
make it to the interest of the shipowner to do all that is 
necessary to security." 

Mr. Chamberlain consented to the postponement of his 



OFFER TO RESIGN 191 

Rill with the utmost reluctance. So great was his dis- 
appointment at his failure to carry the measure, that he 
wished to resign, not, as he said, from personal pique, but — 

"in order that I might carry this matter to the constitu- 
encies — and ask them if they would allow the lives of men 
to be sacrificed to private interest or party expediency. 

" Mr. Gladstone showed me on that occasion, as he has 
always done, the most generous and kind consideration. lie 
asked me not to press my wish upon hirn, and expressed the 
opinion that if I were to resign such a course might injure the 
prospects of some of the measures whose success I, as well 
as others, most earnestly desired. We were in the midst of the 
franchise agitation, and I felt then, as I do now, that the 
best chance of success in this matter of doing justice to the 
seamen depends upon the resolution of a reformed Parliament. 

"Therefore, in deference to Mr. Gladstone's judgment, and 
with the anxious desire to promote in every way the reformed 
representation to which I attach so much importance, I 
consented to remain, but I did not abandon, and will never 
abandon, the purpose I have had in view." 

In spite of the Irish obstruction between 1880 and 1885, some 
domestic legislation other than that due to Mr. Chamberlain's 
initiative had been accomplished. His work was not con- 
fined to piloting his own measures through Parliament ; his 
influence, both in and out of the House, was used to obtain 
the long-expected, long-desired extension of the franchise, 
for he depended largely (as in the case of the Shipping Bill) 
on the new voters to support his demands for a further 
instalment of Free Church, Free Land, and Free Schools. 

The Franchise Bill was introduced on February 29th, 
Pight for the 1 884, was thrown out by the Peers (by means 
Franchiae. f \ Jjr( \ Cairns's amendment; in July, was re- 
introduced unaltered in the Commons on October 24th, and 
became law on December 6th, 1884. 

But these dates do not represent anything like the real 

Swansea, duration of the fight, and the immense amount of 

^iSs. 17 ' time and attention given by Mr. Chamberlain, as 

well as by other Liberal leaders, to preparing the country 



i 9 2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

for it. On February 1st, 1883, Mr. Chamberlain, speaking 
at Swansea, says with a sigh of relief: "Now at last there 
seems to be a chance that this great winding up [of 
Conservative arrears] will be completed. At last I begin 
to hope the Liberal Government is going to do business 
on its own account." 

In November of the same year (1883) he says that franchise 
must come first, and the Government would be open to a 
charge of — 

" betraying its trust if it were to leave anything to hazard in 
a matter of such great importance. ... In the question of 
the Franchise you have a very simple question which raises 
very few points of principle, and those are points which can 
be easily and quickly decided. It is a question on which you 
may say practically the whole Liberal party is agreed. If 
you can only contrive to tack to it another question, very 
complicated and very difficult, on the details of which differ- 
ence of opinion may very naturally arise, then there is a 
chance that both questions may be got rid of together. . . . 
The two questions are to my mind independent and distinct. 
[There are] two wrongs to be redressed. Why should we 
delay giving a vote to men who are absolutely at the present 
moment outside the pale of the Constitution because we 
have not yet agreed among ourselves as to the machinery 
by which we will endeavour to estimate the proportionate 
weight and value of the vote which should be given ? . . . 
Until you have got the new register, there are no means at 
our disposal for knowing what the numbers in the new 
constituencies will be." 

As to the difficulties in the way, on another occasion 
(December, 1883) Mr. Chamberlain bids his hearers re- 
member — 

" that statesmen only exist in order to overcome difficulties ; 
if we never attempt anything but what is perfectly easy, we 
shall have a very poor record at the end of our time to appeal 
to. . . . It is one of those questions which grows hotter the 
longer it is kept. The people will not always be waiting 
patiently for their rights. . . . There are six millions of your 



THE PEERS AND THE PEOPLE 193 

fellow-men — men of full age — who at the present moment 
are absolutely pariahs in our Parliamentary system, and are 
excluded from their chief political rights. Out of seventeen 
men that you meet in the streets five have votes, and twelve 
have no part in the Government of the country, in the 
choosing of their representative. There is nothing like this 
in any civilised country of Europe. . . . There is nothing 
like it in those great self-governing colonies of whose pro- 
sperity, of whose orderly progress and intelligence, we are so 
justly proud ; and I confess when I think of these things I 
am inclined to say of those who are not now voters, in the 
words of the popular opera — 

" ' Tis greatly to his credit, 
Altho' himself has said it, 
That, in spite of all temptations 
To belong to other nations, 
He remains an Englishman.' 

"... We are told we must be prepared for the worst. 
The House of Lords will at the last moment exercise its 
constitutional prerogative and will force a dissolution. . . . 
I am not afraid of an appeal even to the present limited 
electorate. No doubt if Lord Salisbury chooses, he may take 
their opinion and yours upon the issue which he himself will 
have raised — the issue between the peers and the people — 
between the privileges of the few and the rights of the many. 
The responsibility will be his ; the results, I believe, will not 
be unsatisfactory to us. I am inclined to hope, in the words 
of the beautiful Church Litany which is read every Sunday, 
that ' the nobility may be endued with grace, wisdom, and 
understanding.' " 

Throughout the country the Liberal Associations were 
busy ascertaining the feeling of the constituencies as to 
the proposed Government Bill, while the Tories denounced 
the organisation as a copy of the worst features of the 
American caucus. 

" The issue of this great question," said Mr. Chamberlain, 
" will soon be in your hands. Governments propose, but the 
people decide. . . . For my part, I believe that the will of 
the people ought to be, and must be, supreme." 

13 



i 9 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The Bill, as we have said, was brought in on February 29th, 
1884, and Mr. Chamberlain's famous speech was made in 
March. A few passages will show the line he took before 
the House : — 

"We propose to call up to the exercise of the highest 

function of citizenship two millions of men. We 

speech in ^ as k y OU to sa y w hether that is a great, just, ex- 

Commons on pedient, and beneficent object. We ask you if you 

*wn E n n f MSe are P re P are d to put trust in the people or if you 

of the still fear them, as you have feared them on so 

Agricultural m any previous occasions. And if you do not fear 

Ls.bour6r 

March, 1884. them, are you prepared for an immediate extension 
of the franchise? We ask you whether the Bill 
goes too far or not far enough, whom you are willing to en- 
franchise and whom you condemn to political nullity. I 
think the country would like to have an answer." 

Assuming that the Opposition were anxious for a satis- 
factory settlement of the Franchise question, their conduct 
was inexplicable ; but if they were really hostile to the ex- 
tension of the Franchise and distrustful of their fellow-men, 
they would take the course which the Opposition had taken 
in reference to the present Bill. " I am sure the country will 
draw the natural conclusions," said Mr. Chamberlain grimly. 

Lord Randolph Churchill thought the people were not 
in earnest in wanting the franchise, " and," said Mr. Chamber- 
lain, " I pay the greatest attention to everything he (Lord R. 
Churchill) says — first, because I believe he always says what 
he means and means what he says ; and, secondly, because I 
find that what he says to-day, his leaders say to-morrow. . . . 
They may not like the prescription he makes up for them, 
but they always swallow it." 

Lord Randolph would only give the franchise if forced to 
do so. 

" If I saw the agricultural labourers of Great Britain . . . 
marching on London, tearing down the railings of Hyde Park, 
engaging the police, and even the military, I should say to 
myself, * These men . . . have made up their minds to have the 



ROBBING THE AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS 195 

vote ; they have shown pretty well they will know how to 
use it [by marching on London ?], and if we wish for peace, 
order, and stability, we must give it them.' On these grounds 
only," he said, " I consent to equalise the position of the 
agricultural labourer and the town artisan." 

Mr. Chamberlain characterised this as " a very remarkable 
utterance," and " a direct incitement to outrage." He then 
set forth the case of the agricultural labourer who had no 
voice in public affairs, and made his famous indictment of 
both parties : — 

" The interests of the agricultural labourers have been too 
long neglected and ignored, very much to the injury of the 
class concerned. What has happened in consequence of 
the agricultural labourers not having a voice in this House ? 
They have been robbed of their land. They have been 
robbed of their rights in the commons. They have been 
robbed of their open spaces. . . . The agricultural labourers 
are still being robbed. You cannot go into a single country 
lane in which you will not find that the landowners on each 
side of the road have already enclosed lands which for 
centuries have belonged to the people, or that they are 
on the point of enclosing them. That is not all. It is 
going on also with respect to the endowments of the poor. 
. . . Under the direction of the Charity Commissioners 
there has been going on a transfer of property which, in 
many cases, transfers from the poor to the rich the funds 
intended for the poor. Right honourable gentlemen opposite 
are very eager and not very courteous in interrupting me. 
... I take shame to the Liberal party quite as much as to 
the Conservative party. We are both to blame, but these 
wrongs would never have been committed had the agricultural 
labourers had a voice, in this House. . . . [The new Bill, it 
was said, might make a difference to the strength of the 
Irish vote.] 

" Many of us do not like the opinions held by the 

majority of the Irish people, but we cannot suppress those 

Repreaenta- opinions ; and under these circumstances it is to 

tion of our interest that those opinions, however unpopular, 

e an should at least be represented in this House ; and 

we should permit the people of Ireland to bring their 



196 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

grievances to a constitutional test, and not force them to 
modes of redress to which we are most seriously opposed. 
Agitation is always legitimate so long as there are grievances 
to be redressed, and the grievances of Ireland are very great 
and urgent in this matter." 

It had also been objected that it was inopportune to bring 
in this Bill at present, " but," said Mr. Chamberlain finely, 

" it is always opportune to do a just thing. ... In conclusion I 
will only point out that the issue before the House is really 
a very simple one. We propose to widen the foundation of 
our political institutions. We propose to associate the largest 
number of capable citizens in the work of government. . . . 

" I hope that the House of Commons will be true to its 
pledges and its traditions and that this Bill will pass by a 
great majority. Then, perhaps, the House of Lords will be 
true to its traditions also. In that case, let the nation decide 
between us, and I for one, have no fear of the result." 

Both the hope and the prophecy were fulfilled. The 
Lords threw out the Bill, ostensibly because it was not 
accompanied by a redistribution scheme, and " two millions 
of capable citizens were kept waiting indefinitely for their 
political rights." 

Immense demonstrations were held everywhere to protest 
against the action of the House of Lords. The people were 
in earnest, but Lord Salisbury refused to believe in their 
earnestness, and he sneered at " legislation by picnic." 

" An admirable phrase," said Mr. Chamberlain, " in the 
mouth of the master of flouts and jeers, but although 
1 legislation by picnic ' is not an altogether desirable thing, 
obstruction by privilege is an unmitigated nuisance. ... I 
do not think the people of this country are in a mood to be 
mocked by epigrams, however finished they may be. . . . 
In the course of next autumn, on every platform, in every 
household, there will be a discussion as to the past history 
and present action and the future prospects of the House 
of Lords." 



THE PEERS AND THE PEOPLE 197 

In October, four days before Parliament met, Mr. 
Chamberlain was speaking at Denbigh, where he met with 
a great reception. He had been accused by Sir Stafford 
Northcote of being animated by spite against the House of 
Lords, which he characterised as a — 

" very unnecessary observation and a very silly one. ... I have 
always thought that it was a very picturesque institution, 
attractive from its connection with the history of our country. 
I have no desire to see dull uniformity of social life ; I am 
rather thankful than otherwise to gentlemen who will take 
the trouble of wearing robes and coronets, and who will keep 
up certain state and splendour, which are very pleasant to 
look upon. But I cannot allow that these antiquities should 
control the destinies of a free Empire, and when they press 
their claims without discretion and without moderation, when 
they press them to an extreme which their predecessors never 
contemplated, I say they provoke inquiry and controversy, 
which cannot but end in their humiliation. . . . But the cup 
is nearly full. . . . We have been too long a peer-ridden 
nation, and I hope you will say to them that if they will 
not bow to the mandate of the people, they shall lose for ever 
the authority they have so long abused." 

Defiant as these words were, they were echoed throughout 
the length and breadth of England, not by Radicals merely, 
for the authority of the House of Commons was at stake. 
In fact, the Lords had done much to make the passing of the 
Bill possible. It was re-introduced unaltered in October and 
the third reading carried without a division. A compromise 
between the Houses was then effected, and a Redistribution 
Bill drafted by both parties in consultation. The Franchise 
Bill became law on December 6th, 1884, while the Redistri- 
bution Bill did not pass till the following June (1885). 



CHAPTER XVII 

IRELAND. COERCION OR CONCILIATION? 

1880— 1885 

RELATIONS WITH PARNELL— COERCION OR CONCILIATION— 
KILMAINHAM TREATY— PHCENIX PARK MURDER— PARNELL' S 
REPUDIATION OF THE LIBERALS. 



M 



R. JUSTIN MCCARTHY, M.P., speaking of the Irish 
party under Mr. Gladstone's Government, says : — 

" At home the ever-troublous Irish question had come 

The Irish U P a g am m a new a °d more embarrassing form 
and the Irish than before. Instead of any futile rising in the 

Question, ftei^ there was an organised Irish campaign in the 
House of Commons, led by a man of extraordinary ability 
and energy, the late Charles Stewart Parnell. 

" Under Mr. Parnell's leadership the new agitation took 
the form of organised Parliamentary obstruction. The motto 
of Mr. Parnell and his followers seemed to be, ' If you will 
not spare time to discuss the claims and grievances of Ireland, 
you shall not be allowed to transact any other business 
whatever.' " 

The Irish doubtless overreached themselves in the matter 
of obstruction ; there were admittedly sufficient opportunities 
of legal and Parliamentary obstruction without having 
recourse to fresh devices. In February, 1881, thirty-six 
Members were suspended, one by one, after a sitting of 
forty-one hours; in June, 1882, twenty-five members were 
suspended for obstruction in Committee after an all-night 
sitting. Many of the more moderate among them honestly 

198 



POSITION ON THE IRISH QUESTION 199 

believed that to pursue these tactics was the only way to 
obtain the attention of the House for Irish legislation ; on 
the other hand, their violence and extravagance, together 
with the reckless accusations which they flung broadcast, 
did much to make a fair consideration of the Irish question 
impossible, and alienated many of those who desired to see 
justice done to Ireland. It is true that justice to Ireland 
meant something very different in the mouths of the Irish 
and of the English, but it is little wonder that many English- 
men came at last to feel that no concessions would ever 
content those whose patriotism was of so green a tinge that 
it could brook the prosperity of no country, and would help 
to obtain justice for no people, while Irish affairs did not 
obtain the attention which was claimed for them. 

Mr. Chamberlain's position on the Irish question was 

briefly this : he was opposed to coercion, anxious 

Iain's Position f° r conciliation, and determined to urge on the 

on the Irish Government the necessity for the relief of Ireland's 
Question. J 

distress and the reform of her laws. So far did he 

go that he was taunted with being a friend of Mr. Parnell, 
and at a critical moment it was said that he had entered 
into an alliance with the Irish leader. But although Mr. 
Chamberlain was altogether opposed to Parnell's methods he 
considered him entitled to attention and respect, as the 
accepted leader of the Irish party. Nevertheless, Ireland 
could not be permitted to absorb all the time and attention 
of Imperial Parliament, nor should law-makers be law- 
breakers ; the Irish Members as well as the Irish people 
must obey the law so long as it was in force. 

" The Government of a free country is bound to take 
every step in its power to secure obedience to the law," 
said Mr. Chamberlain at Birmingham in 1881. "The law 
is the safeguard of the liberty of every one of us. The law 
means the protection of the weak against the strong, and if 
any class sets itself above the law, and if a weak Government 
should abet them in doing so, then I say there would be an 
end of all constitutional guarantees of our personal liberties. 



2oo THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

On the other hand, any Government is bound to do its best 
to alter and amend the law where it thinks it to be unjust" 

The chronic disorder in Ireland could not be attributed 
to the action of this or that Government ; the causes were 
to be found in the condition of the people themselves, and 
we must cut deep if we wanted to get at the bottom of the 
matter. Mr. Gladstone, in introducing his Compensation 
for Disturbance Bill (1880), had said, "Ireland stands within 
measurable distance of civil war." 

" That Bill was rejected by the Lords," said Mr. Chamber- 
lain, " and civil war has begun : class is arrayed against 
class in social strife, and now thirty thousand soldiers and 
twelve thousand policemen are barely sufficient to enable the 
Government to protect the lives and the property of the 
Queen's subjects in Ireland. . . . 

" What is to be done now ? The Tories urge the Govern- 
ment to put aside the Land Bill, to give up any attempt 
at remedial legislation, and to go to Parliament for more and 
more coercion. . . . 

" For my part, I hate coercion. I hate the name and 
I hate the thing. I am bound to say that I believe there 
is not one of my colleagues who does not hate it as I do. 
But then we hate disorder more. . . . We have offered 
our messages of peace to the Irish people. . . . And while 
discussion is prolonged in the House of Commons, the gloom 
of the situation in Ireland extends and deepens. Now why 
is it this important decision is so long delayed ? " 

The answer was, that it was delayed by Mr. Parnell. 

" Mr. Parnell and those who follow him have never con- 
cealed the fact that their object is not the removal of 
grievances in Ireland, but the separation of Ireland from 
England. . . . 

" How can we satisfy these men ? Our object is not the 
same as theirs. We want to remove every just cause of 
grievance. They want to magnify grievances and to in- 
tensify differences. . . . [They] do not openly oppose the 
Land Bill because they are well aware that their con- 
stituents would not justify them in such a course. But 
they are not unwilling to put obstacles in its way. . . . 




"THE CHERUB!" 

" THERE'S A 6WEET LITTLE CHAMBEkLAIN BITS UP ALOFT, 
TO KEEP WATCH FOR TOE LIFE OP POOR JACK ! ■ 

From a Punch cartoon March 22nd, 1884, during a debate on Mr. Chamberlain's 
Merchant Shipping Bill, when he was President of the Board of Trade. 



THE IRISH LAND LEAGUE 201 

"The Government is striving to steer an even course 
between two extremes. We have been told that the Bill 
which we have brought in is the minimum which the Irish 
people can accept. I believe it is the maximum which any 
English Parliament will pass. We meet with scant con- 
sideration from those whom we are attempting to serve." 

The consideration, indeed, was so scant that Mr. Parnell 

described the Bill as "a miserable dole." It passed 

Passed, in August, and from that time until October Mr. 

A il8i St ' P arne M an d his party stirred up agitation against 

it, denouncing the Government which brought it 

in, and raising the cry, not for " Fair Rent," but for " No 

Rent." The provisions of the Bill were known as the 

" Three F's "—Fair Rent (fixed by the Land Courts), Fixity 

of Tenure (a tenant could not have his rent raised again for 

fifteen years, nor be evicted if he paid that rent), Free Sale 

(the right to dispose of his interest in the holding). 

The Land League, first established (in October, 1879, by 

Michael Davitt) to agitate in the interests of the 

Established, agrarian population of Ireland for the reforms now 

°i879 er g iante{ ^ by tne Land Act, as well as for further 

modifications of the laws relating to tenants, had 

now changed, not only its aims, but its methods. " The 

original objects were legal, even praiseworthy," said Mr. 

Chamberlain, and therefore the Government resisted the 

Tory demand to suppress the League, " for the tenants of 

Ireland would then have had no organisation to fall back 

upon." But there were secret objects of the League, as 

well as those which the leaders avowed, and after the Land 

Bill had largely satisfied the original and open demands 

of the League, its promoters grew bolder and avowed the 

rest of their programme. The League was now to be used 

to cover and include revolutionary designs. Its secret object 

was to inflame the grievance, not to remove it, and to make 

that grievance a basis for securing national independence. 

" The success of the Land Bill, the pacification of Ireland — 
those things would be defeated by the separatist policy which 



202 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Mr. Parncll has supported, instigated by the American-Irish, 
who have found the larger portion of the funds by which 
the agitation has been conducted, and accordingly, after the 
Land Bill passed, the word went forth. The cry for 'Fair 
Rent ' had been conceded ; it was abandoned, and the cry 
of 'No Rent' was substituted. First it was suggested, now 
it has been openly avowed. . . . When the League under- 
took in every case to supersede private judgment, and to 
impose its dictates by force, terrorism, and intimidation, 
then it became a tyranny as obnoxious to Liberals and to 
Liberalism as any other form of despotism." 

On October 13th, 1881, Mr. Parncll with other leaders 
of the Land League were lodged in Kilmainham 

ParneiL Gaol. On the 18th the League published its " No 

i88i 0r ^ cnt " manifesto, calling on all loyal leaguers not 
to pay any rent till their leaders were liberated. 
On the 20th the League was proclaimed, as " an illegal and 
criminal association," and was nominally suppressed. But 
it had an efficient substitute in the shape of the " Ladies' 
Land League," which received and distributed funds for 
the work of agitation. These funds came from America, 
which Mr. Parnell had visited during the winter of 1S80, a 
few months after the League was first founded. There he 
openly proclaimed his sympathy with the separatist policy 
of the Irish- Americans, whose societies (called by various 
names, the best known being the " Clan-na-Gael," or the 
" Physical Force " party) saw the value of Mr. Parnell's 
assistance, and faithfully supplied him with funds. 

While in America, he declared that " none of us will be 
satisfied until we have destroyed the last link which keeps 
Ireland bound to England." But from that point he parted 
company with the American Separatists. They were not 
only willing, but anxious, to use dynamite, the dagger, and 
open rebellion to attain their object. Mr. Parnell believed 
that, could he only use these men and their threats as a 
political bogey to frighten a timorous Government, he would 
be able to demonstrate the absolute necessity for giving 



THE KILMAINHAM TREATY 203 

Ireland what she wanted to keep her quiet. But he meant 
to get it by means of Parliament, not in spite of it. And 
he very nearly obtained the first part of his programme — 
namely, Home Rule ; for during his imprisonment agrarian 
disorder went from bad to worse, and Mr. Chamberlain, with 
other Radicals, urged that coercion had not quieted Ireland. 
Was it not possible to start afresh, to condone much, and try, 
in conjunction with the leaders themselves, what conciliation 
would do ? 

It was worth a trial. But Mr. Forster, then Chief Secretary 
for Ireland, was entirely opposed to any such proposal, and 
with Lord Cowper (the Lord Lieutenant; resigned on finding 
that Mr. Parnell and his friends were to be released un- 
conditionally. Their release, and the negotiations which 
subsequently passed between them and the Government, 
resulted in an understanding which has been called the 
" Kilmainham Treaty," an understanding which there is no 
reason for supposing would not have been honourably 
carried out on both sides, had not the whole situation been 
changed by the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and 
Mr. Burke barely a week after the negotiations seemed to 
have come to a successful termination. Only from Mr. 
Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain could Mr. Parnell hope for 
real sympathy and effective co-operation in Irish affairs. 
Captain O'Shea wrote to them both on behalf of the Irish 
leader's plan for conciliation. Subjoined is Mr. Chamberlain's 
answer : — 

"April 1 7 th, 1882. 

" My dear Sir, — 

" I am really very much obliged to you for your 
letter, and especially for the copy of your very important 
and interesting communication to Mr. Gladstone. I am 
not in a position, as you will understand, to write to you 
fully on the subject, but I think I may say there appears 
to me nothing in your proposal which does not deserve 
consideration. I entirely agree in your view that it is the 
duty of the Government to lose no opportunity of acquainting 
themselves with representative opinion in Ireland, and for 



2o 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

that purpose that we ought to welcome suggestion and 
criticism from every quarter and from all sections and 
classes of Irishmen, provided they are animated by a desire 
for good government and not by a blind hatred of all 
government whatever. 

" There is one thing must be borne in mind — that if the 
Government and the Liberal party generally are bound to 
show greater consideration than they have hitherto done 
for Irish opinion, on the other hand the leaders of the Irish 
party must pay some attention to public opinion in England 
and in Scotland. Since the present Government have been 
in office they have not had the slightest assistance in this 
direction. On the contrary, some of the Irish Members have 
acted as if their object were to embitter and prejudice the 
English nation. 

" The result is, that nothing would be easier than at the 
present moment to get up in every large town an anti-Irish 
agitation, as formidable as the anti-Jewish agitation in Russia. 

" I fail to see how Irishmen or Ireland can profit by such 
policy, and I shall rejoice whenever the time comes that 
a more hopeful spirit is manifested on both sides." 

Mr. Gladstone in his letter to Captain O'Shea did not 
join in this plain speaking about the conduct of the Irish 
Members and the risks they were running of alienating all 
English sympathy. But he was quite at one with Mr. 
Chamberlain in his view of the urgency for Irish reform. 

" Whether there be any agreement as to the means," Mr. 
Gladstone wrote, " the end is of vast moment, and assuredly 
no resentment, personal prejudice, or false shame, or other 
impediment extraneous to the matter itself, will prevent the 
Government from treading in that path which may most 
safely lead to the pacification of Ireland." 

This letter is a good example of Mr. Gladstone's urbane 
ambiguity. 

But the Phcenix Park murders altered all plans, both 
Phoenix Park Irish and English. Few will forget that terrible 

Murders. Sunday morning (May 7th, 1882) when it became 
known in all the churches that Lord Frederick Cavendish, 



THE PHCENIX PARK MURDERS 205 

the newly appointed Chief Secretary, and his secretary, 
Mr. Burke, a prominent official of the Irish Government, 
had been stabbed to death in the Phcenix Park, Dublin, in 
broad daylight on the previous afternoon. 

When on Monday in the House of Commons Mr. Parnell 
stood up to express on the part of himself and his friends 
their unqualified detestation of this horrible crime, committed 
by men who hated the constitutional agitation with which 
he was associated, and who had purposely dealt the severest 
blow they could to his hopes for a friendly settlement of 
the Irish difficulty in conjunction with the Government, he 
was absolutely sincere in what he said. His new hopes 
were gone ; he read coercion on every face in the House — 
even on the faces of those who had been most anxious to 
help him. Home Rule had been within sight and Separation 
within measurable distance. Both seemed now lost : the 
support of the English Radicals was withdrawn, at any rate 
for a time, and he was regarded as " suspect " by the 
" Invincibles," who had so far supplied him with funds. 

A week after he proclaimed his condemnation of the 
Phcenix Park murderers there was an exciting scene in 
the House, in which he figured. Hoping to embarrass the 
Government, he read the famous letter sent to Mr. Gladstone 
which contained his demands on behalf of the Irish party, 
and asserted his confidence — " a confidence shared by my 
colleagues — that the exertions we should be able to make 
strenuously and unremittingly would be effective in stopping 
outrages and intimidation of all kinds." 

Not unnaturally this was taken as an admission that 
Parneirs the Nationalists could have stopped outrage and 
compact, intimidation had they chosen to do so, and it 
looked too much like making terms with rebels to be 
palatable. But Mr. Parnell omitted to read that sentence 
in which he said that the accomplishment of his programme 
" would, I feel sure, enable us to co-operate cordially for the 
future with the Liberal party in forwarding Liberal principles 
and measures of general reform" It is supposed that the 



206 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

omission was made in order that the American-Irish might 
not suspect his advances toward the hated English, advances 
which must involve some kind of co-operation in forwarding 
English legislation. Mr. Forster, angry and sore at Parnell's 
unconditional release from gaol, when he had urged that 
an undertaking to abstain from agitation must be the con- 
dition of his freedom, called out that the whole letter had 
not been read, and, handing to Captain O'Shea a copy which 
contained the words in italics, forced him to read the omitted 
passage to the House. 

The Liberal leaders, according to Mr. Gladstone and 
as implied by Mr. Chamberlain, had treated Mr. Parnell's 
offer of co-operation as no part of any bargain, but as an 
evidence of his sincerity and good faith. The Conservatives 
scoffed at this view, believing that the Liberals, to forward 
their domestic policy, had concluded a compact with the 
Irish. No one had been more disappointed at the change 
for the worse in the prospects of remedial legislation for 
Ireland produced by the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish 
than Mr. Chamberlain, who had always regarded coercion 
as " an odious necessity," and who was altogether opposed 
to Mr. Forster on this point. 

After the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish, Mr. (after- 
wards Sir) George Trevelyan became Chief Secretary for 
Ireland. A new measure of coercion was hastily passed, 
and the policy of conciliation was postponed. From that 
time all pretence of working with the Liberal Government 
was put aside by Mr. Parnell and his followers ; but he 
never for one moment relaxed his determination to get, 
not less, but more than had been within his reach if the 
Kilmainham Treaty had been carried out and the Phoenix 
Park murders never committed. Perhaps at the bottom 
of his heart he recognised that both Mr. Gladstone and 
Mr. Chamberlain were eager to perform the most difficult 
task of the century and satisfy Ireland, and he was now 
determined to act so that they should become very shortly 
convinced that a settlement of the Irish question was a 



MR. PARNELL'S POLICY 207 

political as well as a moral necessity, and that until Irish 
claims were conceded Imperial legislation would be stopped. 
The Redistribution Bill would give him a chance of captur- 
ing more seats for the Nationalists, both in Ireland and 
the sister kingdoms, and his party would henceforward be 
still more formidable alike to friend and foe. Neither side 
would be safe without his help, neither side could be 
sure of receiving it ; a coalition between his enemies he 
contemptuously dismissed. He was too cynical a believer 
in the ultimate selfishness of all politicians to anticipate 
that any such coalition would be permanent or powerful. 

Speaking at Newcastle in January, 1884, Mr. Chamberlain 
said : — 

" Our policy is now what it has always been. We will 
not turn to the right or to the left, and we will not think 
our work completed until we have secured to Irishmen every 
right and every privilege which legislation has secured, or 
may secure, for Englishmen and Scotsmen. 

" Until this has been done, it is altogether premature to 
despair of a cordial union between the two countries and the 
gradual disappearance of those bitter memories which long 
years of injustice and oppression have stamped so deeply 
on the hearts of the Irish race. . . . 

" I am certain that no policy can conduce more surely 
to separation than a persistence in the opposition to all 
reasonable reforms and a stupid reliance upon brute force 
and coercion as the only remedy for Irish discontent." 

This, then, was Mr. Chamberlain's position as regards Irish 
affairs in the Parliament of 1880 — 1885. 



CHAPTER XVIII 

THEIFALL OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF 1880—1885. 

THE BOERS 1 88 1 -1 884— OUR POSITION IN EGYPT— GORDON— DEFEAT 
OF THE GOVERNMENT, JUNE, 1885 — ATTITUDE OF THE IRISH. 

THE Liberals who came into office in 1880 had, as all 
new Ministries have, two duties to perform. In the 
first place they had to take over the responsibilities incurred 
by their predecessors, to fulfil them as far as possible to 
their own satisfaction, and to minimise what they considered 
to have been the mistakes committed by those predecessors. 
Secondly, they had to fulfil the pledges given by them to 
the electors who returned them to power, and to set about 
carrying out their own programmes of reform. It is necessary 
to remember that both these duties are equally binding on 
the Government, while only one of them can be considered 
satisfactory — namely, the second. 

It is in the performance of the first — the discharging of 
the responsibilities bequeathed by their predecessors, usually 
in foreign or colonial affairs — that the Government find their 
greatest embarrassment and the most dangerous pitfalls, and 
the Opposition the greatest opportunity for scoffing. The 
dignity of the Empire requires that any alteration in our 
foreign policy shall be made as unobtrusively as possible, 
and that all obligations already incurred shall be fulfilled, 
on the supposition that whatever our internal disagreements 
may be we always present an unbroken front to the world. 
And therefore, though the legacy left by Lord Beaconsfield's 
" spirited foreign policy " was not at all to the liking of 

208 



MAJUBA HILL AND AFTER 209 

the Liberals, they were unable to reverse that policy as 
completely as they would have liked to do. Though 
anxious to set to work on domestic legislation, and unwilling 
to spend time or money on foreign or colonial complications, 
they yet found themselves involved in the Boer War, the 
bombardment of Alexandria, the occupation of Egypt, the 
war in the Soudan, the Gordon Relief Expedition, an Afghan 
campaign, and the Bechuanaland expedition, together with the 
ever- recurring difficulties of the Eastern question. 

One of the most difficult problems which confronted Mr. 
Gladstone's Government was the settlement of the 

Troubles. Transvaal. Sir Theophilus Shepstone had annexed 

18 i885f d that State on A P ril I2th ' l8 77- Immediately after- 
wards, when its debts had been paid and its safety 
from attacks by the surrounding blacks secured, a number 
of the Boers agitated against the annexation. They broke 
into open revolt in 1880, and defeated Sir George Colley 
at Majuba Hill ; but when reinforcements under Sir Evelyn 
Wood were in a position to enforce obedience to her 
Majesty's Government, and Sir Frederick Roberts with 
ten thousand men was at Cape Town, an armistice with the 
rebels was granted, and after some negotiations Mr. Gladstone 
gave the Transvaal back to the Boers, some of whom, three 
years previously, had signified their wish to become English 
subjects. One of their leaders, Paul Kruger, who previously 
had taken service under the British Government, was now 
elected as President. The Boers remained in dependence on 
England in so far as they were not allowed to enlarge their 
own boundaries or to conclude treaties with foreign Powers, 
with the sole exception of their kinsmen of the Orange Free 
State. Their independence was limited to the control of 
their internal affairs. 

Mr. Gladstone's Government found the country annexed 
and refused to annul that annexation until the war broke 
out. Then, believing that Sir Theophilus Shepstone had 
acted against the will of the majority of the Boer people, 
they stopped the war and gave back the country only 

14 



2io THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

a few months after Sir Garnet Wolseley had declared 
that "until the sun no longer shone, and the Vaal ran 
backwards, the flag of England would float over the 
Transvaal." This action was characterised by the one side 
as righteous and magnanimous ; by the other as iniquitous 
and despicable, and as savouring of treachery towards loyal 
subjects, whether English, Dutch, or native, who were thereby 
handed over to the rule of the Boers who hated them. 

Mr. Chamberlain followed his chief throughout in his 
policy in respect of the Transvaal, and though there were 
many men who were opposed to giving up any ground over 
which the Union Jack had once floated, there were few, if 
any, who understood the real gravity of the issues. 

The further consideration of the Transvaal troubles is 

Convention P ost P one d to a later chapter. It is sufficient to 

of London, add that in 1884, in consequence of President 

Kruger's visit to England and the protests entered 

by him and his advisers against the existing Pretoria 

Convention, modifications were proposed and accepted which 

were embodied in the Convention of London, 1884. On this 

document the President of the South African Republic based 

his claim to be free from the " suzerainty " of Great Britain. 

The Radical element in the Cabinet had been reinforced 

Affairs in during the Session of 1882 by Sir Charles 

Egypt. Dilke's appointment as President of the Local 

Government Board — on Mr. Bright's resignation as a protest 

against the bombardment of Alexandria — in July, 1882. 

The occupation of Egypt followed, and our 

ment of troops were fighting Arabi Pasha in the autumn. 

Juiy^ss^" ^ r ' Chamberlain, when at Birmingham in the 
following March, said : " I believe there is not a 
single Member of the Government who does not deeply 
regret what we have thought to be the necessity for inter- 
ference in Egypt." 

Again, in a later speech, Birmingham, June 1885, he said : — 

" The Egyptian question has brought us face to face with 
great interests, and a natural sensitiveness on the part of 



GREAT BRITAIN AND EGYPT 211 

Frenchmen. . . . [Mr. Chamberlain had just returned from 
a visit to Paris.] In the last article I read in the Times 
newspaper [before he left England], I was told that the 
limits of concession of the Government to France must, they 
supposed, at last have been reached. In the first article I 
read in the Debats newspaper .... I found the French 
Government assailed most bitterly for the manner in which 
it had yielded everything to the insolence of England. Do 
you not think that perhaps both Governments are wiser than 
these irresponsible writers in the press, who risk a breach 
in the friendship which ought to exist between two great 
nations — wiser than the politician whose recklessness en- 
dangers the peace of the world ? Do you not think it 
possible that the two Governments may be each earnestly 
seeking the interests and the honour of their respective 
countries ? . . . I attach the greatest possible importance to 
the French alliance. ... I believe that, near neighbours as 
we are, in our continued and cordial friendship lies the best 
guarantee for the future happiness of both nations — and I 
would be sorry that any temporary misapprehension, any 
misrepresentation, should jeopardise the alliance, to which I 
attach so great importance. . . . 

" Why did we go to Egypt ? There are a great many 
people who think — in view of what has subsequently occurred 
— that it would have been wiser if we had kept away 
altogether. But then it should be borne in mind what 
the alternative would have been. Egypt is the highway 
to India and to our colonial possessions. . . ." 

It was, therefore, clearly impossible to allow some other 
Power to step in and annex Egypt, since the French had 
refused to join with us in restoring order there. Two courses 
were open to us : either we might set up a protectorate 
similar to that of the French in Tunis, or we might annex 
Egypt as France annexed Algeria. But Mr. Gladstone's 
Government did not think we ought to assume the immense 
responsibilities of Egypt or destroy its independence. 

" Above all, we did not think that it was worth our while, 
or desirable, or right, for such an object to risk the friendship 
of France, to which we attached so much value. . . . The 



212 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

alternative was that we should remain in Egypt only so 
long as was necessary to restore order, and that then we 
should come away without having sought or obtained any 
territorial aggrandisement for ourselves." 

But French jealousies were rapidly making that evacuation 
a dream of the future. 

" One effect of this policy is to delay the evacuation .... 
to postpone it, to make it difficult, and perhaps even in the 
last resort to make it impossible. . . . 

" It cannot be tolerated after the sacrifices that we have 
made that our going away should be the signal for another 
Power to take up a preponderating position there. . . . 

" We have a duty which we owe to the Egyptians — we 
have to provide them with some form of government which 
is likely to be a settled one. We have to relieve the 
peasants of excessive or unjust taxation, which might be 
a cause of discontent and trouble in the future, and we 
have to create some kind of native or other army which 
may answer for the defence of the country against external 
enemies and against internal disorder. These are objects, 
surely, in which we may seek and obtain the cordial assistance 
of France." 

But whether that assistance were obtained or not, the 
Liberal Government meant to attempt to carry out both 
the reforms above mentioned. 

In January, 1SS4, General Gordon had been despatched 

to Khartoum to arrange for the withdrawal of the 
Gordon sent -p, . . . r . , ~ . . . 

to Soudan. Egyptian garrisons of the Soudan. Speaking in 

J Ts8t ry t * ie same month, Mr. Chamberlain said he did not 

consider this withdrawal from the Soudan a matter 

for regret : — 

" The occupation has been a continuous strain upon the 
resources of a poor country. It has increased the burdens 
upon the peasantry of Egypt ; and now that they are likely 
to be relieved of this strain . . . the Egyptian Government 
will be able to develop into a prosperous and self-working 
institution. . . . 



DEFEAT OF GOVERNMENT 213 

" The task is likely to be more difficult than was supposed ; 
it will take a longer time than was anticipated. There is 
nothing in what has happened which makes me think that 
it will not ultimately, with time, patience, and discretion, 
succeed and be completely accomplished." 

Six months after Gordon was sent out, Lord Wolseley was 
despatched with the Relief Expedition ; but he was too late, 
for just a year after Gordon reached the Soudan he was 
murdered when the British gunboats were within sight of 
the city of Khartoum. 

The impression produced by the death of Gordon was 
disastrous to the Government ; between February and May 
after he was sent out, two votes of censure had been moved, 
and the Government majority in the Commons went down 
from forty-nine to twenty-eight, while the Lords carried their 
motion by one hundred votes. But in the February after 
his death the Government were only able to muster a 
majority of fourteen. Two months later a vote of credit of 
eleven millions was asked for, four and a half of which were 
to be spent in the Soudan, and the ultimate overthrow of 
the Government was largely due to the loss of Gordon and 
the mismanagement of military affairs in Egypt. 

The Government were defeated on Sir Michael Hicks- 
Beach's resolution condemning the Budget pro- 
Goverament 6 posals (June 8th, 1885), thirty-nine Irish Members 

Ju ?®| th ' voting against the Administration which had so 

loot). 

bitterly disappointed them. 
When the result was announced, an extraordinary scene 
took place. There was the wildest excitement in the House, 
and one of the Service Members afterwards remarked that he 
had been in various tight places in his life, but that for sheer 
excitement he had never seen anything to equal the state 
of the House of Commons when the Liberal Government 
were defeated. The Irish roared out " Buckshot," " Coercion," 
at the top of their voices, and actually howled at Mr. 
Gladstone. Lord Randolph Churchill leaped upon a bench, 
waved his hat above his head and cheered his loudest. 



214 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Ironical counter-cheers from the Liberals added to the 
uproar. But amid it all, Mr. Gladstone, grimly silent, sat 
writing his daily letter to the Queen, and conveyed at the 
same time the news of his own resignation. As the Members 
streamed out of the House, Lord Richard Grosvenor, the 
Chief Liberal Whip and a personal friend of Mr. Gladstone, 
went up to him, and after a moment's conversation the 
Prime Minister shook him warmly by the hand. It was 
generally supposed that he was taking leave of his colleague, 
for it had several times been announced that at the end of 
this Session Mr. Gladstone would retire from Parliamentary 
life. 



CHAPTER XIX 

THE STOP-GAP GOVERNMENT AND THE UNAUTHORISED 
PROGRAMME 

"LORD SALISBURY IN POWER" — THE CONSERVATIVES AND LORD 
RANDOLPH CHURCHILL— THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN, JUNE- 
NOVEMBER—" RANSOM" AND WARRINGTON SPEECHES. 

THERE were various reasons why the Liberal party was 
not displeased to find itself relieved of the cares of 
office in June, 1885. A General Election was expected in 
the autumn, and they would now be free to canvass the 
country, leaving to their opponents the full duties of winding 
up the Session and of dealing with the problem of coercion, 
the solution of which all alike seemed eager to shirk. In the 
autumn the Crimes Bill expired. Was it to be renewed, 
temporarily or permanently ? Who was to have the odium 
of passing a fresh measure of coercion, which would inevitably 
mean trouble with the Nationalists and the impossibility of 
doing any work on the strength of which the Government 
could go to the country. 

The Queen from Balmoral telegraphed to Mr. Gladstone 
to know if there were any chance of his reconsidering his 
resignation. The House adjourned to the 12th, and the 
greatest excitement and uncertainty prevailed as to what 
would happen. 

Though the Opposition had defeated the Government, they 
could not command a majority in the House, and as soon as 
Lord Salisbury attempted to form a Cabinet he encountered 
all sorts of difficulties. The Liberals smiled cynically at the 

215 



216 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

position in which he found himself; as one of them put it, 
" The Conservatives might now clear up the mess they had 
made." 

" Lord Randolph Churchill Upsets the Apple-Cart " was the 
headline of one paper a few days after the Queen sent for 
Lord Salisbury, and certain it is that there were many of his 
own party who devoutly wished " Lord Randy " had never 
been heard of. Lord Salisbury was credited with a secret 
liking for the young man's boldness and cleverness, and he 
followed his advice often enough to alienate many older 
friends and followers. 

Before Mr. Gladstone actually handed over the reins of 
office he came down to the House and appealed to the 
Opposition to keep Parliament together that they might get 
on with the Seats Bill. Sir Stafford Northcote (the Leader 
of the Opposition), who had been privately consulted, was in 
favour of so doing, but while Mr. Gladstone was urging his 
view, Lord Randolph Churchill handed a slip of paper to 
the Conservative Whip for Sir Michael Hicks-Beach. Sir 
Michael passed it on to Sir Stafford, who, on replying, said 
that he had originally been in favour of Mr. Gladstone's 
suggestion, but that he had now changed his mind. The 
incident was significant. Sir Michael Hicks-Beach openly 
joined Mr. (now Sir) John Gorst and Lord Randolph 
Churchill in throwing over his old leader. As Lord 
Iddesleigh, Sir Stafford soon took his seat in the Upper 
House, and the " old gang," as Lord Randolph designated 
them, was broken up. Though all was supposed to be 
amicably arranged and the leader of the Fourth party (Lord 
Randolph Churchill) was in the Cabinet as Secretary of State 
for India, a hitch occurred at the last moment which nearly 
reversed the whole position of affairs. 

Lord Salisbury applied to Mr. Gladstone for a pledge that 
the new Ministry should not be embarrassed by the Opposition, 
intimating that if the new Budget proposals were opposed, 
the Government on their part would declare that the Re- 
distribution of Seats Bill must be dropped. The meaning 



THE UNAUTHORISED PROGRAMME 217 

of this threat was plain. If the Redistribution Bill were not 
passed, the General Election would be fought on the old 
registers, and the two million new voters not being registered 
would be unable to use their votes. Such a manoeuvre was 
characterised as an outrage on the newly enfranchised electors 
and a breach of Parliamentary faith. 

Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Charles Dilke must have refused 
to join Mr. Gladstone in any such pledge. There was quite 
enough bitterness among the Radicals over the Medical 
Relief Bill, by which the Tories had managed to disqualify 
a large number of the new voters. The opposition offered 
to it, especially by Mr. Chamberlain, was so strong that the 
new Government were obliged to modify some of its provisions. 
The Radicals were not in a mood to grant favours. 

Early in June, 1885, Mr. Chamberlain announced his 
intention of going to Scotland, and possibly to Ireland, on an 
electioneering campaign, in which he set forth what was 
afterwards known as his " Unauthorised Programme." 

The four items of the programme were : — Free Schools, 

brought forward from the previous programme ; 

unauthorised Sma11 Holdings, a part of the Free Land 

Programme, account ; Graduated Taxation, and Local Govern- 
1886. ' ' 

ment. 

All the items of this programme have in a measure 

been carried out. It is interesting to note that it was too 

advanced for the men who soon turned upon its author 

and pronounced him a Tory at heart. The greater part 

of it was carried out by a Conservative Government, which, 

however, was constrained by force of circumstances over 

which they had little control, to walk in the paths of reform 

previously sacred to Liberals and Radicals. 

Mr. Chamberlain's programme would have been better 

"Ransom" rece ived had it not been for a speech, known as 

speech, the " Ransom " speech, delivered in Birmingham 

Birmingham. . T r ■> T , 

January, in January of the same year. It was supposed 

1885 ' to be an out-and-out attack on the rights of 

property, but it might also be described as an out-and-out 



2i8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

sermon on the duties of those who enjoy the privileges of 
property, and a solemn warning that if they would not dis- 
charge their duties, the time was coming when their privileges 
could be no longer guaranteed to them. 

Domestic legislation, said Mr. Chamberlain, in future 
would be more concerned with social subjects than had 
hitherto been the case. Those men, who, having annexed 
everything that is worth having, expect others to be 
content with the crumbs that fall from their table, should 
remember that life was not always arranged thus. 

" When our social arrangements first began to shape 
themselves, every man was born into the world with natural 
rights — with a right to share in the great inheritance of the 
community, with a right to a part of the land of his 
birth. But all these rights have passed away. . . . Private 
ownership has taken the place of these communal rights, and 
this system has become so interwoven with our habits and 
usages — it has been so sanctioned by law and protected by 
custom — that it might be very difficult, and perhaps im- 
possible, to reverse it." 

Nevertheless, private property, Mr. Chamberlain con- 
sidered, would probably continue to enjoy its monopoly of 
communal rights. 

" But then, I ask, what ransom will property pay for 
the security which it enjoys? What substitute will it 
find for the natural rights which have ceased to be 
recognised ? Society is banded together to protect itself 
against the instincts of those men who would make very 
short work of private ownership if they were left alone. 
That is all very well, but I maintain that society owes 
these men something more than mere toleration in return 
for the restrictions it places upon their liberty of action. . . . 
I think in the future we shall hear a great deal more about 
the obligations of property, and we shall not hear quite 
so much about its rights. ... Is it an essential condition 
of private ownership in land that the agricultural labourers 
of this country, alone of civilised countries, should be entirely 



THE DOCTRINE OF RIGHTS 219 

divorced from the soil they till, that they should be driven 
into the towns to compete with you for work, and to lower 
the rate of wages, and that alike in town and country the 
labouring population should be huddled into dwellings unfit 
for man or beast, where the conditions of common decency 
are impossible, and where they lead directly to disease, 
intemperance, and crime? These are questions which I 
hope you will ask at the next election, and to which you will 
demand an answer. . . . 

" You must look for the cure in legislation, laying the 
heaviest burdens on the shoulders best able to bear them 
[Graduated Taxation] — legislation which will, in some 
degree at any rate, replace the labourer on the soil, and 
find employment for him without forcing him into com- 
petition with the artisans of the towns [Small Holdings] — 
legislation which will give a free education to every child 
in the land." 

In reply to this speech, the Times said this doctrine of 
rights was " pernicious nonsense." Mr. Chamberlain, there- 
fore, a few days later at Ipswich asked : — 

" What insurance will wealth find it to its advantage to 

Ipswich P rov id e against the risks to which it is undoubtedly 
subject? .... 

" Let us understand each other," he concluded. "... I 
have never supposed you could equalise the capacities and 
conditions of men. The idler, the drunkard, the fool, the 
criminal, must bear the brunt of their defects. The strong 
and the able man will always be first in the race. But what 
I say is, that the community as a whole, co-operating for the 
benefit of all, may do something to add to the sum of 
human happiness, may do something to make the life of 
all its citizens, and above all the poorest of them, somewhat 
better, somewhat nobler, somewhat happier." 

" The Times" said Mr. Chamberlain at Hackney in July, 
1885, " did me the honour to misrepresent me. . . . 
ey ' Lord Salisbury denounced me, Mr. Goschen lec- 
tured me, the Duke of Argyll scolded me, and the Spectator 
newspaper preached at me." 

But the Conservatives apparently approved of part of 



220 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

his programme, for they themselves proposed to remedy 
the injustice of the Medical Relief Bill. 

" I want to know how far they will go with me. If I 
denounce the State Church, will they disestablish it? If 
I call for free schools, will they abolish school fees ? If I 
condemn pensions, will they relinquish their own ? 

" After the debate the other night a Member of the House 
of Commons came up to me and said : ' My dear fellow, pray 
be careful in what you say, for if you were to speak dis- 
respectfully of the Ten Commandments, I believe that Balfour 
would bring in a Bill immediately to repeal them.'" 

" They have," he complained at Warrington, " appropriated 
every item of my programme. They claim it as their own, 
and they have stripped me of my policy and left me bare and 
forlorn till I can invent another, which they will no doubt 
steal in turn. ... I do not complain of the theft, but I am 
distressed at the ingratitude of its perpetrators. 

" The Conservatives," he said on another occasion, " were 
obliged to carry on the Stop-gap Government by doing 
'Tory work in a Radical uniform.' 

" One man only had been consistent — Lord Randolph 

Churchill. He was a Tory-Democrat in opposition, 

Chamberlain ne ls a Tory-Democrat in office. Why, this man 

on Lord is doing, in the heart of the Tory citadel, with 

n£?5Sl£r the rarest audacity and courage, the work we 

CnurcniU. J , • ■. T 

have vainly attempted to do from the outside. 1 

admire and I am amazed at his audacity and courage and 

at his success." 

But Mr. Chamberlain had no admiration for his colleagues 
who were being "dragged at the tail of Lord Randolph's 
policy." 

When Mr. Chamberlain realised the inadequacy of the 
official programme, he abandoned any hesitation he may 
have felt in " dictating a policy for the party," and produced 
his unauthorised programme, which met with far greater 
favour among the people than that of the party leaders, 
and in the counties especially was a warm and generous 
support given to the man who had been largely instrumental 



POLITICAL RIP VAN WINKLES 221 

in obtaining the vote for the agricultural labourers. The 
Warrington speech at Warrington, in which he set forth his 
September new P onc y> excited violent hostility from some 
8th, 1885. members of his own party, and the Times com- 
pared him to the man who destroyed the Temple of Diana 
at Ephesus for the sake of notoriety. Of the official 
programme Mr. Chamberlain said : — 

" Local government and the cheapening of the transfer of 
land are good things — most excellent things ! I do not 
know whether they are of a nature to cause the hot blood 
of a Whig to course rapidly through his veins, but I must 
admit that I do not expect they will excite the passionate 
fervour which I desire to see among the people. I think we 
shall have to go a little farther before we can do that. . . . 
I received a letter from a great Whig landowner in Scotland, 
a letter in which he said that if the programme of the Liberal 
party were confined to these points, he for one would not 
dare to face his constituents." 

The political Rip Van Winkles had to learn that the 
world had moved on while they had been slumbering. 

" But now that we have a Government of the people by 
the people, we will go on and make it the Government for 
the people, in which all shall co-operate in order to secure 
to every man his natural rights, his right to existence, and to 
a fair enjoyment of it. 

" I shall be told to-morrow that this is Socialism. I have 
learnt not to be afraid of words that are flung in my face 
instead of argument. Of course it is Socialism ! The 
Poor Law is Socialism, the Education Act is Socialism, 
the greater part of municipal work is Socialism, and every 
kindly act of legislation by which the community has sought 
to discharge its responsibilities and its obligations to the 
poor is Socialism. But it is none the worse for that. . . . 
I do not pretend that for every grievance a remedy will be 
found. But we must try experiments, as we are bound to 
do. Let us continue to pursue our work with this object, 
and if we fail, let us try again and again till we succeed." 



222 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" How," he asks his opponents at Glasgow, " do you 
propose to help the poor? . . . 

"If you have a better way " [than was set forth in the 

Glasgow, unauthorised programme] " we shall joyfully hear 

September of it. But for my part, neither sneers, nor abuse, 

15th, 1885. nor O pp 0s ition, shall induce me to accept as the 

will of the Almighty and the unalterable dispensation of 

His Providence a state of things under which millions lead 

sordid, hopeless, and monotonous lives, without pleasure in 

the present and without prospect in the future. The issue 

is for you and the new constituencies. The people must 

find the solution, and for my part I have so much confidence 

that I believe what the wise and learned have failed to 

accomplish the poor and lowly will achieve for themselves. 

"'We met, we crushed the evil powers; 
A nobler task must now be ours : 
Their victims, maimed and poor, to feed, 
And bind the bruised and broken reed. 
Lord ! let the human storm be stilled, 
Lord ! let the million mouths be filled, 
Let labour cease to toil in vain, 
Let England be herself again.'" 

From January to December, in the many speeches that 
he had made throughout the country, Mr. Chamberlain 
had been urging the obligations of the Government towards 
the poor, especially in the direction of giving them a chance 
to become yeomen — owners of the soil. There is even a 
hint of the subject which was to occupy so much of his 
thoughts at a later time — namely, old age pensions. He 
took every opportunity of talking with the agricultural 
labourers ; he visited the crofters ; he found that the Wiltshire 
men talked nothing but politics, now they had the vote, till 
the landlords declared " it was sickening." 

One reason why the Warrington speech attracted so much 
attention was that ill it Mr. Chamberlain bluntly refused 
to make any terms with Mr. Parnell unless he abandoned 
all idea of separation for Ireland. 

" Now, what is Mr. Parnell's programme ? He says that 
in his opinion the time has come to abandon altogether all 



IRISH SELF-GOVERNMENT 223 

attempts to obtain further remedial measures or subsidiary 
reforms, and to concentrate the efforts of the Irish repre- 
sentatives upon the securing of a separate and independent 
Parliament, which is to consist of a single Chamber, and 
whose first object it will be to put a protective duty against 
all English manufactures. 

" Then he says, in the second place, that he expects Whig 
and Tory will vie with one another in helping him to a 
settlement on his own terms ; and he says in the last place 
that if any party seek to make this object impossible, he 
and his friends will make all things impossible for them. 

" Well, gentlemen, I am not a Whig, and I am certainly 
not a Tory. But speaking for myself, I say that if these 
alone are the terms upon which Mr. Parnell's support is to 
be obtained, I will not enter into competition for it. 

" This new programme of Mr. Parnell's involves a great 
extension of anything we have hitherto understood by Home 
Rule, . . . and if this claim were conceded, we might as well 
for ever abandon all hope of maintaining a United Kingdom. 
. . . But it is said by him that justice requires we should 
concede to Irishmen the absolute right of self-government. 
I would reply that it is a right which must be considered in 
relation to the security and welfare of the other countries 
in juxtaposition to which Ireland is placed, and with whose 
interests hers are indissolubly linked. 

" I cannot admit that five millions of Irishmen have any 
greater inherent right to govern themselves without regard 
to the rest of the United Kingdom than the five millions of 
the Metropolis. 

"God has made us neighbours, and I would to Heaven 
that our rulers had made us friends. But as neighbours, 
neither the one nor the other has any right so to rule his 
household as to be a source of annoyance or danger to 
the other. 

" Subject to that limitation, I for my part would concede 
the greatest possible measure of local government to the 
Irish people, as I would concede it also to the English and 
the Scots." 

At the conclusion of his campaign, he offered a few words 
of personal explanation of his policy : — 

" These are the proposals, simple, moderate, and practical, 



224 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

which .... have earned for me, from Lord Iddesleigh, 

London. tne ^ G °f ' J ac ^ Cade.' . . . Whether they will 

September be included in the programme of the Liberal 

24th, 1886. p art y or no |- j does not depend upon me. It does 

not depend on any individual leader, however influential 

and highly placed he may be ; it rests with the constituencies 

themselves and their representatives. . . . 

" If I am right, these views will find adequate expression, 
and they will receive due weight and attention from the 
party leaders. If I am disappointed, then my course is 
clear. I cannot press the views of the minority against the 
conclusions of the majority of the party ; but it would 
be, on the other hand, dishonourable in me, and lowering to 
the high tone which ought to prevail in public life, if I, 
having committed myself personally, as I have done, to the 
advocacy of these proposals, were to take my place in 
any Government which excluded them from its programme. 
... I have not found official life so free from care that I 
should be unwilling once more to fall back into the ranks." 

This unmistakable declaration of the only terms upon 
which he was willing to remain in the Cabinet was received 
in some quarters with sneers and sarcastic comments as to 
the high price the Member for Birmingham put upon his 
allegiance. 

" I am accused of dictating terms to the Liberal party 

Bradford. an ^ to its great leader, because I have said I could 

October 1st, not consent to enter any Government which 

deliberately excluded from its programme those 

reforms which I have been advocating as of prime importance 

throughout the length and the breadth of the land. I may 

be mistaken in the weight I attach to these proposals. . . . 

" But that I should purchase place and office by the 
abandonment of the opinions I have expressed, that I should 
put my principles in my pocket, and that I should consent 
to an unworthy silence on those matters to which I have 
professed to attach so great an importance, would be a 
degradation which no honourable man could regard with 
complacency or satisfaction. . . . 

At the beginning of the year, when rendering an account 
of his Ministerial work to his constituents, he said to them : — 




THE QBAND OLD HEW :— 8ee what beantiftil Egffi I've laid I 

THI GRAND YOUKO BANTAM:- Yen. and »ee how Tr» «n**h*d one of tham. 



From a cartoon which appeared in the Birmingham Owl, Easter 1886. 



DR. DALE'S CRITICISM 225 

" I have now been your Member for nearly nine years, and 
Birmingham, during the greater part of that time I have had 
January, 1885. the honour of a seat in the Government. I have 
had to make great claims upon your patience and indulgence, 
and you have never failed to respond with a generosity 
which is one of the most striking characteristics of great 
popular constituencies. In the course of that time you will 
easily understand I have sometimes found it difficult, as one 
of the Radical Members in a Liberal Government, to reconcile 
the loyalty which I owe to my colleagues and to the party 
at large with the strenuous and constant promotion of the 
principles which I am supposed especially to represent. I 
have had at times to reserve and sometimes even to sacrifice 
my opinion : perhaps I may have disappointed my con- 
stituents ; but it has been, in my opinion, necessary, in order 
not to bring about a division which might injure our common 
cause, or which might embarrass the leader whose unsur- 
passed ability and long-tried devotion to the people's service 
has earned for him their undying regard and esteem. 

" And now I accept your reception as the proof that in 
your opinion, at all events, I have been faithful to the trust 
you have reposed in me, and that I have retained the 
friendship and support without which public life would indeed 
be an intolerable burden." 

The unauthorised programme was received with much 
satisfaction in Birmingham. Dr. Dale, the keenest and 
certainly the most influential politician in Birmingham next 
to Mr. Chamberlain, wrote to him at the close of his 
campaign, saying : — 

" I congratulate you very heartily on your recent speeches 
in the North ; apart from the substance of them, which was 
admirable, the form — in which I include all the rhetorical 
elements — reached a level whicii I think you never touched 
before, and which I hope you will keep. 

" It is a great thing for a man to make an advance of 
that kind when he has touched fifty. 

" This criticism is rather presumptuous for a person like 
myself to offer to an ex-Cabinet Minister ; but the delight 
one has in watching the growing strength of one's comrades 
remains when a comrade has become a chief, and when 
one has lost the right to speak to him in this way." 

15 



CHAPTER XX 

RUMOURS OF HOME RULE 

Autumn, 1885 — February, 1886 

return of the seven members, birmingham elections, 
november 1885— rumours of home rule— defeat of lord 
salisbury, january' 1 886— events of the session. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S part as a Minister during 
his live years of office had been played to the 
satisfaction of his constituents. They were proud of the 
work he had accomplished and of the attention which his 
opinions commanded, whether expressed in the House of 
Commons, or in his Fortnightly and other articles, or in the 
speeches which set forth the unauthorised programme. The 
new voters, who had at last obtained full political rights, 
largely owing" to his continous efforts on their behalf, were 
looking eagerly for the elections of November and December, 
18S5, as the moment for marking Birmingham's unmistakable 
approval of " Our Joe " and his policy. 

Mr. Chamberlain was aware that no Minister could be so 
free as the independent Member, and that to his constituents 
he might seem to be at times " falling away from grace " 
in respect of fiery denunciations of a lukewarm Liberal 
policy, but he pointed out that " we Radicals do not think 
it necessary to upset the coach every time the pace does 
not come up to our expectations. ... It is a mistake to 
think that independence can only be asserted in isolation." 

Under the new Redistribution Act, Birmingham returned 
seven instead of three members to Parliament ; they were 

226 



RETURN OF THE SEVEN MEMBERS 227 

Bright, Chamberlain, Dixon, Kcnrick, Powell Williams, 

Cook, and Broadhurst. Mr. Chamberlain was 

Election, opposed by a " working-man " candidate, who 

N0V and er was defeated by 2 >7 r ->4 votes, Mr. Chamberlain's 

December, majority being the largest in the borough : he 

polled SA ,f J votes ; among them, curiously enough, 

was that of a woman who presented herself at one of the 

booths and demanded to vote. 1 

" I am on the register," she said ; " Susannah Perks is my 
name ; it's right enough ! " 

The officer in charge looked, and the name "Susannah 
Perks" was certainly entered. A hurried consultation took 
place, •iiid an election agent considered that Susannah Perks 
might be allowed to vote. It is believed that Mr. Chamber- 
lain obtained her suffrage, and she left the booth in the 
proud position of being the one woman in the town who 
had recorded her vote for a borough Member. 

The excitement of this election was so great that it 
is difficult to describe it adequately. All the 
Birmingham, candidates were opposed ; Lord Randolph 
N °i886 ber ' Cnurcni11 vvas fi^ ntin £ J onn Bright ; and Henry 
Matthews, Cj.C, Alderman Kcnrick. Broadhurst, 
the working-man Member, was opposed by a local Tory 
brewer of great wealth and influence. On the night of the 
election thousands of people congregated in the great square 
of which the Council House and Town Hall form two sides. 
The counting of votes was going on, and as the results were 
known they were posted on huge boards, black figures on 
a white ground, that could easily be read in the glare of 
the surrounding lamps. These boards were exhibited on 
the Town Hall. As return after return was posted, and 
it became evident that another and yet another Liberal had 
been elected, the people went almost mad with excitement, 
and when after an interval the seventh and last result was 
known, the scene was indescribable. 

Over at the Liberal Club, which commanded a view of the 
1 Birmingham Daily Post. 



228 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

square, now black with the people, now white for a moment 
as all faces were turned in one direction, the results were 
coming in from the country, and the members were crowding 
round, cheering each fresh victory. It was a great night at 
the club. " We often say that was the culminating point 
of its glory," said a member. Many ladies were present, and 
when at last Henry Broadhurst appeared after a hard fight, 
they gathered round to shake hands and congratulate him. 
As for Alderman Kenrick, the cheering crowd met him at 
the foot of the stairs and carried him shoulder-high into 
the dining-room. 

But the results of the election as a whole were not 
satisfactory for the Liberal party ; they only numbered 
335, as against 335 — Conservatives, 249, and Irish, 86, 
combined. What would happen in the present balance of 
parties ? If the Irish made common cause with the Liberals 
(86 + 335), the Conservatives would be hopelessly beaten, 
though they were of course nominally in power (just as 
the Stop-gap Government had been), and Lord Salisbury 
had not yet resigned. But if a Tory-Irish coalition took 
place, though nominally they would equal the Liberals 
in strength, it was more than probable that at a critical 
moment there would be deserters from the Tory camp 
disgusted with the extravagant demands of their new 
allies. 

No overtures to the Irish party had been made officially 
from either side, though it was said that they had been made 
unofficially by Lord Carnarvon to Mr. Parnell and had been 
disavowed by Lord Salisbury. The truth of the various 
rumours then afloat will probably never be known. 

On December 14th it was announced that the Prime 

. Minister was engaged in considering a scheme for 

Home Rule, a large measure of local government in Ireland. 

' But this piece of news, true or false, was altogether 

thrown into the shade by the Standard of December 17th, 

which published an account of a supposed scheme of Home 

Rule drawn up by Mr. Gladstone. It was not likely that 



HOME RULE IN THE AIR 229 

Mr. Gladstone would have first communicated his views upon 
such a subject to the Standard, but his repudiation of those 
attributed to him by that paper was not of a nature to relieve 
the anxiety that the report had caused. The outlines of the 
scheme were as follow : — 

1. The unity of the Empire, authority of the Crown, and 
supremacy of Imperial Parliament were to be maintained. 

2. An Irish Parliament entrusted with legislative and 
administrative powers would be granted. 

3. Ireland would contribute to the Imperial Exchequer. 

4. The rights of minorities would be safeguarded. 

5. The Crown would reserve the right to nominate a 
certain number of the Irish Members. 

On the evening of the day when the Standard's summary 
of the Bill appeared, Birmingham Liberals were celebrating, 
by a banquet, the return of the seven Liberal Members, and 
Mr. Chamberlain's comments on the alleged policy were 
eagerly looked for. 

" I see in the papers," he said, " some account of negotia- 
December tions which are reported to have been proceeding 
17th, 1885. between the leaders of the Liberal party in England 
and Mr. Parnell. I have had no part in any negotiations ; I 
have expressed no approval of any scheme, and I think it very 
likely that the rumours which affect other prominent members 
of the Liberal party may be equally groundless. . . . 

" Mr. Parnell, has alienated and embittered every section of 
the Liberal party, by his cynical alliance with the Tories. 

" Let him settle accounts with his new friends ; let him 
test their sincerity and goodwill, and if he finds he has 
been deceived, he will approach the Liberal party in a spirit 
of reason and conciliation .... 

" As to Mr. Gladstone, we know what his opinion is from 
his public utterances. He has again and again said that 
the first duty of Liberal statesmen is to maintain the integrity 
of the Empire and the supremacy of the Crown. Subject 
to that, he is prepared to give the largest possible measure of 
local government that could be conceived or proposed. 

" Well, I entirely agree with those principles, and I have 
so much faith in the experience and patriotism of Mr. 



2 3 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Gladstone that I cannot doubt that if he should ever see his 
way to propose any scheme of arrangement, I shall be able 
conscientiously to give it my humble support. But it is due 
to the Irish party to say that all sections of the Liberal 
party, Radicals as much as Whigs, are determined that the 
integrity of the Empire shall be a reality and not an empty 
phrase." 

If the Irish expected to receive Home Rule from the 

Meeting of Conservatives, they were soon undeceived. The 

Parliament. Queen's Speech intimated that coercion was not 

Salisbury's yet done with, and by the end of January the 

January, Chief Secretary for Ireland (Mr. W. H. Smith) 

1886. stated that a new Coercion Act and an extension 

of Lord Ashbourne's Land Purchase Act would be asked 

for. That was sufficient for the Irish, and two days later 

they followed the Liberals into the Lobby and voted for 

Mr. Jesse Collings's amendment to the Address, which 

regretted that no measures giving allotments to labourers 

had been announced. The Government were in fact defeated 

on " three acres and a cow," but the significance of their 

defeat lay in the attitude of the House towards the Irish 

question. For while the Irish joined the Liberals against 

the Government, Lord Hartington, Mr. Goschen, and sixteen 

other Liberals voted against their party and with the 

Government. They feared that Mr. Gladstone was about to 

propose Home Rule, and they would not do anything that 

would bring him into power. The true meaning of their 

action was at the moment scarcely understood, but it was 

evident that neither they nor Mr. Bright would be willing to 

join the new Administration. 

It was strange to find a Gladstone Cabinet including Mr. 
Chamberlain and Mr. Morley, and excluding John Bright, 
Lord Hartington, and Mr. Forster. Mr. Chamberlain went 
to the Local Government Board as its President, with Mr. 
Jesse Collings as his Under-Secretary ; Lord Aberdeen was 
the new Viceroy of Ireland, and John Morley the Chief 
Secretary. 



GLADSTONE'S OFFER TO PARNELL 231 

On February 1st Mr. Gladstone was again in office 
Mr and the Home Rule crisis had actually begun. 

Take? Office Fr ° m this time the P hrase " Home Rule " had a 
February, ' new significance. So far, it had meant extended 
local government for Ireland, together with a 
generous settlement of co-related questions, except for the 
extreme Irish party, who always understood by it something 
more or less akin to Separation. During the winter of 
1885-6 Mr. Gladstone imported into the term a meaning 
it had not previously borne for Liberals, and one which 
Mr. Chamberlain had no intention of expressing when he 
used it. Since Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy was announced 
Home Rule has generally been taken to mean a separate 
Parliament and a separate Cabinet for Ireland. 

That Mr. Gladstone's offer to Parnell was unexpected even 
by his own party, may be gathered from the newspaper 
comments on his supposed policy during the autumn and 
early winter. That of the Daily Chronicle, afterwards a 
thick-and-thin supporter of Gladstonian Home Rule and the 
bitterest opponent of the Unionist party, may be quoted 
here : — 

" Reports are current that Mr. Gladstone contemplates the 
most extreme measure of Home Rule consistent with the 
integrity of the Empire. It is astounding to learn that the 
Liberal leader is determined to adopt a course which will, 
if successful, place lawlessness in power and displace the 
Queen's authority in Ireland. Moreover, we are convinced 
that the Liberal party as a whole would decline to support 
Mr. Gladstone in any attempt of this kindr 

The Economist said : — 

" Mr. Gladstone rarely goes quite beyond the plans his 
followers are prepared to accept, and if Parnell proposes 
Separation, he will be refused by both parties, and his 
dream will vanish for ever." 

It was a strange position for Mr. Parnell. At the moment 
he was asking nothing ; yet he was about to have everything 



232 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

offered to him. The prospects of Ireland, he said, were 
never brighter than at that hour. Four years before, when 
liberated from Kilmainham, he had found Mr. Gladstone 
willing to hold out a hand to Ireland. But just when order 
might have been sufficiently restored to enable him to do so, 
came the Phcenix Park murders, and for the time all con- 
ciliation was replaced by coercion. Now how changed his 
position ! He was quietly waiting to see which party would 
satisfy his demands, sure that from one or the other he 
would get a substantial instalment of his wishes. With 
a cynical smile he watched the fluctuations of feeling for 
and against Home Rule, and the hurried, anxious consulta- 
tions as to how little it would be safe to offer him and 
how much the country would be willing to give in order to 
settle the dreaded Irish question. 

The following table may make the events of this Session 
clearer : — 



Table of Dates, 1886 — 1887. 

Lord Salisbury is defeated. Mr Gladstone 

accepts office. 
Mr. Chamberlain accepts Presidency of the 

Local Government Board in Mr. Gladstone's 

Administration. 
Mr. Chamberlain's resignation. 
Resignation accepted. 
Home Rule Bill introduced. 
Mr. Chamberlain's explanation to the House of 

Commons (continued on 16th). 
Loyal and Patriotic Union formed. Opera 

House meeting. 
Land Purchase Bill introduced. 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech to the Two Thousand 

at Birmingham. 
Mr. Gladstone's manifesto. 
National Federation meeting ; the Federation 

supports Mr. Gladstone. 
10th. Second reading Home Rule Bill moved. 



Jan. 


1886. 


Feb. 


1st. 


Mar. 
Apri 


ISth. 

27th. 

1 8th. 

9th. 


)> 


14th. 


j> 


16th. 


j> 


2 1 St. 


May 


1st. 
5th. 



EVENTS OF THE SESSION 233 

May 1 2th. Mr. Chamberlain's meeting — 32 Members with 
him. 
„ 14th. Lord Hartington's meeting— 64 Members with 

him. 
„ 15th. Lord Salisbury's meeting; alternative policy 

decided. 
„ 27th. Mr. Gladstone's meeting at the Foreign Office. 
„ 31st. Conference between Mr. Chamberlain and the 
Unionists, Lord Hartington and the Liberals. 
June 1st. Mr. Chamberlain speaks against Home Rule 
(second reading). 
„ 7th. Rejection second reading: Votes 343 to 313 

(94 Liberals with Mr. Chamberlain). 
„ nth. Mr. Chamberlain's manifesto. 
„ 17th. Inauguration National Radical Union. 
„ 19th. Election campaign begins. Speech to con- 
stituents at Birmingham. 
„ 25th. Dissolution. 
July 3rd. Concluding speech to constituents. Elections. 
Aug. 5th. Parliament meets. Lord Salisbury takes office. 
Sept. 2 1 st. Parnell's Tenant Relief Bill thrown out. 
Oct. 17th. Plan of campaign announced. 
Dec. Lord Randolph Churchill's resignation. 

Jan. 1887. Round Table Conference on Irish affairs. 



CHAPTER XXI 

HOME RULE IN THE CABINET 
February, 1S86 — April, 1886 

FEBRUARY l886— APRIL 1886— MR. GLADSTONE'S MINISTRY— MR. 
CHAMBERLAIN BECOMES PRESIDENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT 
BOARD — HIS RESIGNATION— THE HOME RULE BILL— FIRST 
READING — MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S EXPLANATION IN THE HOUSE. 

IT is not the pros and cons of Home Rule for Ireland, 
but Mr. Chamberlain's share in the events which followed 
upon Mr. Gladstone's introduction of a Home Rule Bill, 
and the reason of his revolt against it, that are the concern 
of this book. 

The greatness of the issues at stake was not immediately 
The Real reanse< ^ \ f° r tnat reason the question of Home 

issue at Rule was treated for a time as a personal one 
Stake 

between Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain, and 

defence and abuse of the leaders were freely indulged 
in by both sides. But Mr. Chamberlain at once appre- 
hended the gravity of the situation, though for a time he 
cherished a hope that Mr. Gladstone understood the serious- 
ness of the objections offered to his Bill, and would make 
such modifications in his Irish policy as would admit of 
the Liberal party remaining a united body. 

Mr. Chamberlain's attitude towards Mr. Gladstone through- 
out the whole Home Rule contest was governed by his 
belief that Home Rule as proposed by Mr. Gladstone and 
his followers, not only led up to, but ultimately entailed 
the separation of Ireland from England and the disintegra- 
tion of the Empire. For Mr. Chamberlain the question 

334 



THE PARTING OF THE WAYS 235 

at issue was one of loyalty, not to a chief or to a party 
but to the Empire. He and those who followed him now 
stood at the parting of the ways. By leaving Mr. Gladstone's 
administration they sacrificed their early associations with 
Liberal triumphs, their brilliant hopes of future reform, and 
their present position as members of a powerful party. 
By following Mr. Gladstone and consenting to his Irish 
policy they could retain all these things. But they believed 
that they would thereby imperil the existence of their country 
as a great nation, and risk the dismemberment of the Empire. 

This belief was not, with Mr. Chamberlain, a new one. 
In 1 88 1 he had said he could not admit the union to be a 
grievance or the separation of Ireland from England an open 
question. If separated, " the two countries would be a stand- 
ing menace one to the other ; sooner or later the conditions 
would be intolerable. We should have to recommence the 
struggle anew, and Ireland would have to be reconquered, or 
England would be ruined." Separation was, in Mr. Chamber- 
lain's opinion, the ultimate issue of any form of Home Rule 
which did not maintain the effective supremacy of the Crown 
and the integrity of the Empire, and in his speech on the 
first reading of the Home Rule Bill he declared : " I am not 
prepared to take that risk in order to promote what is, in my 
judgment, a thinly veiled scheme of separation." 

The great question now was, could a Home Rule Bill 
be devised which would satisfy the Irish and be consistent 
with the honour of the party which granted it ? Mr. 
Chamberlain believed that the Irish people might be satisfied, 
but not their leader, since he had raised his terms. Mr. 
Gladstone expected to content Mr. Parnell with less than he 
asked, and to extort from his own party more than they had 
ever yet been willing to give. But the Kilmainham Treaty 
had given Mr. Parnell an inch ; he was now determined to 
take an ell. 

Mr. Gladstone's offer to Mr. Chamberlain of a seat in his 
Cabinet was not accepted without considerable hesitation, 
and Mr. Chamberlain reserved to himself the right to 



236 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

dissent from the forthcoming scheme of Home Rule ; 
Mr. Chamber- the acceptance of office was not to imply accep- 
1 Offlce°coi^ S tance of a Bill which had not yet been set forth, 
ditionaiiy. He wrote as follows : — 

"40, Prince's Gardens, S.W., 

"January 50th, 1886. 

"My dear Mr. Gladstone, — 

" 1 have availed myself of the opportunity you have 
kindly afforded me to consider further your offer of a seat in 
your Government. 

" I recognise the justice of your view that the question of 
Ireland is paramount to all others, and must first engage 
your attention. The statement of your intention to examine 
whether it is practicable to comply with the wishes of 
the Irish people, as testified by the return of eighty-five 
representatives of the Nationalist Party, does not go beyond 
your previous public declarations, while the conditions which 
you attach to the possibility of such compliance seem to me 
adequate, and are also in accordance with your repeated 
public utterances. 

" But I have already thought it due to you to say that, 
according to my present judgment, it will not be found 
possible to reconcile these conditions with the establishment 
of a National Legislative Body sitting in Dublin, and I have 
explained my own preference for an attempt to come to 
terms with the Irish members on a basis of a more limited 
scheme of Local Government, coupled with proposals for a 
settlement of the Land, and perhaps also of the Education 
question. You have been kind enough, after hearing these 
opinions, to repeat your request that I should join your 
Government, and you have explained that, in this case, I 
shall retain ' unlimited liberty of judgment and rejection ' on 
any scheme that may ultimately be proposed, and that the 
full consideration of such minor proposals as I have referred 
to, as an alternative to any larger arrangement, will not be 
excluded by you. 

" On the other hand, I have no difficulty in assuring you 
of my readiness to give an unprejudiced examination to any 
more extensive proposals that may be made, with an anxious 
desire that the results may be more favourable than I am at 
present able to anticipate. In the circumstances, and with 



RIVAL SCHEME OF HOME RULE 237 

the most earnest hope that I may be able in any way to 
assist you in your difficult work, I beg to accept the offer you 
have made to submit my name to her Majesty for a post in 
the new Government. 

" I am, my dear Mr. Gladstone, 
" Yours sincerely, 

" J. Chamberlain." 

From this letter three things are clear : 

1. Mr. Chamberlain expected that the proposed inquiry 
with regard to Home Rule would be made by Mr. Gladstone 
(presumably together with his Cabinet), and that then a 
measure would be drafted embodying the result of their 
deliberations. 

2. That in his judgment a National Legislative Body in 
Dublin could not safely be granted. 

3. That he retained " unlimited liberty of judgment and 
rejection " of any Home Rule scheme which Mr. Gladstone 
might put forward. 

Mr. Chamberlain's own Home Rule policy as advocated 
in 1881, in 1885, and throughout the controversy may be 
very briefly recapitulated here. He wished — 

1. To establish a complete system of popular local govern- 

_, ^ ment, possibly with a national elective council, and 
His Own ' r ' . . I . 

Home Rule to secure the full representation of Irish opinion 

cy ' on all matters of purely Irish concern. 

2. To reform the Land Laws in the interests (chiefly) of the 
tenant, and especially by the encouragement of purchase by 
the tenant. 

3. To develop Irish resources, especially agriculture. 

4. To maintain the effective supremacy of the Imperial 
Government, and ensure obedience to the law and the 
fulfilment of Ireland's Imperial obligations. 

When Mr. Gladstone's scheme for Home Rule came before 
the Cabinet, Mr. Chamberlain noted with surprise that there 
was no hint of any inquiry. The scheme was full-fledged, 
drawn up, it is said, with the aid only of Sir R. Hamilton. 
The Cabinet was not consulted, though Mr. Morley knew 



238 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of the scope of the Bill. The Land Purchase Bill, involving 
by its provisions an enormous expenditure of English money 
on behalf of a country no longer to be completely controlled 
by the Imperial Parliament, was introduced first in the 
Cabinet and then followed by the Home Rule Bill. This 
order was reversed in the House. 

Mr. Chamberlain gave a review of the events of this time 
a few months later during the ensuing campaign at 
Birmingham : — 

"At the last General Election you know that the very 
Mr. Chamber- idea of Home Rule was scouted by the vast 
Iain's Review majority of the Liberal party ; not by me, because 
of this Time. T haye always been a Home Rulen . . _ Well> 

during the election in Birmingham I do not remember that 
I had any occasion whatever to allude to the Irish question. 
I believe that every one of our candidates declared himself 
unable to accept the Irish demands [as stated by Mr. Parnell]. 
" If he did not do so, how was it that the Irish vote was 
given against us?" 

The Irish vote went against the Liberals all over the 
kingdom and nearly lost them their majority — a sure sign 
that the party as a whole was not prepared to give Home 
Rule in the sense in which it was offered a few months later 
by Mr. Gladstone. 

" You will remember the circumstances under which the 
present Government was formed. The Prime Minister did 
me the honour to invite me to take a place in that Govern- 
ment, and he offered me in the first instance the great 
position of First Lord of the Admiralty, a position with a 
large salary and with an official residence, which are supposed 
to be worth together something like ^5,000 a year. 

Is it not rather a curious thing that I — who am supposed 
His Reasons *° be animated by the paltriest and basest motives 
for Taking — that I refused this great position, chiefly be- 
ce ' cause I thought it was hardly congenial or con- 
sistent with a Radical's position that he should occupy the 
headship of one of the great spending and fighting officer 
of the State. And I preferred to accept the lowest office 



OFFICE UNDER CONDITIONS 239 

in the Cabinet — an office lower even than that which I 
had filled before at the Board of Trade — and I accepted 
it because I thought as President of the Local Government 
Board that I might be able to do something to carry out the 
policy which you and I had so earnestly supported before 
the General Election. But I told Mr. Gladstone at the time 
I took office . . . that I did not believe it would be possible 
to establish a Parliament in Dublin and at the same time 
to maintain the conditions which Mr. Gladstone himself had 
laid down as necessary and essential. Mr. Gladstone was 
good enough, in spite of this frank and fnll expression of 
my opinion, to invite me to join him in an inquiry into the 
subject, and I readily accepted his offer. I have doubted 
since whether I was right in so doing, and I will tell you 
that if I had known what was to be the nature of that 
inquiry and how limited it would be, I doubt if I should 
have thought it my duty to join the Government. 

" On February 4th, having accepted office, I issued my 
address to you. ... I said :'...! am prepared to support 
any just and reasonable proposal for a final settlement in 
accordance with the special necessities of the Land and 
Education questions. In connection with these subjects, I 
am convinced that it will be necessary to concede to the 
Irish people a much more extended control of their own 
domestic business. But I appeal to my recent speeches, both 
before and after the election, as evidence of my firm intention 
to consent to no plan which will not sufficiently guarantee 
the continued supremacy of the Crown in that country and 
the integrity of the Empire. . . .' 

" I do not know who was consulted in the preparation of 
the Home Rule Bill and Land Purchase Bill, I do not 
know who joined in the inquiry to which I was invited. I 
only know that the Cabinet had no opportunity of considering 
the question until March 13th [1886], when the outlines 
of the Land Purchase Bill and of the Home Rule Bill were 
explained to them, and again on March 27th, when they 
were further expounded." 

At the Cabinet meeting of the 13th to which Mr. Chamber- 
lain refers, the Home Rule Bill was not laid before the 
Ministry, but its outline (" which proposed the establishment 
of a Parliament in Dublin with very large powers") was 



2 4 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

sketched by Mr. Gladstone. The Land Bill on which Mr. 
Chamberlain had then to give his opinion involved and 
implied a Home Rule Bill on lines to which he could not 
consent. The remainder of this narrative is taken from his 
speech in the House of Commons, April 8th : — 

"On the 15th I wrote to my right hon. friend (Mr. 

And for Gladstone). ... In reply to that letter, [he] told me 
Resigning, that he thought my resignation was premature, 
and that it would be right that I should at all events postpone 
it until he had been able to complete his scheme for local 
government in Ireland and had submitted it to the Cabinet. 
In accordance with this request, therefore, I postponed my 
resignation until he should be in a position to make a 
statement, which was on March 26th, the next time the 
Cabinet met. . . . 

"I took four principal objections to this proposal of" 
[Home Rule]. 

[Mr. Chamberlain objected (1) to remove Irish Members 
from Westminster ; (2) to renounce the right of Imperial 
taxation in Ireland ; (3) to surrender right of appointment 
of judges and magistrates ; (4) to make the new authority 
" supreme in all matters not specially excluded from its 
competence."] 

" In these circumstances I again tendered my resignation, 
and it was accepted the next day " (March 27th, 1886). 

" My dear Mr. Gladstone, — 

" I have carefully considered the results of the discussion 
on Saturday, and I have come with the deepest 
Mr "iSs ber "reluctance to the conclusion that I shall not be 
Resignation, justified in attending the meeting of the Cabinet 
Mar i886 15tn ' on Tuesday, and that I must ask you to lay my 
resignation before her Majesty. 
" You will remember that in accepting office I expressed 
grave doubts as to the probability of my being able to support 
your Irish policy. Up to that time, however no definite 
proposals had been formulated by you, and it was only on 
Saturday last that you were in a position to make a com- 
munication to the Cabinet on that subject. Without entering 
on unnecessary details, I may say that you proposed a 



LETTER OF RESIGNATION 241 

scheme of Irish Land Purchase which involved an enormous 
and unprecedented use of British credit, in order, in your 
own words, 'to afford to the Irish landlord refuge and 
defence from a possible mode of government in Ireland 
which he regards as fatal to him.' 

" This scheme, while contemplating only a trifling re- 
duction of the judicial rents fixed before the recent fall in 
prices, would commit the British taxpayer to tremendous 
obligations, accompanied, in my opinion, with serious risk 
of ultimate loss. The greater part of the land of Ireland 
would be handed over to a new Irish elective authority, who 
would thus be at once the landlords and the delegates of 
the Irish tenants. I fear that these two capacities would 
be found inconsistent, and that the tenants, unable or un- 
willing to pay the rents demanded, would speedily elect an 
authority pledged to give them relief, and to seek to recoup 
itself by an early repudiation of what would be described as 
the English tribute. 

" With these anticipations I was naturally anxious to know 
what was the object for which this risk was to be incurred, 
and for what form of Irish government it was to pave 
the way. 

" I gathered from your statements that, though your plans 
are not finally matured, yet that you have come to the 
conclusion that any extension of Local Government on 
municipal lines, including even the creation of a National 
Council or Councils, for purely Irish business, would now 
be entirely inadequate, and that you are convinced of the 
necessity for conceding a separate Legislative Assembly for 
Ireland, with full powers to deal with all Irish affairs. 

" I understood that you would exclude from their com- 
petence the control of the Army and Navy and the direction 
of Foreign and Colonial policy, but that you would allow 
them to arrange their own customs tariff, to have entire 
control of the civil forces of the country, and even, if they 
thought fit, to establish a Volunteer Army. 

" It appears to me that a proposal of this kind must be 
regarded as tantamount to a proposal for Separation. 

" I think it is even worse, because it would set up an 
unstable and temporary form of government, which would be 
a source of perpetual irritation and agitation until the full 
demands of the Nationalist party were conceded. 

16 



242 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" The Irish Parliament would be called upon to pay three 
or four millions a year as its contribution to the National 
Debt and the Army and the Navy, and it would be required 
in addition to pay nearly five millions a year for interest 
and sinking fund on the cost of Irish land. 

" These charges would be felt to be so heavy a burden 
on a poor country that persistent controversy would arise 
thereupon, and the due fulfilment of their obligations by the 
new Irish authority could only be enforced by a military 
intervention which would be undertaken with every dis- 
advantage, and after all the resources of the country and the 
civil executive power had been surrendered to the Irish 
National Government. 

" I conclude, therefore, that the policy which you propose 
to recommend to Parliament and the country practically 
amounts to a proposal that Great Britain should burden it- 
self with an enormous addition to the National Debt, and 
probably also to an immediate increase of taxation, not in 
order to secure the closer and more effective union of the 
Three Kingdoms, but, on the contrary, to purchase the repeal 
of the Union and the practical separation of Ireland from 
England and Scotland. 

" My public utterances and my conscientious convictions 
are absolutely opposed to such a policy, and I feel that the 
differences which have now been disclosed are so vital that 
I can no longer entertain the hope of being of service in 
the Government. 

" I must, therefore, respectfully request you to take the 
necessary steps for relieving me of the office I have the 
honour to hold. 

" I am, yours very truly, 

"J. Chamberlain." 

After a letter which indicated such uncompromising 
opposition to the principles as well as to the details of the 
Bill, it would seem impossible for the Prime Minister to 
ask Mr. Chamberlain to reconsider his decision. But the 
resignation of Sir G. Trevelyan had been received at the same 
time, and it was evident that Mr. Chamberlain would not 
be the only seceder from the Cabinet, a fact which indicated 
that he would be very far from being the only dissentient 



OPINION IN THE COUNTRY 243 

Liberal outside it. Mr. Gladstone did not forget that Lord 
Hartington, Mr. Goschen, and sixteen other Liberals had, the 
preceding January, voted with Lord Salisbury's Government, 
as a demonstration of their unwillingness to do anything 
to bring into power an Administration pledged to grant 
Gladstonian Home Rule, or that Mr. Bright, the faithful 
friend of Ireland through many stormy years, was not a 
supporter of his present Irish policy. 

It was, therefore, necessary for Mr. Gladstone to conciliate 
and retain, if possible, those members of his party whom he 
had so far carried with him. The seriousness of the defection 
of Mr. Chamberlain and Sir G. Trevelyan probably led the 
Prime Minister to make those modifications in the Home 
Rule Bill to which Mr. Chamberlain referred as having taken 
place after he left the Cabinet. " I rejoice," he said, " to see 
an approximation between the views of my right hon. friend 
and my own, which I did not dare to hope for at the time 
I left the Cabinet." But in spite of all modifications, an 
insuperable objection still remained to a Dublin Parliament, 
co-ordinate and co-equal with Imperial Parliament, which, 
if its Members used all the powers conceded to them, must, 
in his opinion, inevitably soon lead to actual, if not to 
formal, separation. To the Land Purchase Bill he was 
absolutely opposed. 

The crisis in Mr. Chamberlain's political life had come, 
and in a form that no one six months earlier could have 
expected. Not long before, it had been said that his 
continued advocacy of an advanced and conciliatory policy 
for Ireland had made it difficult for Mr. Gladstone to preserve 
peace in the Cabinet. Now Mr. Chamberlain was left far 
behind by colleagues who had been unwilling to support 
his Irish policy, yet were about to concede almost more than 
even Parnell had asked. 

The country was very uneasy. The Times, Standard, 
Daily Telegraph, and Daily Chronicle, wept in chorus over the 
mad scheme that was too extreme for the Radical Chamberlain. 
" Preposterous ! " said the Times, with a gasp of dismay. 



244 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" We have to deal with a situation in which schemes so 
extravagant that they are rejected by Mr. Chamberlain as 
well as by Lord Hartington are avowed." The Times had 
only just finished warning the party against Mr. Chamberlain's 
wild and irresponsible views as expressed in the unauthorised 
programme. The Daily Chronicle protested that " the Liberal 
Cabinet cannot be so demented as to consign Ireland to 
anarchy and ruin." The Standard pointed out that " those 
who best know the people are the first to repudiate Mr. 
Gladstone's plans." 

The Bill was introduced by Mr. Gladstone on April 8th, 

The h me J 886. By six o'clock in the morning Members 

Rule Bin appeared at the House to secure seats ; the Irish 

April 8th,' even overflowed into the Conservative benches. 

1886. Q ne LLundred and fifty enthusiastic legislators 

breakfasted at the House ; three hundred took lunch there : 

in short, their time of slumber was as bright and busy as 

the usual Parliamentary day, which does not begin till three 

o'clock, and Members wandered forlornly here and there, 

from morn to mid-day, wondering what to do with themselves 

during such unwonted hours of Parliamentary attendance. 

In view of the struggle for seats the Speaker had announced 
that Members were strictly limited to one hat each, and 
that after depositing that pledge upon a seat they must 
either remain within the precincts (as they are supposed to 
do after securing their places) or must go out into London 
streets bareheaded. A few chose the latter alternative ; 
others would not risk it, and wandered in the Palace Yard 
feeding the pigeons, chaffing the cabmen, or strolling on the 
terrace. The Irish, more adventurous than the rest, finding 
a tricycle on the premises, rode it up and down the terrace, 
but one of them presently coming to grief, was sent over to 
Westminster Hospital to be bandaged up, and that evening 
represented his constituency with a noble disregard of his 
wound and of the conventionalities, wearing a " species of 
smoking-cap " over his bandages, as he paid a subdued 
attention to the scheme which was to occasion harder hitting 



Excitement in the house 245 

than any other which has ever been submitted to the Imperial 
Parliament. 

When the reporters entered after prayers, they found that 
twenty-eight additional seats had been placed in the broad 
gangway between the sides of the House, and that Members 
were everywhere, even on the steps of the Speaker's chair. 
A curious group were in the place reserved for strangers on 
the floor, including Cardinal Manning, Mr. Samuel Morley, 
and Mr. Buckle, the editor of the Times, the recorder of 
political movements, whilst beside him was Mr. Schnadhorst, 
the organiser of them. 

There was a most unusual gathering of Royalties : Prince 
Christian and the Duke of Cambridge were followed by 
the Prince of Wales and Prince Albert Victor ; the Princess 
Beatrice and the Princess of Wales were also present. The 
Commons much enjoyed the spectacle of a body of peers 
breathlessly struggling to secure the very few seats available 
for them. 

Crowds of the people accompanied Mr. Gladstone to the 
House from Downing Street, cheering all the way. As he 
entered, the Liberal Members rose as one man, and the 
Parnellites waved their hats above their heads and cheered 
to the echo the Minister of whom only three months before 
Mr. Parnell had said that — 

"he coerced Ireland, deluged Egypt with blood, menaced 
religious liberty in the school and freedom of speech in 
Parliament, and promised generally a repetition of the crimes 
and follies of the last Liberal Administration." 

But this Minister was now about to entrust immense 
powers to men whom he had described as " inarching 
through rapine to the dismemberment of the Empire" 

No wonder there was excitement — no wonder there was 
bewilderment ! 

Mr. Gladstone spoke for three hours and twenty minutes. 
His speech was listened to with strained and painful 
attention. But in spite of the unfavourable and hesitating 
comments of the Press and the ominous triumph of the 



246 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Nationalist leaders, the power of Mr. Gladstone's speech and 
influence was so great that in a few weeks the bewildered 
Liberal party was asking itself if it ought not to find 
salvation in Home Rule as set forth by its leader, and that 
at once. To make way against this marvellous influence 
his opponent must possess sober judgment and steadfast 
principles to support him. Mr. Chamberlain had need of 
all his strength to face the coming contest. 

A Minister who resigns usually asks leave of her Majesty 
(through the Prime Minister) to be absolved from his Privy 
Councillor's oath of secrecy concerning Cabinet meetings. 
Mr. Chamberlain's explanation on the following evening was 
awaited with intense interest ; the House was scarcely less 
crowded to hear him than it had been to hear Mr. Gladstone. 
He received a hearty cheer as he advanced to the table, 
wearing, not an orchid, but a bunch of violets. 

Although the necessary permission for the explanation 
had been given, Mr. Gladstone objected to any reference to 
a measure (Land Purchase) not yet introduced to the House, 
so that Mr. Chamberlain's letter of resignation could not be 
read. A part of his statement had, therefore, to be deferred 
till the introduction of that Bill. Painful as the check was, 
coming in the midst of a speech which was difficult enough 
in any circumstances, Mr. Chamberlain quickly recovered 
himself and carried the House completely with him. The 
Daily Chronicle called the speech " a piece of keen, merciless 
criticism. With few exceptions he touched on all the 
important points, and his course was strewn by broken 
fragments of the Prime Minister's scheme." 

The House was eager to hear in what terms Mr. Chamber- 
lain would allude to his late chief. 

" I will say to the House that no act of my public life 

Mr. Chamber-has been so painful as the resignation which I 

i ain 'ti recently tendered to my right hon. friend. I 

in the House, am told that by taking that step I have wrecked 

April, 1886. m y political prospects, and destroyed altogether 

all hope of future usefulness. That is a prospect which 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S EXPLANATION 247 

it is possible for me to contemplate with equanimity ; 
but it is more difficult to reconcile myself to a separation 
from one whom I have followed and honoured for so many 
years, and to leave the personal friends and political asso- 
ciates with whom, I believe, I have no other cause of 
difference whatever. I have found it hard to give up an 
opportunity which I thought I had in my grasp to do 
something to put forward legislation in which I take a great 
and overwhelming interest. These considerations weighed 
with me, and I can assure the House that I found it a 
more difficult task to leave a Government than to enter 
one. . . . 

" I admit that if any difference of opinion has arisen 
between myself and my right hon. friend, with his un- 
rivalled experience, with his vast knowledge of public 
affairs, and with his long and tried devotion to the public 
service, the natural presumption is, that he is right and that 
I am wrong. 

" It is a presumption to which I have yielded my own 
judgment on many occasions, but in the present instance the 
issue before us is one of such vital importance, and a mistake, 
if we make one, is so fatal and irrevocable, that it seems to 
me to be the duty of every man, however humble, to bring 
an independent judgment to its consideration ; and every- 
thing — private feeling, personal friendship, political ambition, 
and the cherished objects of a public life — all these must 
be put aside in view of circumstances which are still higher 
and still more important. 

" Since I have been in public affairs I have called myself, 
I think not altogether without reason, a Radical. But 
that title has never prevented me from giving great 
consideration to Imperial interests. I have cared for the 
honour, and the influence, and the integrity of the Empire, 
and it is because I believe these things are now in danger 
that I have felt myself called upon to make the greatest 
sacrifice that any public man can make." 

Mr. Chamberlain then recapitulated the course of events 
on his joining the Ministry, reading the letter he wrote on 
that occasion, and repeating Mr. Gladstone's assurances that 
he was free to reject the Home Rule scheme if necessary. 

"I have never been opposed to Home Rule, as I have 



2 4 8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

explained, and as I have always understood the words, and 
as my right hon. friend has on many public occasions defined 
it. The definitions of my right hon. friend — those which I 
have accepted — are these : — 

" That he has ever been willing — as I have been willing — 
to give to Ireland the largest possible extension of Local 
Government consistent with the integrity of the Empire 
and the supremacy of Parliament ; and, further, my right 
hon. friend has always declared, that he would never offer to 
Ireland anything in the direction of Home Rule which he 
was not prepared to offer with an equal hand to Scotland 
and other parts of the United Kingdom. 

"If now, Sir, to my deep regret, and with the greatest 
possible reluctance, I have felt compelled to sever myself 
from the Government of my right hon. friend, it is because 
in my heart and conscience I do not think the scheme 
which he explained to the House last night does maintain 
the limitations which he has always declared himself deter- 
mined to preserve. . . ." 

In conclusion he said : — 

" I do not assume, Heaven knows I do not pretend, 
to dogmatise on a question of this kind. I do not say 
that I am right in the conclusion at which I have arrived ; 
I do not presume to condemn those who honestly differ 
from me ; but of one thing I am certain — that I should 
have been guilty of an incredible shame and baseness if 
I had clung to place and office in support of a policy which 
in my heart I believe to be injurious to the best interests 
of Ireland and Great Britain." 

Mr. Gladstone introduced his Land Bill seven days later 
(April 1 6th,) and Mr. Chamberlain immediately followed him, 
completing his personal explanation and strenuously opposing 
the Bill. He concluded by saying : — 

" Remember what a precedent you are making." [From 
speech one hundred to one hundred and fifty millions of 
against the English money was to be borrowed to pay off 
Land Bill Irish land i ords# ] 

" I was not very long at the Local Government Board, 



IRISH LAND PURCHASE BILL 249 

but I was there long enough to feel great alarm at the 
prospect of the future. If the depression of trade continues, 
. . . you will have demands . . . for State assistance growing 
in force every day, which, if a precedent of this kind be 
created, will become absolutely irresistible. If I had no 
other reason for objecting to the scheme, one — and I think 
a sufficient one — would be that before very long we may 
want all this money for ourselves. You are refusing to 
the people of Scotland what I believe the majority of them 
want : that State aid should be given to the crofters . . . 
who have been reduced to misery by bad laws which throw 
upon us as great a responsibility as any laws in Ireland. 
You are refusing, or at least postponing, aid to the 
agricultural labourers of England, who ask you to give 
them opportunities to improve their position by securing for 
them some direct interest in the soil they cultivate. You 
cannot refuse it to the crofters of Scotland and to the 
agricultural labourers of England and grant it to the people 
of Ireland. These are considerations which the House will 
do well to weigh before the second reading of the Bill. 

" For my own part, I recognise the spirit of conciliation 
with which the Government has tried to meet some of the 
objections already taken. 

" I need not assure my right hon. friend, or my friends 
around me, that the differences which, unfortunately, for a 
time — I hope it may be only a short time — have separated 
me from my right hon. friend have not impaired my respect 
and regard for his character and abilities. 

" I am not an irreconcilable opponent. (Loud cheers from 
the Gladstonians.) My right hon. friend has made very 
considerable modifications in his Bill. All I can say is, that 
if the movement continues — as I hope it may — I shall be 
delighted to be relieved from an attitude which I have only 
assumed with the greatest reluctance, and which I can only 
maintain with the deepest pain and regret." 

This was the temper in which Mr. Chamberlain approached 
the greatest controversy of English political life in the 
nineteenth century. Home Rule, as set forth by Mr. 
Gladstone, had broken up the Cabinet ; it was now to divide 
the country and the constituencies. 

In what spirit would Mr. Chamberlain's resignation be 



250 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

regarded — as an unjustifiable desertion or as a conscientious 
protest? He could not, if he wished, act for himself alone. 
He was the spokesman of the Federation of Liberal Associa- 
tions throughout the country ; he was their President. What 
action would they take ? The country was waiting to see, 
and in the Easter Recess Mr. Chamberlain went down to 
address the annual meeting of the Birmingham Liberal 
Association — the meeting of the Two Thousand. 



CHAPTER XXII 

HOME RULE IN THE COUNTRY 

April, 1886 — August, 1886 

mr. chamberlain's meeting with his constituents, april 2 1st 
— may meetings— the seceders determine to vote against 
the second reading — the radical unionists. 

THE meeting of the Two Thousand of the Birmingham 
Liberal Association was eagerly looked for, not only by 
Mr. Chamberlain's constituents, who were impatient to hear 
his explanation, but by the country, which was curious to 
know what the verdict of Birmingham would be. 

As has already been said, the true significance of the 
Home Rule contest was not yet fully understood ; and at 
this moment the question was not simply whether Mr. 
Chamberlain was justified in the course he had taken of 
active opposition to the Bill, but whether a prolonged 
opposition was to be offered by the Liberal party. Should 
the opponents of the Bill vote for the second reading by 
way of showing their agreement with Home Rule in the 
abstract, leaving details to be settled in Committee ; or 
were the principles embodied in the Bill such that it must 
be opposed unconditionally throughout ? The Liberal party 
were of course aware that Lord Hartington and Mr. Bright 
would have nothing to say to the Bill, and that Sir G. 
Trevelyan had resigned his seat in the Cabinet as well as 
Mr. Chamberlain. 

But Birmingham had not realised that the party was 

already irrevocably divided. Dr. Dale, a representative 

251 



252 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN" 

Liberal and Mr. Chamberlain's staunch friend and sup- 
porter, spoke of Mr. Gladstone as " the leader of the party," 
saying : — 

" The Liberal party had a right to demand Mr. Chamber- 
lain's judgment at such a time as this — his frank and honest 
judgment. He has given it. He would have been a traitor 
to us, a traitor to his chief, a traitor to his country, if he had 
not given it frankly. But the question of leadership is not 
raised. Mr. Gladstone is the leader of the party." 

For this speech Mr. Gladstone wrote a letter of thanks to 
Dr. Dale, who in his reply said : " I need not say how great 
a grief it is to me that Mr. Chamberlain should have been 
bound in honour, as I think he was, to leave your Ministry 
at such a time." But Dr. Dale took this opportunity of point- 
ing out how disastrous the dismissal of the Irish Members 
from Westminster would be, involving, as it did, taxation 
without representation for the Irish people. This point he 
insisted on at the meeting. 

It was on April 21st that Mr. Chamberlain made his 
speech to his constituents. 

" We are called upon," he said, " to face a question upon 
which a wrong decision may imperil the existence 

iain's Ex- of the State itself. . . . After that, it may seem a 

pl to^hi° n sma ^ thing to say that upon our right conduct 
Constituents, of this controversy depends the existence of the 

April 21st, Liberal party as a great and potent force in the 

political life of the future. 
" That is not a small matter to me. Fifteen years ago I 
was drawn into politics by my interest in social questions 
and my desire to promote the welfare of the great majority 
of the population. At that time I saw the great majority — 
the masses of the industrious, thrifty, hard-working artisans 
and labourers, condemned by bad laws, and by the neglect of 
their rulers, to a life of exacting toil, without the advantages 
and opportunities which education affords, and borne down 
by conditions which I thought to be unfair and unjust — and 
I looked to the Liberal party to be the means of removing 



APPEAL TO HIS CONSTITUENTS 253 

and remedying these grievances, as the great instrument of 
progress and reform, and from that time to this I have done 
everything that an individual can do. I have made sacrifices 
of money and time and labour, I have made sacrifices of 
my opinions, to maintain the organisation and to preserve 
the unity of the Liberal party. 

"And even now — in this time of discouragement and 
anxiety, when personal friendships and political ties are break- 
ing down under the strain of the dissensions which have been 
raised amongst us — I entreat of you so to continue this 
discussion that when this time of trial is past, we may once 
more unite — (loud cheers) — without embittered memories, 
without unkind reflections, to carry forward the great work 
upon which hitherto we have been absolutely unanimous." 

Mr. Chamberlain then proceeded to discuss the Bill, saying 
that it was " the very irony of fate " that they should be 
called upon to discuss a question which a few months before, 
at the General Election, " never entered into our thoughts," 
which then were turned " towards the solution of those great 
social reforms which had excited our interest and our 
sympathy." 

" What has produced this great change in the situation ? . . . 
The whole change is due to the force of character, to the 
determination, and to the courage of one illustrious man, and 
although I regret the object for which these qualities have 
been displayed, I will say to you that never before has my 
admiration for them been so sincere, so profound. . . . 

" There is only one person in the Three Kingdoms who 
can regard the situation with unmixed satisfaction. . . . Mr. 
Parnell, the Uncrowned King. Gentlemen, you all know 
that I have never, either in public or in private, spoken with 
other than respect of Mr. Parnell. I believe him to be 
sincere and patriotic. I think very often he has been mis- 
taken in his course, but at least I give him credit for perfect 
honesty of purpose, and I recognise in him a man who 
knows his own mind." 

Only if the Bill fulfilled the conditions Mr. Parnell had 
laid down, could they hope that it would be a permanent 



254 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

settlement of the Irish question. These conditions, according 
to his speeches (beginning with the famous declaration of 
1880 — "None of us will be satisfied till we have destroyed 
the last link which keeps Ireland bound to England "), were 
all summed up in one word — Separation. 

The present settlement was not only not final, but was 
a reactionary measure. It proposed Imperial taxation for 
Ireland without Imperial representation. How would it 
affect England ? 

" England may be struggling for its very existence ; she 
may be in the throes of death ; but Ireland would be uncon- 
cerned. Under the new Constitution she will be unaffected. 
No call can be made upon her for assistance or for aid. 
She will have no voice in the policy which has brought us 
into conflict ; she will have no part in the contest itself ; 
she will have no share in the burdens which it may involve," 
[other than a fixed contribution settled upon a peace estimate 
of the cost of the Army and Navy]. 

Again, the Bill would necessitate coercion of the worst kind. 
There were two nations in Ireland, and one — the loyal minority, 
industrious and prosperous — was bitterly opposed to the 
scheme. 

" They believe that their property, their religion — ay, 
even their lives — could not safely be trusted to a Nationalist 
Parliament in Dublin. Well, for my part, I hate coercion, 
and I am not disposed to coerce these men by British 
soldiers." 

The Land Purchase Bill would make English working 
men Irish landlords, who would have to evict tenants and 
" collect rent at the point of the bayonet " if Ireland refused 
to pay. 

" I think the Bill is a bad one. I would sooner go out 
of politics altogether than give my vote to pledge the capital 
of the country, and the future earnings of every man and 
woman in the United Kingdom, in order to modify the 



VOTE OF CONFIDENCE 255 

opposition of a small class of Irish proprietors to a scheme 
which, if it remains in its present form, will, I believe, 
infallibly lead to the separation of Ireland from England." 

As regarded his resignation, he appealed to the example 
of Mr. Gladstone, who had more than once separated himself 
from a Government whose policy he could not approve. 

"You would justly despise and condemn me now if, for 
the sake of private interests and personal ambition, I were 
false to my convictions and disregarded what 1 believe 
to be the vital interests of my country." 

The speech was concluded amid enthusiastic applause, 
ions Immediately after Mr. Chamberlain had spoken, 



at the the chairman, Mr. Schnadhorst, the newly elected 
ee ing. p^g^ent f ^ e Liberal A< 
vote of confidence in Mr. Chamberlain : 



ee ing. p^g^ent f th e Liberal Association, proposed a 



" This meeting thanks Mr. Chamberlain for his address 
and declares its unabated confidence in him, and, recognising 
his honesty in the course he has taken, places on record 
its judgment that in fulfilling his conditions he has been 
guided by a high sense of personal honour and public duty." 

This vote was passed with great enthusiasm. 

Dr. Dale had to move the second resolution, which declared 
the complete confidence of Birmingham Liberals in Mr. 
Gladstone as leader of the party, and their sympathy with 
his efforts to settle the Irish question by means of a 
representative Irish assembly with large powers ; but the 
unequivocal demand for the maintenance of the Union and 
of Imperial supremacy, together with the retention of the 
Irish Members at Westminster, showed that this representa- 
tive meeting of Liberals already differed very greatly from 
Mr. Gladstone. This resolution, which practically committed 
Birmingham to Mr. Chamberlain's Unionist policy, was 
carried by an overwhelming majority, in spite of a discussion 
as to whether the lateness of the hour did not make it 
inexpedient for the vote to be taken that night. Mr. 



256 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Chamberlain, however, pointed out that the country was 
waiting to hear Birmingham's opinion on the Bill, and that 
it should be given without further delay. 

When he began his speech, there was a very natural 
feeling that Mr. Gladstone, with his immense experience 
and his enthusiasm for Liberal principles, could only have 
adopted his Bill after careful consideration, and that it was 
therefore becoming on the part of the rank and file of the 
party to accept it. But as Mr. Chamberlain proceeded with 
his closely reasoned discourse, and showed that the Prime 
Minister's enthusiasm for an idea, a free and happy Ireland, 
had obscured his judgment and led him into legislative 
difficulties at which even his supporters looked askance, 
the meeting began to see that the question was not nearly 
so simple as it had first appeared, and that they could 
not blindly follow Mr. Gladstone. At the conclusion of 
Mr. Chamberlain's explanation of his position, the almost 
universal feeling was, that though the issues were grave and 
far-reaching and merited Lhe careful study of every man, yet 
Mr. Chamberlain's experience and his zeal for Irish reform 
were such that it behoved his constituents, having trusted 
him thus far, to trust him completely, even in this difficult 
matter. Since that time Birmingham and the Midlands as 
a whole have stoutly supported the Unionist policy. 

The Times said the Birmingham Two Thousand had 
pledged themselves to Mr. Chamberlain's view pure and 
simple, and Birmingham, as represented by its political 
organisation, would have nothing to do with purchasing Irish 
land, nor accept Home Rule unless its central principle 
was given up and the whole fabric of restrictions, ingenious 
checks, and safeguards cut away. 

The Conservative party had already taken action by 
forming the " Loyal and Patriotic Union " at the Opera 
House meeting, which, though called by Lord Salisbury, 
was attended by Lord Hartington and Mr. Goschen, and Mr. 
Gladstone's manifesto of May 1st began a novel series of 
" May Meetings " organised by sections of both parties. 



MAY MEETINGS 257 

The manifesto appealed to the Liberal party to vote for 

Preparations the P rinci P le of the Home Rule Bill and leave 

to Defeat details to be settled later. The Land Bill need 

Reading 1 !* not De considered as final, or as essential to the 

i£3e H Bm e Home Rule Bm > the second reading of which 

was moved on May 10th. But as the discussion 

dragged on (to June 7th), it was seen that the principal 

provisions to which Mr. Chamberlain had objected were to 

be retained. During this time Mr. Chamberlain and Lord 

Hartington took counsel together as to the best means of 

defeating the Bill. 

The National Liberal Federation had already met in 
Meetings. London and decided to throw over Mr. Chamberlain 

May 12th, anc j support Mr. Gladstone, but men were slowly 

14th, 15th. J 

finding out that the sense of the country was far 

more in favour of the ex-Minister than had been supposed. 
Now that conciliation seemed impossible it was necessary to 
organise resistance to the Bill. Accordingly, Mr. Chamberlain, 
Lord Hartington, and Lord Salisbury called meetings in 
quick succession. Fifty-two Members of Parliament met at 
Mr. Chamberlain's to discuss the position, 1 and of these, 
thirty-two, including the Radical leader himself, went on to 
the Whig meeting at Devonshire House, where altogether 
sixty-four Liberals assembled. The result of these meetings 
was that Lord Hartington and Mr. Chamberlain with their 
friends decided to oppose the second reading. This was the 
extent to which, at present, the Liberal seceders would go 
in coalescing with the Tories. 

As the consequences of Mr. Chamberlain's secession from 
second the Government became more apparent, and as 
Reading hj s following grew, not only in numbers, but in 
May 10th, importance, the Gladstonians became more de- 
termined and the tone of the controversy more 

1 This was a very important meeting. The majority against the second 
reading was only thirty. Thus the thirty-two men who supported Mr. Cham- 
berlain at the Duke of Devonshire's meeting largely determined the fate of 
the Bill. A letter read from Mr. Bright had a great effect on this decision. 

17 



258 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

bitter. In a letter written early in May Mr. Chamberlain 
had intimated that possibly the " present imminent danger 
of a fatal breach in the ranks of the Liberal party might 
be happily averted" if the full representation of Ireland at 
Westminster were conceded. And once again, after Mr. 
Gladstone's announcement at the Foreign Office meeting 
that concessions would be made on this point, his hopes 
were raised only to be dashed, when he found that what 
was called the " In-and-out" proposal was all that was offered. 
In substance it was a suggestion that Irish Members should 
be able to vote at Westminster on certain occasions when 
Imperial matters were under discussion, though they would 
not always sit there. From that time Mr. Chamberlain be- 
came convinced that the Bill must be opposed unreservedly. 

In his speech on June ist he told the House that personal 
attacks — 

" may tend to relieve the monotony of the debate, but I think 

they are below the level of the great constitutional 

th^lecond discussion in which we are called upon to take 

Reading, part. ... It has been admitted by the Government 

JU i886 St ' t ^ iat tnese proposals are the gravest and the most 

startling that have been presented to Parliament 

during the life of the present generation. . . . No man can 

rid himself of his responsibility in this matter to form and 

to act upon an independent judgment, altogether without 

reference to any personal consideration." 

Two things had become clear during the controversy : — 

" One is, that the British democracy has a passionate 
devotion to the Prime Minister — devotion earned and de- 
served by fifty years of public service, and that sentiment 
is as honourable to him as it is to those who feel and 
express it." 

The other was the " universality and completeness of the 
sentiment" in favour of some form of Home Rule for Ireland. 
On these two points the democracy was unanimous, but it 
was not unanimous as to the methods — 

" by which it has been sought to establish this principle. . . . 



SPEECH ON SECOND READING 259 

It is upon the method and plan of the Bill that we are 
going to the country, and not upon its principle. ... Of one 
thing I am confident— and I know something about the 
matter — that the Unionist majority in this House will be 
strengthened." 

In conclusion, he referred to the bitterness with which he 
himself had been assailed, and asked the friends from whom 
he differed " whether it is really necessary to impute the 
basest motives to public men at a time when there are, on 
the surface, reasons perfectly honourable which may suffi- 
ciently account for their conduct." His colleague John 
Bright had taken the same course. 

" He is going into the lobby against this Bill and against 
the friends, the associate, and the leader whom he has 
followed with loyal devotion for many years of his life. . . 
And no one has doubted his honour. But you say that I am 
in a different position. And why do you say that? ... I 
spoke at Warrington in September, 1885, and, referring to 
the demands of the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. Parnell), I 
said then that if there were any party or any man who was 
willing to yield to those demands in order to purchase his 
support, I would have no part in the competition. And 
then many of my friends whom I see around me thanked 
me in public for what they thought a plain, frank, courageous 
declaration. And now, forsooth, for having made the same 
declaration some three months later, when the occasion has 
arisen, they accuse me of personal and unworthy motives. 

" Sir, the charge is unjust, and the charge is ridiculous, 
for there is not a man here who does not know that every 
personal and political consideration would lead me to cast 
in my lot with the Prime Minister. Why, Sir, not a day 
passes in which I do not receive dozens or scores of letters 
urging me for my own sake to vote for the Bill and 'dish 
the Whigs.' 

" Well, Sir, the temptation is no doubt a great one, but 
after all, I am not base enough to serve my personal ambition 
by betraying my country ; and I am convinced, when the 
heat of this discussion is past, Liberals will not judge 
harshly those who have pursued what they honestly believe 



260 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

to be the path of duty, even though it may lead to the 
disruption of party ties and to the loss of the influence and 
power which it is the legitimate ambition of every man to 
seek among his political friends and associates." 

In the division on the second reading of the Home Rule 

opinion in Bill (which was taken on June 7th) the whole 

the country, strength of the Conservatives, as returned at the 

elections (249), was reinforced by 94 Liberals, bringing the 

numbers against the Bill to 343, while the Gladstonians and 

Defeat of I^sh together only mustered 313. Thus the Bill 

the second was l os t by 30 votes, and the half-dozen followers 
Reading. . , 

June 7th, with which the seceders had been credited had 

1886 - grown to 94. 

Parliament was, however, not dissolved till June 25th. 

In spite of the fact that he acted with men like John 
Bright, Lord Hartington, Lord Selborne, Sir George Trevelyan, 
Sir Henry James, and Mr. Goschen, besides a number of the 
rank and file, the Gladstonian organs and the Gladstonians 
themselves persisted in speaking of Mr. Chamberlain as the 
arch-traitor, the sole seceder, the beginning and end of the 
trouble. It is curious that it should have been so. It is no 
compliment to John Bright to pretend that his action was 
prompted by that of the junior Member for Birmingham, 
and it is ridiculous for one moment to entertain such a 
supposition. He had left Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet himself 
in 1882, and he invariably retained his independence, not 
only of judgment, but of action. 

Few blamed Mr. Bright ; many reproached Mr. Chamber- 
Abuse of Mr. lain. To his friends in Birmingham the attacks 
Chamberlain. , , . . ,. ,, ,, 

made on him were as inexplicable as they were 

unjustifiable. In June Dr. Dale wrote : — 

" How is it that Mr. Chamberlain is the object of so much 
bitterness? Lord Hartington and Mr. Bright are just as 
responsible as he is for throwing out the Bill. On what 
ground can the assaults on Mr. Chamberlain be justified ? 
He is loyally carrying out the principles on this question 
which he advocated at Warrington last year, and for his 



DR. DALE'S OPINION 261 

avowal of which he received the enthusiastic approba- 
tion of the whole Liberal party. He may be mistaken, 
as other men have been ; but he stands by the faith 
which he professes and has made the heaviest personal 
sacrifices in doing so. Had he remained in the Ministry 
after Lord Hartington refused to join it, he would have been 
heir-apparent to the Leadership of the Commons. . . . 

" Mr. Chamberlain's own settled convictions have been long 
familiar to me ; we discussed them together when they were 
regarded as perilously rash by members of the present Cabinet. 

" The concession he has made " [in endeavouring to accept 
a legislative body in Dublin] " was a very heavy one. It was 
not met frankly by the Cabinet. By piecemeal and with 
obvious reluctance one proposal after another was made that 
had the appearance of conceding what he asked for, but the 
substantial thing was never promised. . . . 

" His opinion about the results of his action has been that 
it will leave him under the shadow of general unpopularity 
for several years. It is rather dangerous political morality 
to suggest that a man is playing for his own hand when, in 
harmony with his avowed convictions, he feels obliged to 
separate himself from his party at such a cost as this." 

Some one had urged that Mr. Chamberlain would lose 
Nonconformist support by his abandonment of Mr. Gladstone. 

" Be very sure of this," said Dr. Dale : " in Mr. Chamberlain's 
judgment, the question is too grave to be affected by facts of 
that kind, much as he may regret them. . . . And yet, as 
this is not strictly a Nonconformist question, I wonder at 
what you say. 

" On a subject upon which Mr. Bright and Sir G. Trevelyan, 
to say nothing of Lord Hartington and Mr. Goschen and 
Sir Henry James, differ from Mr. Gladstone, it is hard to 
understand why Mr. Chamberlain, because he differs, should 
have been supposed to commit the unpardonable sin." 

Any doubt whether Home Rule was to be made a party 
The question at the elections was dissipated by Mr. 

Election. Gladstone himself. " If I had twenty votes," he 
said, " I would give all the twenty against the man who votes 
against Ireland and our policy." 



262 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" Apart even from the Irish question," wrote Dr. Dale — 
and he was a friend of Mr. Gladstone's — " the issue has been 
put by Mr. Gladstone in a way that would have made his 
success, in my judgment, a political disaster. We are asked 
to believe that the Bills of last Session are dead ; what the 
Bills of next Session are to be we are not told. The Liberal 
party has been asked to give Mr. Gladstone a majority in 
favour of his Irish policy, though his Irish policy is undis- 
closed. I hope the country will never give a blank cheque to 
any statesman. . . . 

" What is to be said of his allowing Hartington's seat to be 
contested ? He could have stopped it if he had tried. He 
has proclaimed war to the knife with every Liberal that does 
not agree with him.' 

Birmingham returned five candidates as Liberal Unionists 
without opposition. But two of the Members, Mr. Henry 
Broadhurst and Alderman Cook, decided to stand as 
Gladstonians ; the latter was replaced by Mr. Henry 
Matthews, and Broadhurst by Mr. Jesse Collings. Thus 
Birmingham returned seven Members pledged to a Unionist 
policy. 

On the night before the election in the Bordesley division 
a magnificent meeting was held in the Town Hall, and Mr. 
Chamberlain delivered his vindication of his friend, of whom 
Mr. Gladstone had recently allowed himself to speak in a 
most contemptuous manner, as " a certain Mr. Jesse Collings 
. . . who was now engaged ;in an endeavour to obstruct 
beneficent legislation." 

" I do not care to dwell upon this," said Mr. Chamberlain — 
" I hope it may be forgotten when the smoke of the battle 
clears away — and I turn with greater pleasure to the main 
issue which brought us together." 

Stripped of all disguises, that issue was " Union or 
Separation ? " The close of his speech roused his audience 
to extraordinary enthusiasm : 

"It is one thing to grant the wishes and to meet the 



"A MOMENTOUS DECISION" 263 

requirements of the Irish people ; it is another thing to drop 
on your knees to conspirators in America. You have a 
momentous decision to make. This is an unexampled crisis 
in our national history. . . . The British democracy is on its 
trial. On your shoulders have descended all the traditions 
of the past. To you is entrusted all the defence of your 
country. Your action is being watched with the keenest 
interest by every dependency, in every quarter of the vast 
dominion that your ancestors have established. In all our 
colonies, — above all in India, where hundreds of millions of 
men acknowledge the sway of England, not merely for the 
display of force which we are able to make, but because 
they believe us to be brave and bold and enduring, — in every 
country over which the rule of the Queen extends, these 
proposals have excited an alarm amongst the friends, and a 
sinister interest amongst the foes of England. 

" These two islands have always played a great part in 
the history of the world. Again and again, outnumbered, 
overmatched, confronted with difficulties and danger, they 
have held their own against a world in arms. ('And they 
will again,' and loud cheering.) They have stubbornly and 
proudly resisted all their enemies and have scattered them 
like chaff before the wind. 

"And if in the future, if now you are going to yield to 
the threat of obstruction and agitation — (' Never ! ') — if you 
tremble at the thought of responsibility, if you shrink from 
the duty which is cast upon you, if you are willing to wash 
your hands of your obligations, if you will desert those who 
trust to your loyalty and honour, if British courage and pluck 
are dead within your hearts, if you are going to quail before 
the dagger of the assassin and the threats — (' Never ! ' — and 
protracted cheering, the audience rising in a body) — and the 
threats of conspirators and rebels, then I say indeed the 
sceptre of dominion will have passed from our grasp, and 
this great Empire will perish with the loss of the qualities 
which have hitherto sustained it." 

In this great outburst of feeling Mr. Chamberlain replied 
to all the ignoble taunts of which he had been the target 
since March 15th, when he resigned his seat in the Cabinet. 
All the pent-up feeling of these bitter months found its 
expression in this declaration that the real question was not 



264 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Chamberlain or Gladstone, Liberal or Unionist, not even 
English or Irish. It was the stability of a great Empire, the 
heritage of a mighty nation, the trust of a thousand years, 
which they were guarding from an attack made, not of 
malice aforethought, but which, from the very honesty of the 
man who led it and of the motives which prompted it, was 
the more dangerous and the more difficult to repel. Ireland 
was much, but the Empire was more. All the world would 
wait to see if England kept intact that which our forefathers 
had handed down or if she sold her birthright, not for a 
mess of potage, but from sheer weakness. 



Booh IV 

LIFE AS A LIBERAL UNIONIST 

SECTION I 
OUT OF OFFICE 



26 s 



CHAPTER XXIII 

THE RADICAL UNI0NIS1 

August, 1886 — November, 1887 

after the defeat of the home rule bill — elections, july, 
1886— conservatives in power — campaign against home 
rule— ireland under lord salisbury — plan of campaign 
—mr. chamberlain's political tour in scotland and 

IRELAND. 

THE returns of the General Election of July, 1886, gave 
the strength of the various parties as : Conservatives, 
The New 316; Nationalists, 85 ; Home Rulers or Glad- 

Party. stonians, 191 ; Anti-Home Rulers, or Radical 
Unionists, as they were called at this time, 78. 

The Radical Union, which had been founded in May by 
Mr. Chamberlain, assisted in organising the Unionist party, 
for the Gladstonians had secured the National Liberal 
Federation, of which Mr. Schnadhorst was the head. It 
was not often that the latter's political forecasts were wrong, 
but he certainly underestimated the resistance which would 
be made to Mr. Gladstone's Bill, and it is possible that quite 
unintentionally he misled the leader of the Liberal party. 
Not the least painful incident of a trying time was the 
severance of the ties between Mr. Schnadhorst and the 
Birmingham Liberal leaders, many of whom regarded him, 
not only as a trusted adviser, but as a personal friend. It 
was a difficult situation, and the man whom Mr. Chamberlain 
had practically made was henceforth to use his immense 
influence against his old chief. 

In every workshop and factory, in every ward and district 

267 



268 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

in Birmingham, the effect of the great upheaval made itself 
felt. How was it possible to be loyal to Liberal principles 
when the Liberal party was divided, each section at variance 
with the other and pulling in different directions? In 
November came trouble in connection with the municipal 
elections. True, they had always been fought on the broad 
general ground of Liberalism and Conservatism — the one 
standing for reform, the other for a let-alone policy as 
applied to municipal affairs. But now what was to be done ? 
Must Home Rule be mixed up with these general matters ? 
Did a Town Councillor's opinions on Ireland qualify him or 
debar him from from a seat in the Council, and affect his 
capability for dealing with gas, water, and sewage? 

Apparently it did. The word went forth that the old 
distinctions of Liberal and Conservative were to be laid 
aside, and the ward elections were to be fought on the new 
Home Rule lines, the candidates ranging themselves under 
the Gladstonian or the Liberal-Unionist banner. This 
decision caused considerable dissatisfaction. But before 
passing judgment on the policy which required municipal 
contests to be fought on these grounds, it is necessary, if 
unfairness is to be avoided, to inquire what were Mr. 
Chamberlain's views on this question in the abstract. In his 
Fortnightly article on " The Caucus," written so far back as 
1878, he expressed an opinion, which he afterwards reiterated 
in his Glasgow speeches of 1897, namely, that the safest 
and purest ground on which to fight all local elections is the 
political one. The broad lines of political faith by which 
a man stands or falls are plain to all ; once put them aside, 
only the personal factor remains. To fight any election 
on the ground of the personal suitability of the candidate 
opens the door to corruption. In this connection he said : — 

" The exclusion from local affairs of the higher issues leaves 
the door open to lower influences. If the battle be not 
fought on political grounds, there will none the less # be 
party divisions, though these will turn on personal claims 
or petty local objects . . . and in this way the administration 



THE NATIONAL RADICAL UNION 269 

of the affairs of a great community sinks to the level of an 
unintelligent and selfish parochialism." 

The National Radical Union had been formed, not only 

The Cam- to °PP ose Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy, but to pro- 
paign against pound one which should secure the adhesion of 

after the Unionist Liberals. It was not formed until Mr. 

Elections Gladstone's defeat on the second reading, when it 
became evident that an election was close at hand. The 
Radical Unionists were " willing to accept Mr. Gladstone's 
statement of the Irish problem as it was presented by him 
before the last General Election," and they hoped to return 
a Liberal majority " strong enough to carry a good measure 
and a safe measure which will reunite the Liberal party." 

The main outlines 01 their policy, as set forth in their 
manifesto, were to maintain an actual, not a nominal 
supremacy, of the Imperial Parliament over Ireland ; to 
make the new authority subordinate to that Parliament and 
to retain a sufficient hold over the executive to secure the 
observance of the conditions which were laid down ; to define 
strictly all powers delegated to the new authority, and devise 
some check to prevent abuse of them ; lastly, all provisions 
for Irish Home Rule must be so devised as to be applicable 
to Scotland, Wales, and England in the near future. 

There would be no finality in any proposal but in one 
for Separation, said Mr. Chamberlain, if they intended to 
satisfy the Irish- Americans or Mr. Parnell. But the Irish 
people themselves were more reasonable and more loyal. 

" I doubt very much," said Mr. Chamberlain, when speaking 
at the inaugural meeting of the National Radical Union, 
June 17th, "whether at the present moment they even know 
properly what local government is, so unsatisfactory and 
so incomplete have hitherto been all provisions for that 
purpose in Ireland. ... If the opportunity were offered them 
of a fair field for local patriotism and local ambition, if they 
were given the management of their own domestic business 
under proper conditions, and if Irish opinions and sentiment 
had full play in legislation wherever they did not conflict 



270 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

with the reasonable rights of individuals and classes nor 
with the interests of the Empire, I doubt very much 
whether they would allow their representatives to refuse 
the chance which was afforded to them." 

According to Mr. Chamberlain's election address (June nth, 
Radical 1 886) three points should be kept in view in the 
»S££L next Parliament:- 

" i. To relieve Imperial Parliament by devolution of Irish 
business (local), and to set it free for other and more 
important work. 

" 2. To secure the full representation of Irish opinion on 
all matters of purely Irish concern. 

" 3. To offer to Irishmen a fair field for legitimate local 
ambition and patriotism, and to bring back the attention 
of the Irish people — now diverted to a barren conflict in 
the Imperial Parliament — to the practical consideration of 
their own wants and necessities. And, lastly, by removing 
all unnecessary interference with Irish Government on the 
part of Great Britain, to diminish the causes of irritation 
and the opportunity of collision." 

And what were the means to be employed for these ends ? 

" I would bring in a Bill," said Mr. Chamberlain in his 
Home Rule speech of April 9th, " to stay all evictions for 
six months, leaving any arrears to be settled in connection 
with the final settlement. I would throw upon the Govern- 
ment the duty of lending to those landlords who might 
have any need of it such a proportion of their rent as would 
save them from privation and necessity." [A sum of four 
millions, he reckoned, would be more than sufficient for 
that purpose.] " I would carry on the inquiry which has 
been begun by the Prime Minister and the Government, 
but I would no longer have it carried on by a single 
individual, however colossal his intelligence may be. I 
would not have it carried on by a single party, but with 
the co-operation and assent of all parties in the House : 
by a Committee or Commission which would represent all 
the sections of this House ... I should look for the solution 



•BALANCE OF PARTIES 271 

in the direction of the principle of federation. In my view 
the solution of this question should be sought in some form 
of federation which would really maintain the Imperial unity, 
and which would at the same time conciliate the desire for 
a national local government." 

This, then, was Mr. Chamberlain's position when he took 
his seat as a Radical Unionist in the new Parliament which 
met on August 5th, 1886. 

But obviously he had at present no opportunity of carrying 

Parties out ^ s policy with Lord Salisbury in office and 
in the Lord Randolph Churchill as Leader of the House 
of August, of Commons. At a meeting held at Devonshire 
1886. House immediately Parliament assembled it was 
determined that the Whigs under Lord Hartington and the 
Radicals under Mr. Chamberlain — the Dissentient Liberals, 
as they were called by their opponents, the Liberal Unionists, 
as they called themselves — should unite with the Tories in so 
far as was necessary to keep the latter in office. Unless the 
Unionists could prevent Mr. Gladstone's return to power their 
work would be undone, and all chance of bringing forward 
an alternative Irish policy would be lost. At this moment, 
indeed, the Liberal Unionists could turn out the Conservative 
Government should they join the Gladstonians and Irish. 
But the Gladstonians and the Irish alone could not defeat 
the Conservatives, much less the allied Conservatives and 
Liberal Unionists. 

Lord Salisbury, indeed, was fully aware of their power 
and offered to give place to Lord Hartington ; but the 
latter would have had only seventy-seven actual, as against 
three hundred and sixteen nominal, followers, had he become 
Prime Minister, and a Cabinet which should include Lord 
Salisbury, Mr. Chamberlain, and Lord Hartington appeared, 
and indeed was, an altogether impracticable coalition until 
some of the divergencies between the three leaders should 
have disappeared. 

At the end of the year, Mr. Goschen, until then a Liberal 
Unionist, joined the Conservative Cabinet, when Lord 



272 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Randolph Churchill resigned his seat — a resignation that 
occasioned Mr. Chamberlain some uneasiness as to Lord 
Salisbury's policy. 

" I fear it is probable," he said at Birmingham, December 
History of 23rd, 1 886, "that the old Tory influences have 
the Session, gained the upper hand, and that we may be face to 
face with a Tory Government whose proposals no consistent 
Liberal will be able to support. . . . We Liberals are agreed 
upon ninety-nine points of our programme ; we only disagree 
upon one. . . . I am convinced now that, sitting round a table 
and coming together in a spirit of comproniise and conciliation 
— almost any three men, leaders of the Liberal party . . . 
would be able to arrange some scheme " (of Home Rule). 

The suggestion was favourably received, and in January, 
1887, what was known as the Round Table Conference 
was held ; the opposing parties being represented by Mr. 
Chamberlain and Sir G. Trevelyan on the one hand, and 
Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Morley on the other, with 
Lord Herschell as a neutral consultant. Both parties were 
in earnest, both were absolutely honest, but the minimum 
demand of each was irreducible, and, being based on principle, 
it was also inconvertible — there was no common factor 
between an unconditional demand for a legislative body 
in Dublin and unconditional opposition to such a body. 
The Conference dragged on throughout January, and 
adjourned till February, when a letter written by Mr. 
Chamberlain in the Baptist practically ended it by giving 
Sir W. Harcourt occasion to aver that the subject under 
discussion was thereby prejudiced, and the letter was severely 
criticised as being injudicious. In it the Irish party had 
been described as " eighty delegates representing the policy 
and receiving the pay of the Chicago Convention, determined 
to obstruct all business until their demands are conceded," 
and Nonconformists were reminded that all other reforms, 
including Disestablishment, were till then indefinitely 
postponed. 



THE CRIMES ACT 273 

A measure for Local Government in Ireland had, at the 

The Crimes °P enm g °f tne Autumn Session, been promised for 

Act. February, 1887; but when the time came for the 

March, 1887. , , , . r 

promise to be redeemed, urgency was voted for 

the Crimes Bill. This measure aroused constant and fierce 

opposition from the Irish and their allies, because the Act 

did not expire at any given time, and therefore would 

not have to be renewed ; its merit was that its operations 

could be suspended in any district which quieted down, and 

during Mr. Arthur Balfour's administration of the law as 

Chief Secretary for Ireland (1887 — ^92), order was so far 

restored that in 1892 the Act was practically in abeyance. 

It was in many ways an improvement on previous Coercion 

Acts, while embodying some of their provisions — e.g., " change 

of venue " — and could be put in force at any time where 

necessary by proclamation. Though altering the method 

of trial, it did not allow of imprisonment without trial, 

as did the Coercion Act under which Mr. Parnell was 

imprisoned during Mr. Gladstone's Administration. 

Parnell's Tenants' Relief Bill had been thrown out in 

_ m . September, 1886, and in October the "Plan of 
The Flan of r 

' Campaign. Campaign" was announced in United Ireland, with 
"the; explanation that it was a plan by means of 
which " practically half a year's rent from any estate is put 
together to fight the landlords." 

Now that Mr. Gladstone was unable to give them Home 
Rule, the behaviour of the Irish Members was such that 
their new allies ^could notj feel comfortable, more particularly 
when} they read _ of the incredible cruelty with which the 
Plan 'was being enforced. Nevertheless, the Gladstonians 
voted against the Crimes Bill, which was intended to put a 
stop to organised |tyranny*and outrage, both of which had 
increased since the Plan had been in use. 

The state of Ireland under the Plan of Campaign has been 
almost forgotten in these quieter times, but it explains the 
anxiety of the Liberal Unionists for a strong Coercion Act. 
To appreciate the real significance of the uncompromising 

18 



274 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

opposition offered by the Unionist party to Mr. Parnell's 
demands, it is necessary to remember that his alliance with the 
American-Irish, or " Physical Force Party," was indisputably 
proved ; and he never denied that he derived his funds from 
them. The connection was not a nominal one. Frank Byrne, 
the Secretary of the Irish Parliamentary party — the "Con- 
stitutional party " — was one of them, and his wife — " the 
brave little woman," fited in America by the American- 
Irish — carried from London to Dublin the knives wherewith 
Mr. Burke and Lord Frederick Cavendish were assassinated. 
After the trial of the assassins, Byrne went to America, 
where he described the Home Rule Bill as " a miserable 
farce," adding : — 

" No sentimental bosh should be allowed to tie our hands. 
The torch, the knife, and dynamite are weapons which are 
at the disposal even of an unarmed and poverty-stricken 
nation like ours. England has taken good care to deprive 
us of all other weapons, and in God's name let us use those 
we have at once, without hesitation and without mercy." 

In the spring of 1887 Mr. Chamberlain made a short tour 
in Scotland, where he spoke several times, defend- 
ing the Crimes Act and drawing a striking picture 
of the state of things which it was designed to stop. On 
one occasion, when describing at Ayr (in April) the horrible 
outrages which made the Crimes Act necessary, from the 
back of the hall came suddenly a cry: " Watch yourself '/" 
Amid the confusion which followed — the cries of " Police,' 
and " Put that man out " — Mr. Chamberlain was quite 
unmoved. " No," he said, " bring that man up here." 

" Now, gentlemen," he continued, " you have before you 
an instance of the demoralisation of politics which has been 
produced by the action of the leaders of the Liberal party. 
I am relating to you facts which at least I should have 
supposed even opponents would listen to with horror and 
shame. And when [I tell • you of assassination, there is 



"TAKE CARE OF YOURSELF " 275 

a man in this hall who says ' Take care of yourself! Has 
the time come when we cannot discuss political matters in 
this country without bandying threats of assassination ? 
Those are the proceedings of the parties who were repre- 
sented at the Convention of Chicago. 

" You are told that the Crimes Act is a Bill for the re- 
pression of liberty. Liberty to do what? Liberty to commit 
theft, liberty to injure women, liberty to ruin industrious 
men? (Hisses and cheers.) Which are you hissing — the 
crime or the punishment ? " 

Mr. Chamberlain then reminded the audience what manner 

of crimes they were that the Act was intended to suppress. 

A man named Byars had taken temporary charge of a farm 

from which a tenant had been evicted. The League law 

was broken ; he must pay the penalty. From that time 

he had to be guarded by two policemen. Returning home 

one night so guarded, a volley was poured into the three 

men from both sides of the road. The farmer died almost 

immediately. So great was the fear in the country round, 

that no coffin could be procured ; his widow was jeered and 

hooted at as she walked by her murdered husband's body. 

In another case a small tenant named Murphy paid three 

pounds a year rent for his farm. One night, when sitting 

with his wife and children by the fire at home, eight masked 

men came in and demanded his arms. He at once gave 

up a revolver which he had, and then they shook hands with 

him, telling him not to be afraid. In a moment one of them 

came back, shot the poor fellow in the legs, " tearing off 

his foot by the ankle, leaving him to die an hour or two 

afterwards." 

The National League was proclaimed over the greater part 

Suppression °f Ireland in September, and in October William 

of National O'Brien was imprisoned for three months for 

League. r 

September, inciting tenants to resist eviction, as were several 

other Irish Members, including the Lord Mayor 

of Dublin. When in the autumn there was a riot in Trafalgar 

Square — the police trying to suppress a meeting, the people 



276 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

trying to hold it — the Irish Members declared that it was 
a repetition of the " Mitchelstown Fray," in which the Irish 
police, driven back by the people into barracks, fired on the 
crowd, killing one and fatally wounding two. After the 
imprisonment of the Irish M.P's., things became a little 
quieter, as the beneficent working of the new Land Act 
gradually grew evident and its opportunities were more 
appreciated by the tenants. 

This Act had passed in August, 1887. By it the Govern- 
irish Land ment wished to settle the Land question fairly and 
Act. 1887. deal with arrears of rent at the same time. But 
owing to the determined opposition of the Irish Members 
it was impossible to touch the latter question, so that though 
Mr. Chamberlain, after much trouble, secured the revision 
of the judicial rents (which had been fixed under the Land 
Act of 1 881), the tenant might still remain burdened with 
"an overwhelming debt which he cannot possibly meet." 
To obviate this he had proposed that the Land Court should 
be able to make a composition, if a composition were thought 
necessary and just, of all the tenant's debts ; in this way he 
would be relieved and have once more a fair chance. " It is 
no use to leave men," he said, " upon the land if they are in 
a hopeless condition of insolvency." Sir William Harcourt 
recommended that this proposal should be accepted, but 
Mr. Dillon absolutely refused to allow the clause to pass. 

This revision of judicial rents had hitherto " been rejected 
almost without discussion," and to break down their sanc- 
tity was to "adopt a principle more Radical than has ever 
been put before the British House of Commons," said Mr. 
Chamberlain, who appreciated accordingly the concession 
thus made to him by his new allies the Conservatives. 

In June, 1887, Mr. Chamberlain was entertained by the 
London Liberal Union Club, and made an important speech 
in which he expressed his " absolute confidence " in Lord 
Hartington. "Should he see his way to any arrangement 
[with Mr. Gladstone] we shall have no difficulty in following 
him. But for my own part I am no longer sanguine of 



VISIT TO ULSTER 277 

the possibility of reconciliation." In October, a long-formed 
plan of visiting Ulster and of speaking there on Home Rule 
and the Unionist policy was carried out. His presence was 
as bitterly resented by the Nationalists as it was eagerly 
welcomed by the Ulster Protestants. 



CHAPTER XXIV 

IN AMERICA 

1887— 1888 

SETTLEMENT OF FISHERIES DISPUTE "WITH AMERICA — RETURN TO 
ENGLAND— SPEECHES— SECOND VISIT TO AMERICA— MARRIAGE 
_,TO MISS ENDICOTT — WELCOME IN BIRMINGHAM 

IN October, 1887, Mr. Chamberlain, Sir Lionel Sackville 
West, and Sir Charles Tupper were selected by Lord 
Fisheries Salisbury to be her Majesty's Plenipotentiaries 
Dispute, to consider and adjust the long-standing dispute 
between Great Britain and the United States touching the 
fisheries off the Canadian and Newfoundland coasts. These 
disputes, which arose under certain articles in the Treaty 
of Peace, 1783, and the Treaty of 1818, caused severe friction 
from time to time between the two countries on account of 
the frequent seizures of American vessels. 

The American Plenipotentiaries were Mr. Thomas F. 
Terms of Bayard, Mr. William L. Putnam, and Mr. James 
the Treaty, -q Angell, and a Treaty was eventually arranged 
on February 15th, 1888, granting American fishing vessels 
access to the coasts for wood, water, shelter, and repairs, and 
providing for the additional privileges of buying bait and 
stores, transhipment of catch, and shipping crews, so soon 
as the United States agreed to join Canada in free trade 
in fish and fish-oil. 

Unfortunately, the United States refused to ratify the 
Treaty, but a Protocol added by the British Plenipotentiaries 
conferring upon American fishing vessels, — by way of modus 

278 



THE AMERICAN FISHERIES TREATY 279 

vivendi pending ratification of the Treaty, — the full advantages 
contemplated in the Treaty, on a yearly payment of one 
and a half dollars per ton, for two years, came into force. 

American fishermen having thus obtained the full privileges 
desired at but nominal cost, all friction ceased, and the 
complete removal of the trouble was so welcome that the 
■modus vivendi has been extended continuously ever since, 
and has now practically taken the place of the Treaty. On 
the immediate point at issue the United States more than 
gained the day, but the Chamberlain modus vivendi enun- 
ciated a liberal, broad-minded policy, harmonising with the 
requirements of civilised nations and neighbours, and consti- 
tuting a distinct advance in international doctrine, although 
its application has so far been one-sided. 

Mr. Chamberlain's despatch of February 16th, 1888, to 
Lord Salisbury gave a masterly summary of the difficulties 
disposed of, and showed that he had grasped the intricate 
technical points which run more or less through all inter- 
national fishery disputes. The subsequent inclusion in his 
Cabinet of a Minister with this special knowledge must have 
been of no small benefit to Lord Salisbury in dealing with 
the Behring Sea question and the difficulties with France 
in Newfoundland. 

Mr. Chamberlain returned to England in March, 1888, 
and received a very hearty welcome from his 

England, constituents, who presented him with the freedom 
' ' of the borough of Birmingham, an honour which 
had never previously been bestowed. An opportunity of 
expressing the approval of the party generally was afforded 
by the meeting in April of the National Radical Union, 
at which a number of addresses were presented to Mr. 
Chamberlain from all parts of the country. 

" I can see they are couched in too flattering terms," 
said Mr. Chamberlain in his reply, " but I understand and 
appreciate the spirit in which they have been presented. I 
can assure you that during my absence in America I followed 
all your proceedings with the greatest interest. I knew that 



280 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

your good wishes attended me in the protracted negotiation 
in which I was engaged and that you would feel something 
like a personal satisfaction at any success which followed upon 
my efforts." 

He then pointed out the importance of maintaining cordial 
relations with the United States, a doctrine which he has 
continued to preach with great fervour. 

Almost immediately after his return to England (April, 
Review of J 888) he reviewed at Birmingham the position 
Position and policy of the respective political parties since 
Birmingham, the coalition between Liberal- Unionists and Con- 
April, 1888. serva tives. 

" Never, in my opinion, has our position been stronger, 
never has it been more firmly established. . . . Meantime, 
domestic legislation in England and Scotland as well as in 
Ireland, is proceeding with steady strides. Last Session the 
miners of the United Kingdom, the agricultural labourers, 
the Irish tenants, all received a substantial measure of relief." 

Peace and prosperity were slowly returning to Ireland, and 
the introduction of the Local Government Bill, one of which 
any Liberal Minister might be proud, would do much to help 
matters there. 

" The old party lines have entirely disappeared. We have 
to deal with Unionists on the one hand and Parnellites on 
the other. This is a great fact which the country is beginning 
to appreciate. We may, if we like, recall the old party names ; 
they no longer represent the old party ideas. The Tory 
party is not what it was. The Liberal party— where is that 
party now ? A common danger has united us all against a 
common foe . . . and as a result of this a national party has 
at last been brought into existence. It will draw to itself 
all those who set National Interest and National Honour 
above party and personal matters. A future historian may 
yet write of the bitter controversy which has divided us 
that its evils have cheaply purchased the knowledge that 
the great majority of the British nation are proud of the 
Empire — the glorious and united Empire— to which they 




GOVERNOR JOHN ENDICOTT OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
From an oil painting in the possession of Mrs. Chamberlain. 



THE "UNION OF HEARTS" 281 

belong. They are sensible of the responsibilities which its 
citizenship entails and of the privileges which it confers, 
and they will never be either tempted or bullied into their 
surrender." 

The alliance between the Unionists and Conservatives had 
not always worked smoothly. 

"It was natural that there should be a certain amount 
of distrust between those who had been lifelong opponents. 
But in the time that has elapsed much of this distrust has 
disappeared. . . . There has arisen a real sense of the 
advantage of this alliance and a determination to maintain it." 

In a speech at Bradford, delivered during a disturbed meet- 
ing which Mr. Chamberlain managed with admirable temper 
and adroitness, he protested against the contention that the 
Unionists had left Mr. Gladstone on a matter of detail 
merely. 

" What," he asks, " has made it possible for me, who have 

been all my life a Liberal and Radical ? (Hooting 

September, an ^ cheers.) Do you hoot that statement — do 

1888. ' you object to the fact that I am a Radical ? 

Hearts " f (Laughter). I say there has been a change which 
has made it possible that I, who have been a 
Radical all my life and who have not changed one of the 
opinions which I have ever expressed, should support heartily 
and cordially a Government every member of which, with 
one exception, is a Conservative — and a change which has 
made it possible for the Liberal party to transform them- 
selves into the allies of Mr. Parnell, to be hand and glove 
with the men whom three years ago they denounced from 
every platform as the enemies of this country, and whose 
policy and methods they repudiated with scorn and with 
indignation." 

These were the men " who a short time ago were praying 
in public for the success of the Zulus, who were praying 
for a Russian War — are you certain that these men would 
bear their fair share of the sacrifices which would be en- 
tailed in such an emergency ? " [if this country were once 
more involved in war for its very existence]. 



282 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The Unionists had been promised if they would put Mr. 
Gladstone back into office that there would be a final 
settlement of the Irish question and a " Union of hearts." 

" Are you sure the ' union of hearts ' would endure such 
a strain? And yet it is a risk of this kind, a tremendous 
risk — a risk which involves the very existence of the nation, 
the loss of its gigantic commerce, and the ruin and disaster 
which would follow its loss — that you are asked to face 
with a light heart." 

The Liberals, who, by their alliance with the Parnellites, had 
made this risk a real one, reminded him of the Girondists, 
men of culture, intelligence, and respectability, who placed 
their talents at the service of the French Revolution ; they 
thought that they were guiding the storm, when in reality 
they were being swept away by it. 

In May 1888 Mr. Chamberlain was elected President of the 
Birmingham Liberal-Unionist Association. Some articles were 
then being published in the Birmingham Daily Post on " A 
Unionist Policy for Ireland." These articles were afterwards 
collected and published, with a Preface by Mr. Chamberlain, 
who says, — 

" For my part, I believe it is in this direction that the 
ultimate solution of the Irish question is to be found ; " but 
the policy set forth did not claim to be a " final or authori- 
tative statement of the views of any section of the Unionist 
party." 

The policy was sketched under three heads — Public Works, 
Land Purchase, and Local Government. 

In his speech on this occasion Mr. Chamberlain stated in 
a few sentences the line of division between the Unionists 
and Mr. Gladstone. 

" For my part, I never will recognise a separate political 
nationality in Ireland. ... I do not speak of the sentimental 
nationality ; but if you are willing to recognise the political 
nationality of Ireland, you must accept all the logical con- 
sequences of that admission. You must give to Ireland all 



MARRIES MISS ENDICOTT 283 

the prerogatives of a separate nation. . . [a separate Parlia- 
ment, Executive, Church, Customs, Army]. And be sure of 
this, if you take the first step, you will not be able to refuse 
the succeeding ones. It was this, in my mind, which con- 
stituted a fatal objection to Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill, 
and it is by this we ought to be prepared to test any further 
proposals which he may make at any future time." 

When Mr. Chamberlain again journeyed to America in 

November 1888, he went to receive the acknow- 

Mr. Cham- 11 r 1 • • • <- 

beriain's ledgment ot his success in negotiating a treaty of 

ma ?J}? S6 ' a different kind. The members of the Washington 
Cabinet, which included the Hon. W. C. Endicott, 
Minister of War in President Cleveland's first Administra- 
tion, had given in 1887 many entertainments in honour of 
the British Plenipotentiaries, and on one of these occasions 
Mr. Chamberlain was introduced to his future wife, Miss 
Mary Endicott. 

The founder of the New England branch of the Endicott 
The Endicott family was Governor John Endicott of Massa- 

Famiiy. chusetts, a Dorsetshire man who sailed from 
England in the Abigail, June 20th, 1628. He ruled the 
Colony firmly and wisely, being distinguished for his just 
dealings with the Indians and for his sternness to all 
Anabaptists, Papists, and other such gentry. With his own 
hand he cut out of the British flag the Red Cross of St. 
George as being a Papistical emblem, and the sword with 
which he did it remains to this day. 

At some little distance from Salem a large grant of land 
was given to the Governor, and though much of his time 
was necessarily spent in Boston in discharge of his official 
duties, yet he was often at the Orchard Farm, Danvers, 
now in the possession of Mr. W. C. Endicott, Junior, Mrs. 
Chamberlain's only brother. Her mother was a daughter 
of Mr. and Mrs. George Peabody, a family which also has 
long been connected with Danvers. 

The Hon. William Crowninshield Endicott, whose death 
occurred very suddenly in May, 1900, was directly descended 



284 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

from Governor Endicott, and from the Putnam family, who took 
an honourable part in the French and Indian Wars, as well 
as in the War of Independence, when General Israel Putnam 
led the American forces at Bunker's Hill (June, 1775). 

Mr. Endicott was born at Salem in 1827, and graduated 
at Harvard where he studied law. In 1873 he was appointed 
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, 
an office which he resigned in 1882. After his retirement 
from the Bench, accompanied by his family he spent some 
time in a European tour, during which Miss Endicott had 
the opportunity of visiting England. Eighteen months after 
their return to America her father took office, and the family 
moved to Washington, where in the autumn of 1887, at 
the British Legation, Miss Endicott first met the Right 
Hon. Joseph Chamberlain. 

The engagement was not made public till Mr. Chamberlain's 
return to New York in November 1888. The marriage, 
which was very quiet, took place on the 15th. The ceremony 
was performed by Dr. Leonard (now Bishop of Ohio) and the 
Rev. J. P. Franks, of Grace Church, Salem. The President, 
Mrs. Cleveland, and all the members of the Cabinet were 
present. Many tokens of good-will were received by Mr. 
and Mrs. Chamberlain, not the least valued of which were 
some simple home-made gifts from Birmingham working-men. 

On their arrival at Highbury, after a honeymoon on 
the Riviera, Mrs. Chamberlain saw for the first time, her 
husband's family and relations. Shortly afterwards she was 
welcomed by his friends and constituents in the Town Hall, 
Birmingham (January 1889). Accompanying the addresses 
presented from the citizens of Birmingham, Mr. Chamberlain's 
constituents, and the Women's Liberal Association, were 
gifts of jewellery made by the jewellers in Mr. Chamberlain's 
constituency of West Birmingham. 

" The lady of your choice, sir," so ran the address, " would 
always be welcome in Birmingham, but her welcome is the 
warmer because she has come from our kinsfolk across the 
seas to reside in a city which has many ties with America." 



MRS. CHAMBERLAIN'S RECEPTION 285 

In returning thanks for the welcome accorded to his wife, 
Mr. Chamberlain said : — 

" I was fortunate enough to make two treaties. I had 
my secret document as well as the public document with 
which you are all familiar, and I am glad to say that even 
the august Senate of the United States had nothing to say 
to my private negotiations, which you have ratified to-night 
by your presents and proceedings." 

He added, with a smile : " I have done all in my power to 
promote union between the two countries," a sentiment which 
was received with affectionate laughter. 

He had vainly tried to persuade Mrs. Chamberlain that 
she had given up her own nationality and become an 
Englishwoman, but he added — though he had failed, " I 
know she is prepared to take up her life among us in this 
country to which she has come, in all its fulness, and that 
she will say with Ruth of old, ' Thy people shall be my 
people.' 

" I can only say for myself that all the pleasure I have ever 
felt in political strife, all the strength that has been given 
me to pursue it, have been increased by the sense, which 
has never failed me, that I have always had behind me the 
support of the people who have known me best, who have 
made me what I am, and whose support has never failed 
me in every time of difficulty and has laid me under a 
weight of obligation which I am only too anxious to acknow- 
ledge, and which I can never adequately repay." 

After referring to the cordiality of Birmingham men 
wherever he met them and their willingness to renew their 
acquaintance with him, he said : " I have been touched and 
gratified by a note which I received from a Birmingham 
man in the wilds of Canada, who sent me his congratulations 
and good wishes, and a little token of regard and gratitude 
in the shape of a sample of his skill. I am prouder of it — 
of having excited this feeling amongst my fellow-townsmen — 
than I am of anything else in my public life." 



CHAPTER XXV 

UNIONIST LEGISLATION {DOMESTIC AND IRISH) 

1888— 1892 

COMPLETING THE SOCIAL PROGRAMME — FREE EDUCATION— ALLOT- 
MENTS ACT — HOUSING OF THE WORKING-CLASSES ACT, 1890— 
IRELAND: PARNELL COMMISSION — FORTNIGHTLY ARTICLE, 
" LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND IRELAND " — LAND ACT 189I — IRISH 
LOCAL GOVERNMENT BILL (1892) WITHDRAWN — UNIONIST 
MEASURES FOR IRELAND 1 887 — 1 892. 

IN 1888 Mr. Chamberlain reviewed the work already 
accomplished by Lord Salisbury's Government in alliance 
with the Liberal-Unionists. In this completion of the 

Social Programme, which he considered of greater 
Completing & > & 

the social urgency than a revolution in our method of govern- 

rogramme. .^ i re land, he had a large, if an indirect, share. 

Between 1887 and August 1892 the following measures, 

among many others, were enacted, exclusive of legislation 

for Ireland : — 

( Coal Mines Regulation Act. 
go J Merchandise Marks Act. 

'' I Allotments Act (which admitted the principle of 
v. compulsion). 
1888. Local Government Act [England and Wales] 
(Creation of County Councils). 
( Local Government Act for Scotland, 
go J Prevention of Cruelty to Children Act 

9 " I Public Bodies' Corrupt Practices Act (Prevention 
I of Bribery). 

286 



THE SOCIAL PROGRAMME 287 

f Police Pensions Act. 
1890X Housing of the Working Classes Amendment Act 

[ New Education Code. 

( Factory and Workshops Act, (better regulation of 
1891J conditions in). 

[ Free Education Act for England and Wales. 

1892-f Agricultural Holdin g s Act (Mr. Chaplin's— facilitat- 
"\ ing small holdings). 

Mr. Chamberlain's Unauthorised Programme asked for 
Local Government, Free Schools, Small Holdings, Graduated 
Taxation. On comparing these items with the previous list 
it will be seen that the first three had now become law, and 
thus the Unauthorised Programme was almost completed. 
The original programme with which Mr. Chamberlain was 
equipped when he entered political life, comprised Free 
Schools, Free Land, Free Church : the first part was in 1892 
accomplished, and a part of the second. The third might 
perhaps have been attempted, had not Ireland blocked the 
way, and had not Mr. Chamberlain come to feel that, 
desirable as Disestablishment was theoretically, it was not 
(as political history had shaped itself) yet within the domain 
of practical politics. Further, it was not a subject on which 
he was likely to get a majority sufficient to carry it in the 
House, and the Liberal-Unionists might risk two dangers if 
they insisted on pressing for it. Firstly, a fresh split in a 
new direction might occur, and the settlement of parties be 
again disturbed — the number of sections thus created pre- 
venting any combination powerful enough for effective 
legislative work. Secondly, this shattering of the Unionist 
party might open the way to the dismemberment of the 
Empire by the separation of Ireland, if the Home Rule 
party profited by the serious dissensions which must be 
caused by an uncompromising demand for Disestablishment 
on the part of the Liberal Unionists. 

Apart from these considerations, there was the immediate 
pressing need for doing other work, principally something 
to make the life of the working man easier. In the years 



288 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

of plenty we are apt to forget the barren years. But the dock- 
strike of 1889, when seventy-five thousand men 
Allotments . . . ■ n 

and joined the strikers, the winters of 1891 and 1892, 

Distress. when bands of « Out-of-Work " men paraded our 
streets, and the appalling sufferings of the early part of 1895, 
when the great frost held week after week, cannot easily be 
forgotten by those who know much of the lives of the poor. 
Royal Commissions were appointed, and duly sat ; but their 
nett result in alleviating distress was small, and the operation 
of new and beneficent legislation was painfully slow. But 
it was well worth while to attempt to get the labourers back 
to the land on small holdings, and to prevent the incursions 
of fresh countrymen into the towns by giving them allot- 
ments which would enable them to cross the border line 
between starvation and subsistence. 

In the matter of education some relief might be offered. 
Free School pence seem a very small item, but even the 
Education. re ii e f from this payment was much to an almost 
starving man, who would fain see his children at school and 
not running wild about the streets. At school the child was 
kept warm and sheltered ; in many towns great efforts were 
made to feed the destitute, and there could be no doubt that 
the child who attended school regularly, was likely to get 
more fire and food than the child who was kept at home for 
want of pence to send with him. In Birmingham a great 
and splendid effort was made to feed the children by means 
of " Halfpenny Dinners." 

Free education had been one of Mr. Chamberlain's 
earliest and fondest dreams, entertained by him long before 
he entered Parliament, and though he was not a Member 
of the Government which realised it, he could honestly 
claim a great, if not a preponderating share in its fulfilment. 

When school fees were abolished, a grant of ten shillings 

Aid to P er nea d was made, in lieu of the parents' pay- 

voiuntary ments ; but this sum was found to be insufficient, 

Schools. . , ,, t o /r 

in some cases, to meet the expenses. In 1090, 
therefore, this grant was supplemented by further aid given 




THE LATE HON. WILLIAM C. ENDICOTT, MRS. CHAMBERLAIN'S FATHER. 



AID TO VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS 289 

to Voluntary schools : after prolonged and hot debate, this 
aid was also extended to those necessitous Board schools 
which could not make both ends meet. Though Board 
schools, by raising the rates, might partially supply the 
deficit caused by the abolition of school fees, Voluntary 
schools could only supply this deficit by increased voluntary 
subscriptions ; these were drawn largely from the village 
magnates and country gentry, who now found it difficult 
and almost impossible to give permanent extra help in 
consequence of continued agricultural depression. In certain 
cases the new Educational Authority constituted by the Act 
might supersede decaying Voluntary schools. 

A section of the Nonconformist party was bitterly opposed 
to the aid thus extended to Voluntary schools, and they were 
quite unable to reconcile Mr. Chamberlain's support of this 
Bill with his former determined advocacy of undenominational 
education. But in the old days the one system tyrannised 
over the other, and when, in 1870, education became 
compulsory, many parents who desired undenominational 
education were often practically forced to send their children 
to denominational schools, for in many districts Board 
schools did not exist. But after free education was granted 
in 1 89 1, the two systems became co-workers, doing the same 
work in two different ways. Theoretically it was possible for 
any parent, all education being free, to choose the education 
he preferred for his child, though actually it was not always 
practicable. If the efforts of Voluntary schools could be 
supported without unfairness to the ratepayer, it would be 
in the interests of all to give that support, for should 
such schools be abolished, an enormous extra educational 
burden would be incurred ; in fact it was estimated that 
to sweep them away and insist on efficiently replacing 
them with Board schools, would mean a capital outlay of 
fifty millions and a yearly expenditure of five. It would, 
moreover, have been incurring a great responsibility to wipe 
out, or starve out, the educational machinery which had been 
doing good work for very many years. 

19 



2 9 o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

A further consideration was not to be lightly dismissed. 
By closing the Voluntary schools the State then took upon 
itself to refuse systematic religious instruction to thousands 
of parents who undoubtedly desired such instruction to be 
given. This was, even to a man who wished for the 
separation of Church and State, a very grave responsibility. 
Though it may be a parent's duty to instruct his children 
in religious matters, nevertheless many parents, who not only 
appreciate but earnestly desire such instruction, are unable 
or unwilling to give it. Neither could a State school give it. 
Was the State now more justified in refusing denominational 
education to those who wished for it, than it had been in 
refusing undenominational education in the old days ? 

The work of Mr. Jesse Collings, combined with Mr. 
Allotments Chamberlain's crusade on behalf of the agricultural 

Act, 1887. labourers and small tenants, during the fight for 
the franchise, and when he was advocating his Unauthorised 
Programme, largely contributed to the passing of the Allot- 
ments Act of 1887, and Mr. Chaplin's Small Holdings Bill 
of 1892 ; this legislation has been supplemented by further 
measures in the Parliament of 1895 — 1900. 

In 1883, in an article in the Fortnightly, Mr. Chamberlain 
had pointed out the difficulty which Municipal Corporations 
experienced in obtaining land in the vicinity of towns, even 
for necessary sanitary improvements. Much more difficult 
was it to obtain land at a rental low enough to afford town 
dwellers the chance of cultivating allotments. After the 
" Bitter Cry of Outcast London " appeared, a Royal Com- 
mission on the Housing of the Poor (March 1884) was 
appointed, and Mr. Chamberlain gave valuable evidence as 
to what had been done in Birmingham, and the difficulty 
Corporations experienced in acquiring land at a reasonable 
price. So long, he said, as compensation on the present 
scale for compulsory purchase was enforced by law, it paid 
owners of property to allow it to fall into such a state, or 
to be used for such purposes that it became a public nuisance, 
and had to be compulsorily acquired. 



HOUSING OF THE WORKING CLASSES 291 

" If," said Mr. Chamberlain, in his article on " Labourers' 

, and Artisans' Dwellings" in the Fortnightly, 

and Artisans' December, 1 883, "they succeed in aggravating 

(< Dwellings."^ the nuisance, till it is intolerable their fortunes are 

Article, made." For example, when a disorderly house, 

December, f or which an enormous rent is asked and paid, 

1883 

is required by the local authority, " the demand 
for the compensation is based, and often allowed, on an 
income which represents, not a fair return for an investment : , 
but t/ie profit on complicity with vice. . . . 

" The sound principle of compensation should be the real 
value of the land and buildings used under legitimate con- 
ditions, and not on the exorbitant value arising from criminal 
practices." 

Thus, owners of property declared unfit for habitation had, 
under the Acts of 1895 and 1899, in some parts of London, 
"received \js. per foot for land, which could not be valued, 
after the improvements had been made and new streets laid 
out, at more than \os. for commercial purposes and y. /[d. 
for artisans' dwellings." In such cases, criminal neglect and 
use of property resulted in the owners obtaining 13^. 8d. per 
foot more than the land was fairly worth for the purpose for 
which they had been employing it, and a premium for neglect 
and wilful indifference to sanitary provisions was thus offered. 
No wonder the great cost of improvements deterred local 
authorities under these conditions. 

The principle Mr. Chamberlain laid down was that " the 
expense of making towns habitable for the toilers who dwell 
in them must be thrown on the land, which, without any 
efforts on the part of the owners, has been made valuable 
by the toil of the workers." 

By the Housing of the Working Classes Act of 1890, a 

number of measures dealing with the housing 

Housing of problem and with Labourers' Lodging-houses (in 
the Working r t> t> v 

Classes force between 1875 and 1885) were repealed, and 
Act, 1890. the existing legislation on this subject was im- 
proved and simplified. The Act of 1890 dealt 
with the rights of Local Authorities in respect of unhealthy 
areas and insanitary buildings, and of their power to acquire 
land or buildings for lodging-houses for the working classes. 



292 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

In the autumn of 1888, the Special Commission on 
Ireland— " Parnellism and Crime " began their sittings. 

The Parneu The Times had published a number of letters ("in 
Commission . c . . ^ 

appointed, particular one relating to the rhcenix Park 

Autumn 1888. murc j ers ) which, purporting to be written by Parnell, 
would have implicated him in those murders and in most of 
the crimes committed during the Land League agitation 
in Ireland. Parnell at first contented himself with denying 
that he wrote them ; he did not appear to court inquiry 
into the charges made against him. But they could not 
be passed over, and a Special Commission of judges was 
appointed to investigate them, for a Parliamentary Com- 
mission must have shown some party bias ; its finding, of 
whatever nature, would not have been accepted as impartial. 
Happily the letters proved to be the celebrated " Pigott 
forgeries." The author, after confessing the forgery, escaped 
to Spain and committed suicide (March 1889). Unhappily, 
however, the inquiry revealed so much of direct and indirect 
incitement to crime, and public condonation of law-breaking, 
that, though Mr. Parnell and his friends were cleared from the 
imputation of the forged letters, they were legally " proven " 
guilty of other charges not much less serious in the eyes 
of law-abiding people. The investigations were continued 
in 1889, and the report of the Commission was presented 
to parliament in March 1890, and was ordered to be printed 
in the journals of the House of Commons. 

Mr. Chamberlain, in his speech in the House, March 1890, 
during the Debate on the Report of the Special 
the Report, Commission, answered Lord Randolph Churchill's 
arc 1890. content i on that the appointment of the Commission 
was unconstitutional. It was, he said, in every way a fairer 
inquiry than could have been conducted by a Committee 
of the House or a Parliamentary Commission. It had been 
alleged that the Parnell Commission was his "pet proposal." 
" I never heard of it until it was suggested by the Govern- 
ment," he said ; " in my judgment the circumstances have 
shown that they were right." 



THE PARNELL COMMISSION 293 

It was also said during the debate that the findings of 
the judges related to "venial and trivial offences." One 
of these findings proved there was no denunciation by Mr. 
Parnell of the actions of the " Physical Force " party, and 
that Michael Davitt was in " close and intimate association 
with the party of violence in America." 

" Is that a trivial offence ? " asked Mr. Chamberlain. 
" What was the Physical Force party ? It was a party whose 
publicly avowed and professed object was to assassinate 
public men and to lay our chief cities in ruins. ... I say 
there is no parallel in these transactions to any popular or 
patriotic movement in the world. There is no case in which 
men, professing to carry on a constitutional agitation, met 
their opponents in fair debate and at the same time were in 
close and intimate alliance with men who, by their published 
newspapers, declared that their object was to assassinate those 
same opponents, and cause injury and ruin to the countrymen 
of those so-called constitutional leaders. 

" Is no reparation due to us, who for months and years 
were followed by police, even into our homes in order to pro- 
tect us against the agents of the friendly society of the 
Hon. member for East Fife ? " [Mr. Asquith had likened 
the Clan-na-Gael to a " friendly " Society.] 

" To compare action of this kind to the action of Bright 
and Cobden [during the Corn-Law agitation] is simply an 
insult to those great men." 

Were the Liberal Unionists and Government doing any- 

Legisiation tmn g f° r Ireland ? Were they now taking in hand 

for Ireland, those matters which Mr. Chamberlain, no less 

heartily than Mr. Gladstone, had declared were of the greatest 

urgency — the Reform of the Land Laws and the extension 

of Local Government ? 

In his article (of July 1885 in the Fortnightly) on "Local 
Government and Ireland," Mr. Chamberlain showed the 
practical working of u The Castle " — the centralised form of 
government imposed upon the Irish by those whom they 
considered an alien race. Among the departments managed 
by, or controlled in some way from, the " Castle," were the 



294 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Irish Local Government Board, the Grand Jury (who had 

the entire control of the fiscal affairs of each county), the 

Prisons Board, the Asylums Board, the Education Board 

for Primary and Intermediate Education. "The Castle" also 

appointed the Stipendiary and often the Unpaid Magistrates, 

the Metropolitan Police, and the Rural Police or Constabulary. 

To sweep away this system would, he said, " be as great a 

boon to governors as governed." " The Castle " 

' Iain's could not obtain trustworthy information as to the 

Pr ?^.885 1S w i snes and wants of the Irish people, because there 

was no trustworthy means of communication 

between the people and the Governors, who, to make matters 

more difficult, were often of an alien religion. A proper 

system of Local Government would give a fair field for Irish 

ability and ambition — it would relieve Imperial Parliament 

from such unnecessary work, and would entrust it to able 

men on the spot. 

But Mr. Chamberlain always maintained that advanced 
Local Government could not be given until the Land question 
and the feud between owner and tenant had been settled. 
Lord Ashbourne's Act had done much to encourage indus- 
trious cultivators to become owners, and had made their 
path in this direction fairly easy. But by this Act the money 
was borrowed from England, and in any final and compre- 
hensive scheme, he contended, repayment of loans must be 
undertaken entirely by Irish credit and Irish resources. 
Thus public feeling in favour of the discharge of just 
obligations and against the defaulter, would be secured by 
the strong motive of self-interest. 

This method of repayment of loans was employed by the 
Mr Balfour's Government in Mr. Balfour's Land Act of 1891, 
Land Act, and when its operations became rightly understood 
and the loans under the Ashbourne Act were dis- 
continued, it was largely successful. 

In 1890 Mr. Balfour and his sister went, practically un- 
attended, on a tour through some of the most dissatisfied 
and poorest of the Western districts of Ireland, in order that 



MR. BALFOUR'S IRISH TOUR ig$ 

the Chief Secretary might see as far as possible with his own 
eyes what the condition of the people was. As one result 
of his visit, the Congested Districts Board was constituted, 
with a million and a half of money to expend in light 
railways, and in the expansion or the creation of industries 
adapted to the capabilities of the Irish peasants. For 
example, fishing-boats were supplied and facilities for dis- 
posing of the catch were given ; seed potatoes were sold 
to tenants at cost price to be repaid by instalments ; money 
was spent in road-making, drainage, and other public works. 
The law was enforced, where necessary, by the Crimes Act, 
and Ireland gradually became quieter and the people more 
fit to be entrusted with added powers of Local Government. 

But though the people were ready for the Local Govern- 
ment Bill, their members were not. It was at all times 
hard for the Nationalists to acknowledge that Ireland was 
growing quieter or more contented, or more prosperous, 
under any other policy than their own. It gave the lie to 
their contention that the English had practically made 
Ireland " a hell upon earth." 

Mr. Balfour's Irish Local Government Bill was introduced 
Irish Local * n February 1892, and the Government secured 
Government the big majority of ninety-two for their second 

Bill 1892 

reading, but the real fight, as in all important 
measures, had to come in Committee. A dissolution was 
imminent, and so contemptuous of the Bill was Mr. O'Brien 
that during the debate on the Second Reading he offered 
to " swop " the uncontested passage of the Bill for a dis- 
solution, confident that the new Government would be one 
which would give the Irish Home Rule. Mr. Chamberlain, 
who was speaking at the time, turned on him at once — " Were 
I on the Treasury Bench I should advise my colleagues to 
accept that offer — a liberal offer, to which I call the 
attention of Her Majesty's Government." But when closer 
pressed the rest of the Irish were inclined to draw back. 

" I cannot," said Mr. Chamberlain, " emulate the language 
of the hon. member" (Mr. O'Brien), who had characterised 



296 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

this Bill as " vile, ridiculous, illusory, a mockery, insolent, 
shabby, ridiculous, a practical joke, founded on monstrous 
absurdities, abounding in mischief, and an affront to fifteen 
millions of Irish throughout the world." 

" I confess," added Mr. Chamberlain, " that these epithets 
would impress me very much, did I not know that it is ' only 
pretty Fanny's way.' " 

But the Bill had to be withdrawn, as there was not time 
to get it through Committee before the Session of 1892 ended. 
Though all the Irish reforms which Mr. Chamberlain hoped 
for were not yet accomplished, something substantial had 
been done ; and if the dissolution could have been deferred 
till the Irish Local Government Bill of 1892 had passed, the 
Unionists would have been in a much better position to 
appeal to the country. 

The Unionist list of Irish measures, passed since 1887 
included — 



:S90.{ 



( The Crimes Act, which proclaimed the worst 
1887 J districts. 

L/ '1 The Land Act, authorising the revision of Judicial 
I rents, 
onn f Land Purchase Act (voting ten millions on the lines 
cc '*- of the Ashbourne Act). 
1889. Improved Drainage and Light Railways Act. 

Further facilities for Light Railway construction. 
Congested Districts Act. 
( Land Purchase Act (Balfour's). 
1891.^ Long Leaseholders admitted to advantages of Land 
[ Purchase Act. 

c February. Irish Local Government Bill introduced. 
tSo? J M arcn - Majority of ninety-two on Second Reading. 
9 1 March. Withdrawn. 
I J une. Dissolution. 

In October 1891 Mr. Parnell died suddenly. For a year 
his influence had been diminishing, his authority had been 
questioned. His followers had been divided since Mr. 
Gladstone expressed his opinion that Mr. Parnell could not 



DEATH OF MR. PARNELL 29? 

retain his leadership of the Irish Party, if he (Mr. Gladstone) 
was to work with that party for Home Rule. This decision 
was the result of the verdict against Mr. Parnell in the 
O'Shea-Parnell divorce case. 

The Irish leader refused to accept Mr. Gladstone's decision 
and henceforth the Parnellites and the anti-Parnellites were 
bitter enemies. There are those who think that from the 
date of Mr. Parnell's fall dates the real decline of Home Rule. 



CHAPTER XXVI 

THE UNIONIST IN OPPOSITION 

1892 — 1895 

THE ELECTIONS OF 1 892— MR. AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN — HIS MAIDEN 
SPEECH — POSITION OF LIBERAL UNIONISTS IN BIRMINGHAM AND 
MIDLANDS — THE SECOND HOME RULE BILL — MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S 
SPEECH — THE HOME RULE DUEL— THE LORDS THROW OUT THE 
BILL — MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ARTICLES — THE ROSEBERY ADMINI- 
STRATION — DOMESTIC LEGISLATION BETWEEN 1892 AND 1895 — 
LORD ROSEBERY AND THE PEERS. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S opponent in the election of 
1892 was Mr. Corrie Grant, who polled 1,879 votes as 
against 6,297. In 1885, before the split in the Liberal party, 
when all the seats in Birmingham were contested, 
Election, Mr. Chamberlain's majority had been 2,764 ; it 
JU i892 lUy was now 4>4 J ^ ano - h e polled more votes than 

seven years before. 
His son, Joseph Austen, who had been returned un- 
opposed at a bye-election a few months before, again stood 
for East Worcestershire, a constituency comprising a large 
district, in one part of which Highbury (his father's house) 
is situated. 

Mr. Austen Chamberlain, was born in 1863, and was 
Mr. Austen educated at Rugby and Trinity College, Cam- 
Chambertain. bridge, where he graduated in 1885, in the His- 
torical Tripos. It is curious that the sons of four men 
connected with University College, London, and the school 



MR. AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN 299 

of that name, graduated at the same time from Trinity- 
College, Cambridge, though their fathers had been prevented, 
as Dissenters, from entering any University. They were 
the sons of the Right Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, Sir Michael 
Foster (now M.P. for London University), the late John 
Gibbs Blake, M.D., the well-known Birmingham physician 
and trustee of Birmingham University, and Wilson Fox, 
Esq., of Bristol — the four men belonging to the Unitarian, 
Congregational, Plymouth Brethren, and Quaker denomina- 
tions respectively. 

After taking his degree Mr. Austen Chamberlain spent 
nine months in Paris, studying at the Ecole des Sciences 
Politiques, and nine months in Berlin. He acted as Junior 
Whip while the Liberal-Unionists were in Opposition, 
1892-1895. 

At a banquet held to celebrate Mr. Austen Chamberlain's 
return in January 1893, Mr. Chamberlain responded to the 
toast of " Our Cause," and began by saying : " I am very glad 
to be able to respond to your toast, and to confirm what has 
been said by your representative and mine." His son, in 
the course of his speech, dealt with the coming Home Rule 
Bill, and said that one thing he had always dreaded, and 
that was " speaking with his father close beside him." He 
did not make his maiden speech in the House until April 
1893, when he interposed in the debate on the Home 
Rule Bill, and received from the Prime Minister a 
kindly compliment and a genial criticism, which showed 
unmistakably Mr. Gladstone's grand manner and great 
dignity. 

The previous speakers, said Mr. Gladstone, had evaded the 
real point at issue. 

" The only exception I remember, was in the speech of 
the hon. member for East Worcestershire (Mr. Austen 
Chamberlain). I will not embark on any elaborate eulogy 
of that speech. I will endeavour to sum up in a few words 
what I desire to say of it. It was a speech that must have 
been dear and refreshing to a father's heart." 



3oo THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to discuss the points it 
raised. 

Mr. Chamberlain was deeply touched by the kindly, 
unexpected tribute, couched in such simple, friendly words. 
His son had spoken on the one subject which had caused an 
irrevocable breach between him and his former chief, yet 
Mr. Gladstone went out of his way to pay a tribute to his 
opponent's son. 

A letter written by Dr. Dale during the elections of 1892 
shows what a change had been wrought by the Home Rule 
controversy in the social life of Birmingham. The Liberal 
Club had failed and closed its doors in 1889 (the year of 
John Bright's death), and the old brilliant days of the Arts 
Club were over for ever. 

" Birmingham is still a remarkable place, and I share your 
delight at the victory of last week [Unionist victory] but it 
seems to me that the interesting people are gone. . . . There 
was Dawson. . . Vince, John Henry Chamberlain and Harris, 
and Joseph Chamberlain in his fresh and brilliant promise. 
Dawson, Vince, and John Henry Chamberlain are dead ; 
Harris remains, and is as kindly and epigrammatic as ever ; 
but in the break-up of the Liberal Party he remained with 
Gladstone and I seldom see him. 

" Joseph Chamberlain is, of course, still immensely interest- 
ing ; but I am not sure that he is as interesting as he was 
twenty years ago, and he is necessarily much away from 
Birmingham. The time was when I used to have a smoke 
with him, and J. H. Chamberlain, and Timmins, and the rest, 
as often as twice or three times a week. The split of the 
Liberal Party has made an immense difference to my private 
life. There are two clubs and I belong to neither ; I have 
friends on both sides, but the discussions that we had at 
the old Arts Club before the quarrel I look back upon 
with lasting regret. . . ." 

Parliament met in August 1892, and Mr. Asquith's vote 
of Want of Confidence in the Ministers was carried on the nth 
by 35° to 310. The Conservatives and Liberal-Unionists 




[Draycotl, 
Photo by] 

THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN AND HIS SON, MR. AUSTEN 

CHAMBERLAIN, M.P. FOR EAST WORCESTERSHIRE, AFTER MR. 

CHAMBERLAIN'S RETURN FROM HIS AMERICAN MISSION. 



SECOND HOME RULE BILL 301 

combined after the elections numbered only 315 ; the Liberals 
274, with 81 Parnellites and Anti-Parnellites. 1 

It was, of course, perfectly well known that Mr. Gladstone 
would lose no time in introducing another Home Rule Bill, 
now that he was once more in power. 

The interest with which it was awaited was almost as 

great as that felt in the earlier Bill, and the rush to 

Hom Se Ruie secure pl aces ( on February 13th), was even more 

Bill, extraordinary. The doors of the House were not 

13th, 1893. open until twelve o'clock, and then the Members 

poured into the Chamber in one pushing, hustling, 

vociferating crowd. One white-haired Member, of an age 

almost that of the venerable Premier, was thrown down 

under the feet of the crowd. The Irish Members engaged 

in a tussle for places, which resembled a football scrimmage. 

" Mr. Chamberlain," said one paper, " would have lost his seat 

1 The following table indicates in a striking way the Liberal strength in the 
Formation Midland Counties (Warwick, Worcester, and Stafford) which 
of the include 39 constituencies (Borough and County divisions). 
Midland In 1885 these contituencies returned 31 Liberals and 8 Con- 
Liberal servatives, but in 1886, after the split in the Liberal Party, 
Unionist 13 Liberal Unionists were returned and 17 Conservatives 
^trWfo snowin g " a bod y °f Liberal Unionists of great numerical 
y ' strength, though in want of adequate organisation." Accord- 
ingly the Midlands Liberal-Unionist Association was formed under the 
Presidency of Mr. Chamberlain (July 27th, 1892, and began work in 
the following September), in order to strengthen the party organisation in 
the Midlands, and secure in each District a properly organised committee 
which every Liberal-Unionist could join. Out of the 22,000 members 
already enrolled in 1894, Mr. Chamberlain said there was not one in 
a thousand who had ever belonged to a Conservative Association or would 
be willing to " sink themselves entirely in such an organisation." But if 
they did not maintain some such body (as the Liberal-Unionist Association) 
these men would necessarily drift to the Gladstonian party or remain 
outside politics altogether. . . . This organisation enabled them to maintain 
their " distinctive position, as men who have never abandoned their right 
to call themselves Liberals." 

Table of Members returned at General Election. 

Conservative. Unionist" Gladstonian. Majority. 

1885 ... 8 ... — ... 31 (Liberals) Liberal 23 

1886 ... 17 ... 13 ... 9 Unionist 21 
1892 ... 17 ... 13 ... 9 ,, 21 
1895 ... 19 ... 14 ... 6 „ 27 



3 o2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

had it not been for the dash and vigour of his son who held 
it until his father arrived." The Peers behaved even worse 
than the Commons : an extra force of police had to be 
sent for to keep them in order and to compel them to " stand 
back, gentlemen, please ; stand back, please ! " 

Only the Treasury benches were respected ; in the gallery, 
seats were kept for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of 
York only, but the Duke of Fife came too late, and could 
not get in. The Duchess of Teck and Princess May were 
also present. 

Mr. Chamberlain interposed in the debate five days later. 

He would endeavour to avoid as far as possible any 

-_ _. . discussion of the Bill as a party measure. He 
Mr. Chamber- . . . - i ,. j • *. 

Iain's speech, would examine it Irom only one standpoint — 

Fe i b 7th ary ^^ ^ secure the supremacy of the Imperial 

Parliament, and the Unity of Great Britain and 

Ireland ? What was really meant by Imperial Unity ? 

The tie between England and her dependencies varied 

in strength ; did they mean Imperial Unity as between 

England and India, or England and the self-governing 

Colonies ? The Liberal Home Rulers protested that they 

were not in favour of separation ; but would not separation 

inevitably take place, if a tie no closer than that granted 

to the self-governing Colonies bound Ireland to England? 

Had Ireland been ten thousand miles away who could doubt 

she would have been a self-governing Colony long ago? 

Ireland was controlled by her geographical position, and 

her interests could not be allowed to outweigh those of 

the larger kingdom. 

At this point in the speech the Irish Members looked 
" as though they would like to deny that Ireland was smaller 
than England," but they could not see their way to do it 
effectively. When Nationalist Members have so bitterly 
opposed the war in which England was engaged, although 
a large number of their countrymen were giving their lives 
for her service and her Queen, it is interesting to recall 
the almost prophetic words in which Mr. Chamberlain drew 
attention to what might happen in time of war — words at 



"A NATIONAL CRIME" 303 

which the Liberal allies of the Irish party scoffed, as painting 
an impossible contingency. 

It was in war time that the ultimate test of the nature 
of the bond between two countries was made. Could we 
then demand or even expect troops to come to our aid from 
Canada or Australia ? With an Irish Parliament sitting in 
Dublin would the Irish be willing to help us — would they 
sympathise with the mother country? Ireland would no 
doubt owe something to Great Britain, but would she not 
owe gratitude to France and America also ? Should we be at 
war with one of these countries, on which side would Ireland 
stand ? Was it not more than possible that the public opinion 
of Ireland, as represented by a Dublin Parliament, would 
be in favour of the power with which we were engaged in 
a struggle, perhaps for our very existence ? 

It was certain that this Bill would only be regarded 
by Irish members as an instalment — a preliminary to separa- 
tion — [and their cheers confirmed this statement.] 

On the other hand, the Bill would not settle Irish 
grievances. The Land question was to be reserved for the 
consideration of Imperial Parliament during three years. 
Until that time the Dublin Parliament would not be able 
to touch it. Irish members were to sit at Westminster but 
were not to vote on matters exclusively British [a distinction 
which Mr. Gladstone in his first Bill had declared it was 
" past the wit of man " to make satisfactorily]. But, so long 
as they could vote upon Imperial matters, especially upon 
vote of confidence, they had all British policy absolutely 
at their mercy, and thus even after a Dublin Parliament 
was conceded Irish Members could constantly interfere at 
Westminster also. 

As for Ulster, she was to be abandoned ; there were 
no effective safeguards for her. " This," said Mr. Chamber- 
lain in his conclusion, " is a National Crime. . . . Never in 
the history of the world has a risk so tremendous been 
undertaken with such light-hearted indifference to its possible 
consequences." 

The Bill was read a third time on September 1st, 1893, 
after the Commons had spent eighty-two days (all stages) 
in deliberation over it. The Lords made up their minds 



3o 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

with commendable, or disgraceful, promptness, according to 
the varying political view, and threw the Bill out after only 
four days' debate, on the second reading, by 419 to 41 
votes. 

During the whole time the Bill was under discussion in 
The Defeat tne Commons Mr. Chamberlain took a principal 
of the Bill. p ar t j n t^ struggle against it. He still believed 
that the Unity of the Empire was at stake, and the Home 
Rule duel between the Liberal-Unionist Leader and the 
Prime Minister was fought out to the end, Mr. Chamberlain 
being one of the most frequent and most able contributors 
to the attack on the measure at every stage. " Closure by 
Compartment," was used to force the Bill through, some 
fifteen to twenty clauses being " closured without discussion," 
among them being matters of supreme importance, concern- 
ing the proposed Irish Legislative Councils and Assembly, 
disagreements between the two Houses, the appointment 
of the Lord-Lieutenant and the Judges, the Postal and 
Telegraph Offices, the Savings Banks, the continuation of 
existing Laws, Courts, and Officers, etc., etc. 

The country, said Mr. Labouchere {Truth, September 21st, 
1893) took the rejection of the Bill "calmly, not to say 
apathetically." Three months later Mr. Dillon warned his 
allies that the moment Gladstonians relaxed their efforts and 
" were not loyally doing their best for Home Rule that 
moment we would turn against them." The prospects of 
Home Rule (in spite of his threat) were not improved by the 
resignation of Mr. Gladstone on March 3rd, 1894. Lord 
Rosebery then took office, but his government was defeated 
in fifteen months, and for a time Home Rule was " in a state 
of suspended animation " ; many people believed that even 
if it had once (in 1886) been buried alive, by now it must 
certainly be dead. 

The history of the Home Rule movement requires a 
volume to itself. The real desire at first, on both sides, 
to prevent a split in the Liberal Party, the negotiations which 
ensued, the essential divergence of thought and of principle 



ROSEBERY ADMINISTRATION 305 

which could not be smoothed over, and prevented the best 
efforts of mediators from being successful — these things are 
often forgotten. The bitterness caused by the destruction 
of a united and powerful party devoted to a great leader, 
not unnaturally blinded men's eyes to the honesty of their 
opponents. Only those who withdrew for a time from the 
contest seemed able to keep their faith and charity unimpaired. 
But politicians could not retire into solitude and wait for their 
anger to cool ; the fight went on, and the malignity of the 
accusations hurled at the leaders, now from one side, now 
from the other, increased rather than abated. 

During the Gladstone- Rosebery Adminstration Mr. 
Rosebery Chamberlain was occupying himself very consider- 

Administra- ably with social problems, more especially with 
that of " Old-Age Pensions " which he hoped to 
see before long brought within the range of practical politics. 
He was writing frequently at this time. The Home Rule Bill 
was discussed in the NineteentJi Century for April 1S93 as 
" A Bill for the Weakening of Great Britain." " Old-age 
Pensions " and " The Labour Question " had appeared in 
1892, and a study of American Municipal and Political 
methods, for which materials were collected during a tour in 
the Autumn of 1890, resulted in three articles — " Shall we 
Americanise our Institutions," (1890), "Favourable Aspects 
of State Socialism" (1891), "Municipal Institutions in 
America and England" (1892). 

In 1889 Mr. Chamberlain had made a tour in Egypt and 
there studied the condition of the country. 

After the defeat of the Home Rule Bill, an attempt was 
made by Mr. Gladstone, and continued by Lord 

Legislation Rosebery, to get through some of the accumulations 

toetw f e , n ,^ 92 °f work which had been shelved to make room for 
and 1895. 

Irish affairs. The Employers' Liability Bill came 
first. It was considered by the Unionists faulty in its method, 
and was withdrawn in consequence of an amendment insisted 
on by the House of Lords, that gave the power of con- 
tracting out. The Parish Councils Bill passed in March 

20 



306 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

1894, an d completed this section of the Unauthorised 
Programme. 

The session had lasted since January 31st, 1893. Of the 
twelve measures promised in the Queen's Speech, two were 
passed — the Parish Councils Act and Railway Servants' Hours 
of Labour. Ten other measures mentioned as of " public 
utility" were withdrawn. During Lord Rosebery's Premier- 
ship an equally ambitious programme was attempted. Eleven 
measures were mentioned in the Queen's Speech in 1894. 
Two became law — Equalisation of Rates in London, and 
Local Government (Scotland). The Session of 1895 was 
chiefly taken up by an attempt to promote Welsh Dis- 
establishment. 

It was during this time that Lord Rosebery tried to rouse 
the nation against the Peers, who had acted as a buffer 
against the advanced policy which the Commons were advo- 
cating. When the House of Lords put a complete extinguisher 
on the new Home Rule light, they were told that they would 
shortly be invited to consider a Bill for their own dis- 
establishment ; or as the stock phrase had it the " ending 
or mending of the House of Lords," but as a number of 
their countrymen were on this occasion in sympathy with 
their action, the cry fell very flat. 



SECTION II 
IN OFFICE— COLONIAL SECRETARY 



CHAPTER XXVII 

THE RETURN TO POWER.— DOMESTIC AND IRISH 

POLICY 

1895 — 1900 

DEFEAT OF LORD ROSEBERY'S GOVERNMENT— ELECTIONS JULY 1895 
— LIBERAL UNIONISTS IN THE SALISBURY ADMINISTRATION— 
THE COLONIAL SECRETARY— HIS INTEREST IN DOMESTIC LEGIS- 
LATION—WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT — ACQUISITION OF 
SMALL HOUSES BILL— OLD-AGE PENSIONS— IRELAND— LOCAL 
GOVERNMENT BILL 1898— MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT GLASGOW 1897 
—ADDRESS ON "PATRIOTISM" AS LORD RECTOR OF THE 
UNIVERSITY. 

LORD ROSEBERY'S Government was defeated on a 
motion to call attention to the inadequacy of the 
supply of cordite. It is true that the motion was carried 
by a majority of seven only, but it was sufficient for Lord 
Rosebery who is said to have welcomed the defeat as a 
happy release from the cares of an office which he filled 
with little pleasure to himself or satisfaction to his party, 
for which he was always either too fast or too slow ; a party 
which in truth he could not be said to lead. 

The subject on which the Government was defeated was 
insignificant in itself; but it indicated the change in the 
political outlook, and might be taken as a sign that for 
the future Imperial concerns were to take precedence of 

307 



308 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

departmental ones. Ireland was no longer to be the obstacle 
to Imperial legislation, which she had been almost uninter- 
ruptedly for fifteen years. Since 1880 the Irish jaunting 
car had " stopped the way " and neither the sober Tory 
carriage and pair, nor the dashing Radical mail phaeton had 
been able to pass. It was impossible to foretell on which 
side the Irish car would next be found, but it was certain 
that it managed to prevent either the Tory or the Radical 
vehicle from making any continuous progress. 

The first business of the new Government was the General 

The Election, which took place in July and resulted 

Elections, in one of the strongest majorities of late years. 

The Unionists mustered 41 1 Members, the Liberals 

177, the Irish 82, giving the Government a majority of 152 

over the combined Irish and Gladstonians, and the latter 

being now unable to offer their allies Home Rule, could not 

with any certainty count on the continuance of Irish support. 

Mr. Chamberlain's opponent in this election was Dr. 
Bernard O'Connor, but if Gladstonian Home Rule was to 
make any impression on Birmingham it was a pity an 
abler exponent of it should not have come forward against 
the champion of Liberal-Unionism. On polling day Mr. 
Chamberlain did not visit Birmingham, as he was employed 
in speaking for the Liberal-Unionist candidate at Stratford, 
but he was returned by a large majority (4,278) and his 
re-election on accepting office was unopposed. 

The Liberal-Unionists were now to take their share in 
the work of administration ; the possibilities of maintaining 
harmonious relations between the two sections of the 
Unionist Party had been sufficiently demonstrated during 
the two previous administrations, throughout the first of 
which the Liberal-Unionists had refrained from accepting 
office. The Conservatives knew that Home Rule must have 
passed had it not been for the sacrifices made by their allies 
in 1886, who from that time had found themselves obliged 
to postpone, though most unwillingly, great measures of social 
reform for the still greater one of Union, and who discovered, 



BECOMES COLONIAL SECRETARY 309 

much to their satisfaction, that the Conservative party was 
now ready to go with them far along the paths of social 
progress. 

In the new administration the Liberal-Unionists were 
Mr Chamber- su ^ stant ^ a ^ y represented. Mr. Jesse Collings 
Iain's New became Parliamentary Secretary to the Home 
Office ; Mr. Powell Williams, another member 
for Birmingham, Financial Secretary to the War Office ; 
and Mr. Austen Chamberlain, Civil Lord of the Admiralty. 
These appointments were not made without unfriendly 
criticism ; but it was pointed out that not only was each 
man fitted for his post, but the proportion of posts in the 
new administration given to the Liberal-Unionists was in 
proportion to their strength in the House, and therefore to 
the opinion they represented in the country. 

The Ministerial posts previously held by Mr. Chamberlain, 
Mr. chamber- as President of the Board of Trade and of the 
Iain's Work, x^ocal Government Board, were now occupied by 
Mr. Ritchie and Mr. Chaplin respectively, and Sir Matthew 
White Ridley was at the Home Office. Thus none of those 
positions in the Cabinet which afford special facilities for 
introducing measures of social reform were chosen by Mr. 
Chamberlain, and to the surprise of many he accepted the 
post of Secretary of State for the Colonies. 

Those who expected that as Colonial Secretary he would 
no longer concern himself with domestic legislation have been 
much mistaken. His labours in connection with the Work- 
men's Compensation Act (introduced by Sir Matthew White 
Ridley) and the Acquisition of Small Houses Act introduced 
by himself (to mention only two instances) show that the 
needs of the working classes still occupied his attention. 
Yet it has been constantly asserted that since the split, 
Mr. Chamberlain has practically abandoned home legislation 
for the development of Imperial concerns. It seems difficult 
to explain this delusion, unless it is that, to a certain extent, 
the greater hides the less, and that when the eye is fixed on 
Imperial interests, it is apt to overlook domestic ones. A 



310 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

further reason for this mistake may be found in his many- 
sidedness ; few people keep so many threads in their hands 
at once as does the Colonial Secretary. Thus his work at 
the Colonial Office since 1895, especially in connection with 
Imperial Federation, has somewhat overshadowed in the 
public mind his efforts for continuous domestic improve- 
ment. It is therefore the more noteworthy that, since Mr. 
Chamberlain left the Liberal party in 1886, two of the 
greatest legislative benefits received by the working-man 
have been conferred ; namely Free Education, advocated con- 
tinuously by him since the days of the National Education 
League, and given at last by a Conservative Government 
of which he was a supporter, and the Workmen's Com- 
pensation Act, brought in and carried by the Government of 
which he was a member, with his continued and energetic 
advocacy. 

The liability of the employer with respect to accidents to 

,„ , , his workmen and their right to compensation, has 
WorKmen s ° x 

Compensa- long been a fruitful source of legislative activity 
tl0n C ' and contention. Previous Bills had been framed 
on what may be called a " punish-the-master " principle ; the 
Workmen's Compensation Act was framed on a "help-the- 
man" basis instead. It had long been admitted, said Mr. 
Chamberlain in 1894, that a man injured by the negligence 
of a fellow-servant was much to be pitied and ought to be 
compensated. " But one injured in exactly the same way 
by the ' Act of God ' — i.e., by some accident for which no 
cause can be found — is just as much entitled to sympathy 
and compassion as the other man." The provision of 
compensation for accident ought to be a first charge upon 
trade, and however the disablement occurred the man should 
receive compensation ; the soldiers of industry must be cared 
for as well as the soldiers of war. 

The Members of the Birmingham Trades Council were 
invited in this year to a friendly private conference at 
Highbury, in order that their views as to a practical measure 
might be learned by Mr, Chamberlain. After a lively 



WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT 311 

discussion by the Council, punctuated by angry dissent from 
some members afraid of "truckling" to a statesman with 
whom they did not altogether agree, the invitation was 
accepted and the meeting took place, though not at 
Highbury. The subjects for discussion were an Eight-hours' 
Day, Compensation for Accidents, Housing of the Poor, 
Prison Labour, and Alien Pauper Immigration. 

Thus it is evident that in 1894 Mr. Chamberlain was 
still occupying himself with social problems. Speaking in 
1897, he analysed the addresses of the Unionist candidates 
of 1895, an d found that the measures promised were, in their 
order, Old-Age Pensions, Relief of Agriculture, Increase of 
Defensive Resources, Employers' Liability, Aid to Voluntary 
Schools. 

As to their fulfilment, he pointed out that, by the 
beginning of 1897, a Commission had been appointed to 
draw up a practical scheme on Old-Age Pensions, and 
measures for the Relief of Agriculture and Increase of our 
Defensive Resources had been passed. Aid to Voluntary 
Schools (now provided), on account of dissension in the 
ranks, presented unlooked-for difficulties, but the question of 
Employers' Liability, he said, was to be dealt with at once. 

The Workmen's Compensation Act (of 1897) was in 
charge of Sir Matthew White Ridley. Previous legislation 
on this subject and the provisions of Mr. Asquith's Bill 
(finally withdrawn by the Government on account of an 
amendment inserted by the House of Lords) were thus 
described by Mr. Chamberlain in 1894: — 

" The present law makes the employer liable for any 
accident which is caused by his own negligence or the 
negligence of persons whom he has directly appointed. The 
Bill of the present Government [Mr. Gladstone's Administra- 
tion 1894], proposes to carry the liability further, and to make 
the employer liable for any accident caused by the negligence 
of the fellow-workman of a workman employed. . . . 

" The Bill does not go nearly far enough " — for it provided 
against injury through negligence, but not through accident 



3 i2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

pure and simple. " The great object surely . . . should be 
that a man who in the course of his employment is injured, 
or the family of a man who is killed, should receive what- 
ever compensation it is possible to offer by pecuniary means." 

This principle was embodied in Sir M. W. Ridley's Bill. 
The fund for compensation was to be obtained by the 
masters' insurance against accident, and opposition to the 
Bill on the part of large employers of labour was con- 
siderable. It gave compensation in certain trades for all 
accidents, and as there is now no occasion to prove 
negligence, one fruitful source of litigation was removed, 
though " the limits of application have led to much litigation 
on points of law." An effort will doubtless be made to 
extend the provisions of the Act to other trades at present 
shut out from its benefits. 

Mr. Chamberlain spoke constantly on this Bill ; and 
during its passage the Daily Chronicle describes him as — 

" devilling for Sir M. White Ridley ; arbitrating, conciliating, 
reconciling warring interests, and stamping the whole pro- 
ceedings in the House with that spirit of clear and precise 
bargaining which has always been Mr. Chamberlain's note 
in politics. His peculiar power of abolishing and superseding 
great dividing issues by suggesting compromise and give- 
and-take is such, that his ascendancy in the House during 
these two weeks may be set off against his failure over the 
South African problem." 

This is the criticism of a hostile paper. 
A curious comment is also made by the Saturday Review 
on Mr. Chamberlain's activity in connection with this Bill. 

" No one has earned much distinction during the session, 
in domestic legislation, but Mr. Chamberlain. He has in- 
creased his reputation, and the success of the Workmen's 
Compensation Bill must be attributed to him. The House 
of Commons, which is rather feminine in some of its charac- 
teristics, and likes to be ruled by a strong hand, allows him 
to bully it more than any one else." 



OLD AGE PENSIONS 313 

No " bullying " was needed for the passage of his Bill 

for the Acquisition of Small Houses ; it was 
Acquisition n ... 

of Small conciliatory in tone, and was put forward in a 

Houses, 1899. r • ji T , • f 1 1 • • 1 r 

friendly manner. It is founded on a principle of 

voluntary combination on the part of the tenant, landlord, 
and municipality ; none of them could be compelled to put 
the Act in motion. The municipality may advance four- 
fifths of a maximum sum of £300 to enable a workman to 
become the freeholder of his house, but the expenses incurred 
under this Act may not exceed a sum which would be 
covered by a rate of a penny in the pound. Up to the 
present time little use has been made of the Act. By this 
measure Mr. Chamberlain hoped to secure for workmen 
better homes, a popular form of thrift, and a larger stake in 
the country ; he also hoped to make them better citizens 
and occupiers. Arrangements were made for the transference 
of holdings as cheaply and quickly as possible, in view of the 
fact that working men have to move about in search of work. 
The Irish peasant, he said, had long before received aid to 
enable him to become the owner of his cottage or farm, 
it was now time the Englishman should have help in that 
direction. 

Mr. Chamberlain's interest in Old-Age Pensions is well 
oid-Age known. In 1891 a non-party committee drew up 
Pensions. a p] an ^y wn ich it was hoped the problem might 
be solved, but the only practical method (he said in a debate 
in the House in 1899) was to deal with the question in 
sections. Direct contribution to a pension fund ought not 
to be made compulsory, nor was it fair to give pensions only 
to those who made this direct contribution, as other forms 
of thrift might be equivalent to money payments. The 
great difficulty was that a universal scheme would be too 
costly and would make no distinction between the thrifty 
and the improvident ; the Poor Law, he thought, must 
supplement any workable scheme, and to that end the 
classification of paupers ought to be more systematically 
carried out. Under our present system the thrifty receive 



3 i4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

no more encouragement then the improvident ; they all go to 
the same poor-house — and get the same out-door treatment. 

Mr. Asquith charged the Unionists with not having carried 
out the promises made by them in 1895, with respect to 
this great work ; but Mr. Chamberlain replied that the 
Government were most anxious to do something, if only a 
satisfactory scheme could be drafted ; indeed he would be 
content with partial success at first, as any measure must be 
largely experimental. The Government would support Mr. 
Holland's Bill on condition that it went to a select committee. 
Such a committee was nominated in May 1899. 

At the Leicester Conference in November 1899, the 

, Liberal-Unionists placed Old-Age Pensions among 
Prospects of r ° ° 

the Measure the first of the measures to be considered by the 

in 1899 

Government, and had it not been for the cost of 
the war, something might have been done in this direction. 
At any rate such was Mr. Chamberlain's opinion. Speaking 
in May 1899 to a meeting of the Grand United Order of 
Oddfellows who were visiting Highbury, he said : — 

" It is my hope before many months, and before this 
Parliament comes to an end, that something may be done in 
the direction of which I have spoken. . . . 

" Rome was not built in a day, and we are not going to 
have Old-Age Pensions in a week. I have never given up 
my own faith, my own belief, that the thing is right in itself, 
that it is necessary and desirable, and that it may be so 
worked out as to contribute to thrift, not to discourage it. 
And I believe by the process of exhaustion, by putting 
aside the plans that are impossible, we are gradually arriving 
at a plan that is possible." 

To any universal scheme, such as giving five shillings — 
weekly to every one over 60 years of age, Mr. Chamberlain 
protested that he would never give his consent ; it would 
require an expenditure of 34 millions, and an enormous 
increase in the taxation of all classes, such an increase as the 
working people would sensibly feel. 



IRISH LEGISLATION 315 

" It amounts to one gigantic scheme for everybody, good 
and bad, thrifty and unthrifty, the waster, the drunkard, and 
the idler, as well as the industrious. I say I will never lend 
myself to a proposal of that kind. . . . We want to help the 
deserving and leave the undeserving to the Poor Law, and 
we think he is well off then. It is only the deserving man 
who is entitled to this consideration." 

Some rough test of thrift must be applied— £.£-., contribu- 
tion to a Friendly Society. It was to the interest of the 
Friendly Societies to join in such a scheme, for their proper 
province was provision for sickness, and as things now were 
they were practically obliged to consider old-age as sickness, 
and to provide what was equivalent to a perpetual pension. 
Thus their resources were liable to be crippled. He ardently 
wished the Friendly Societies would give the subject more 
" favourable attention than they had done hitherto." 

" I have been called over the coals, because I have not 
been able to produce a scheme which satisfies everybody. I 
do not think I ever pretended to the sort of ability which 
would enable a man to do that." 



Mr. Chamberlain, as a member of the Unionist Cabinet 

T . . T . , which introduced the Land Purchase Bill of 1806, 
Irish Legisla- •* ' 

tion, and the Irish Local Government Bill, of 1898, is 
entitled to his share of any credit due to the 
Unionists for their Irish legislation. His own programme 
for Ireland (his substitute for Home Rule) was being steadily 
worked through, and the measures he had indicated as 
necessary in 1885 (before Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill 
was introduced) were now filling the Statute Book. There 
was still much to be done in developing Irish resources, but 
the two principal items of his programme (of which such 
development was the third), the Land Purchase Bill and 
Local Government Bill, have become law. 

The Land question having been dealt with in the Land 
Bill of 1896, the way was cleared for the Irish Local 
Government Bill of 1898. 

Mr. Redmond protested that this Bill merely gave to 
Ireland rights and privileges long enjoyed by England and 



316 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Scotland, and was in no sense a substitute for Home Rule, 
i i cai That, answered Mr. Balfour, had not been 
Government the intention of the Government in bringing in 

Bill 1898 

the Bill; it was introduced because the Unionists 

had always promised Ireland a liberal measure of Local 

Government so soon as she was sufficiently ready for it, and 

because the Bill in itself was desirable. It was an integral 

part of their policy, and was neither a step towards Home 

Rule nor a compromise with the Nationalists. Sir William 

Harcourt agreed that the Bill would not satisfy the Nationalist 

Party, but at the same time he could not vote for Mr. 

Redmond's amendment to the address which declared Home 

Rule to be the most urgent of all subjects of domestic 

policy. He also said that it was asking " too much " to 

call upon the Liberal Party to vote for an independent 

Parliament for Ireland. 

The Irish Local Government Bill did not complete the 

„ „ , . benefits conferred by the Unionists on Ireland. 
Relief of J 

Distress, Measures were taken to mitigate the distress in 

1899 • 

the western districts of the island, and the session 
of 1899 showed a continuance of the efforts of the Govern- 
ment to develop Irish Resources. 

A great step forward was taken when a Department of 
D tment Agriculture, making provision for technical in- 

ofAgri- struction, was created. For this purpose Mr. 
Gerald Balfour, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, 
brought in a Bill, which provided that the new department 
should perform all Government functions in connection 
with Irish agriculture ; it passed with comparatively little 
opposition. Further provision for the Congested Districts 
Board was also made in this session. 

Thus, if Ireland had not received Home Rule, she had 
received from the Imperial Government some of the measures 
of Reform she would have demanded from her own Parlia- 
ment. By Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1893, the land question 
must have been left untouched for three years by any 
Irish Legislative Body, but the Unionists passed a Land 




Pholo b\ 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN AS LORD RECTOR OF GLASGOW UNIVERSITY, 
INSTALLED NOVEMBER 3RD, 1 897. 



AT GLASGOW 317 

Bill in 1896, making considerable grants of money to aid 
Irish Industries, and it may be doubted whether Ireland 
would have received more substantial benefits from the 
Liberal Party. Their enthusiasm for Home Rule appeared 
in 1899 to have largely abated, for Sir H. Campbell- 
Bannerman, the Leader of the Opposition, said that Mr. 
Redmond was trying to injure the only party in the kingdom 
which had supported his cause ; the Liberals as practical 
men must refuse to promise that Home Rule would be their 
first business when they returned to power ; for though they 
were ready to co-operate with the Nationalists, no formal 
alliance had ever existed. It is not surprising that Mr. 
Redmond " thought this statement most unsatisfactory ! " 

Mr. Chamberlain's contention, that it was possible to do 
much for Ireland without giving Home Rule, is believed by 
the Unionists to have been justified, and that, after five years 
of their administration, Ireland is more prosperous than she 
would have been with Home Rule and the chances of civil 
war. They, however, would be the last to assert that all has 
been done for her that is necessary or desirable, but they 
still maintain that this can be accomplished without reverting 
to Mr. Gladstone's Irish Policy. 

On October 20th, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain was nominated 

Lord Rector J- 01 " ^ Rector of Glasgow University, and installed 

of Glasgow on November 3rd, 1897 ; he polled 715 votes as 

against Mr. Birrell's 517, having a majority in each 

of the four " nations." 

Mr. Chamberlain's Glasgow speeches together with his 
Rectorial address on " Patriotism," might be cited as an 
epitome of his social, municipal, political and imperial creed. 
They form a summary of his public life and sentiments. 
The address on Patriotism was considered one of his finest 
pronouncements either in writing or speaking. " I should 
be prouder of that than of almost anything else I had done, 
if I were Chamberlain," said one of his fellow-citizens. The 
following short extracts scarcely give a true impression of 
the force and originality of the address. 



318 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

" When so much has altered — persons, opinions, and circum- 
stances — I should think it a poor boast that I alone had 
remained unchanged ; but in view of the confidence that you 
have now vouchsafed to me, I ask you to believe that, through 
all the vicissitudes of things, I have constantly sought — it 
may be with faltering steps and by mistaken roads — the 
greatness of the Empire and the true welfare of the people 
at large. ... 

" A vague attachment to the whole human race is a poor 
substitute for the performance of the duties of a citizen ; and 
professions of universal philanthropy afford no excuse for 
neglecting the interest of one's own country. . . . 

" I believe that this work (development and colonisation) 
has specially devolved upon our country, — that it is our 
interest, our duty, and our national mission to carry it to 
a successful issue. Is it contended that the weary Titan 
staggers under the ' too vast orb of his fate/ and that we 
have not the strength to sustain the burden of Empire ? We 
are richer, more numerous, and in every way more powerful 
than our ancestors when they laid the foundations of our 
dominion and encountered in the task a world in arms. 
We have the firm assurance of the loyalty and affection of 
the sons of Britain across the sea, and of their readiness 
to play their part in the common defence. 

" We do not lack efficient instruments for our great 
purpose, and we can still count on the energy and devotion 
of our countrymen, and on their ability to win the confidence 
and respect of the people they are sent to govern for their 
good. On the bleak mountains of the Indian frontier, amidst 
the sands of the Sudan, in the swamps and forests of 
Western Africa — wherever the British flag floats — English- 
men, Scotsmen, and Irishmen are to-day fronting every danger 
and enduring every hardship — living as brave men and dying 
as heroes, in the faithful performance of duty and the 
passionate love of their country. They ask from us that 
their sacrifices shall not be in vain. 

" If such is still the spirit of our people why should we 
shrink from our task, or allow the sceptre of empire to fall 
from our hands 

' Thro' craven fears of being great . ? 
" I have faith in our race and our nation. I believe that, 



PATRIOTISM 319 

with all the force and enthusiasm of which Democracy alone 
is capable, they will complete and maintain that splendid 
edifice of our greatness, which, commenced under aristocratic 
auspices, has received in these later times its greatest ex- 
tension ; and that the fixity of purpose and strength of will 
which are necessary to this end will be supplied by that 
National Patriotism which sustains the most strenuous efforts 
and makes possible the greatest sacrifices." 

In proposing the health of the Lord Rector, after this 
address, the Principal said his position was as difficult as 
that of an unknown Member, who speaks in the House of 
Commons after a distinguished statesman and great orator 
has just concluded his speech. 

Mr. Chamberlain replied that the Principal credited the 
average Member of the House with too much modesty, he 
was by no means in a state of diffidence and alarm, " when 
he is following a prominent statesman, on the contrary he is 
delighted at the opportunity ! " In acknowledging this toast, 
he said : — 

" I am glad to think that that great work which has fallen 
to my hand has happily been hitherto — and I hope may 
long continue — outside altogether the ordinary lines of party 
politics. For it is absolutely necessary that those who have 
to speak for the country should have the confidence of the 
country, so long as they are entrusted with this duty. I am 
glad to think that that fact — the fact that this has been so — 
and that anything in the nature of party attacks has ceased 
to characterise the treatment of the colonial policy in the 
House of Commons — has most materially aided the Govern- 
ment in dealing with the very difficult circumstances to which 
the Principal has referred [the Jameson Raid]." 

Mr. Chamberlain was too sanguine in thinking that Colonial 
policy was henceforth to be free from party attacks, even in 
the face of a crisis graver than confronted us in 1896. But 
he was right in anticipating the growing bond of union 
between ourselves and the Colonies- 



3 2o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

"There are signs which I think most satisfactory that a 
demand for closer union will come to us from the Colonies. 
The exact form it will take is not now (1897) °f so much 
importance ; but I believe that the question of a really united 
Empire is becoming a question of practical politics." 



CHAPTER XXVIII 
SOUTH AFRICA: THE RAID AND THE INQUIRY 

I. AFTER THE LONDON CONVENTION— REVIEW OF OUTLANDERS* 

POSITION— ORIGIN OF RAID MOVEMENT— MR. CHAMBERLAIN 
AND THE RAIDERS— KRUGER'S " MAGNANIMITY." 

II. AFTER THE RAID — ADDRESS TO CONSTITUENTS — MEETING OF 
PARLIAMENT, 1 896 — ASKS FOR INQUIRY — TRIAL OF RAIDERS — 
THE INQUIRY — THE COMPANY AND THE COLONIAL OFFICE — 
REPORT OF COMMISSION OF INQUIRY — DEBATE IN THE HOUSE, 
JULY 1897— ATTEMPT TO REOPEN THE INQUIRY FEBRUARY, I9OO 
— CONSEQUENCES OF THE RAID. 

THE Jameson Raid was not an isolated filibustering 
incident ; it was the ill-considered, ill-timed, illegal 
conclusion of a plan for securing the reformation and, if need 
be, the destruction of a Government which, though it had so 
far ignored the remonstrances, petitions, and claims of the 
powerful and alien trading community over which it was set, 
was still at peace with Great Britain. 

The non-Dutch inhabitants of the Transvaal, called 

After the Outlanders (who in 1896 outnumbered the Boers 

London by two to one), had come into the country after 

' the discovery of the gold mines in 1885. Only a 

year had elapsed since, in 1884, the Convention of London 

had given to the Transvaal Republic freedom in its internal 

affairs, yet it looked as though the disorder and financial 

dishonour of the years before the annexation were to be 

repeated at once. The treasury was empty and the Boers 

themselves would not fill it ; only with difficulty was the 

scanty revenue of £177,000 collected. When in England, 

in 1884, President Kruger, anxious to make a good im- 

321 21 



322 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

pression and in return for financial assistance of which he 
was at the moment badly in need, had published an 
invitation in the London papers, welcoming all comers who 
wished to settle in the Transvaal. His invitation was 
accepted as soon as the gold mines were discovered, and his 
financial perplexities bade fair to disappear. But their very 
solution brought others in their train. The Outlanders 
wanted some consideration in return for paying Boer bills. 

Their demands were moderate ; they only asked that 
which both the Conventions had promised them — " liberty to 
reside in the country with enjoyment of all civil rights, and 
protection for their persons and property." It had also been 
stipulated that they were not to be " subject to any taxes, 
general or local, other than those which are or may be 
imposed upon citizens of the Republic." 

Both these promises were broken, and when in August, 
o ti nders* I ^95' tne Outlanders presented a petition asking 

Petition, for the franchise, signed by thirty-four thousand 
ugus . ^ j.jjeir number, it was received in the Raad with 
derisive laughter ; the signing of the petition was said to be 
a proof that they were not " law-abiding persons," and it 
would be therefore contrary to Republican principles to 
grant them the franchise. Another member advised them 
to "come and fight for it." 

" The Transvaal Government," says M. de Naville, 1 a 
distinguished Swiss scholar, " filled its treasury with enormous 
sums levied almost entirely on the foreigners, and for the 
employment of which they had to render no account." 
The revenue, only £iyj, ooo in 1885, was in 1897 over 
^4,400,000, and of this " nearly one million (that is, £40 
for every adult Boer, for it goes without saying that in all 
this the Outlanders have no share) is paid away in salaries 
and emoluments." 

In addition "other expenses" swallowed up £660,000, 
providing a larger sum for " secret service " than England 

1 " The Transvaal Question from a Foreign Point of View," Translated 
from the French of Edward Naville (Blackwood). 



THE JAMESON RAID 323 

pays. What do a " simple pastoral people," want with 
^200,000 for secret service funds ? . . . 

"Wearied with useless efforts, in 1892 the Outlanders 
formed an association under the name of the ' National 
Union ' whose object was to obtain by constitutional means 
equal rights for all citizens and the redress of their grievances. 
From the very first Kruger showed himself hostile to this 
association, and replied by trying to force the foreigners into 
military service. . . . Seeing they could effect nothing from 
the Raad, the League organised a revolutionary movement 
of emancipation, for which they endeavoured to procure the 
necessary arms." 

This movement was joined by the best class of Afrikanders, 
who were angry at the introduction of Hollanders into the 
Administration of the Republic. The Outlanders (not all 
of whom were English) " resolved to fight under the Transvaal 
flag. Their object was to oust Kruger and his oligarchy, 
and to proclaim a more liberal constitution." 

There can be no doubt as to the position of the disputants 
at this time. Rightly or wrongly, the Outlanders complained ; 
rightly or wrongly the Boers refused to alter that which was 
complained of. The result was a deadlock ; the only possible 
ending, submission or revolt of the governed on the one side, 
continuance or reform of the obnoxious Government on the 
other. The Outlanders " plumped " for reform somehow to 
be accomplished ; the Boers, for submission somehow to be 
extorted. 

The Jameson Raid rendered the whole movement of the 
The Jameson National Union futile. Their plan was to seize 
Raid 1896. Pretoria and the arsenal, and depose President 
Kruger. Dr. Jameson, administrator of Mashonaland 
(Rhodesia), was if necessary to furnish help, by bringing in a 
number of the British South African Police, principally to 
protect the unarmed residents of Johannesburg, including 
many women and children. His help was " emergency 
help " and he was not to start until he received orders, when 
a letter, with which he was already furnished, would authorise 
him to interfere. 



3 2 4 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The original draft of the letter prepared by the reformers 
(says Mr. Fitzpatrick in The Transvaal From Within), said, 

"It is under these circumstances that we feel constrained 
to call upon you to come to our aid — should a disturbance 
arise here. The circumstances are so extreme, etc. . . ." 

In this letter as published by the Times the sense was 
altered by the alteration of the pause — thus : — 

"It is under these circumstances that we feel constrained 
to call upon you to come to our aid. Should a disturbance 
arise here, the circumstances are so extreme, etc. . . ." 

In the first case the call to aid was conditional : in the 
second it was absolute. The Outlanders' grievances may 
have justified the efforts of the National Union for reform 
from within, but nothing could justify the inroad of irre- 
sponsible outsiders. 

On New Year's Eve 1895, Mr. Chamberlain unexpectedly 

« «. *. left Birmingham by the midnight mail for London. 
Mr. Chamber- , 1 

lain and the A telegram had been received at the Colonial 

Office, saying that Dr. Jameson with a force of 
South African Police, had crossed the border of the Transvaal 
and was marching on either Pretoria or Johannesburg. On 
New Year's Day 1896, all London read the news, and the 
immense excitement deepened when it was known that 
Mr. Chamberlain had telegraphed peremptory instructions 
to Sir Hercules Robinson (the British High Commissioner 
in South Africa) to stop Jameson and turn him back. 
He had started, not only without orders, but against them, 
as conveyed in the messages and letters sent to him by 
the Reform Committee and by Rhodes himself. The " emer- 
gency " had not arisen, and Jameson's disregard of orders 
revealed and nullified all the Reform Committee's plans. 
The Raiders were thereby exposed to ignominious defeat, 
and to save their lives the Outlanders were disarmed and 
were in worse case than before. The Raid was a gigantic 
blunder and a political crime. 




THE PARLIAMENTARY " TOURNAMENT." 



Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Gladstone. From a Punch cartoon, June ioth, iS 
during the debate on the second Home Rule Bill. 



CAPITULATION OF DR. JAMESON 325 

Mr. Chamberlain's message reached Jameson, as that of 
the Reform Committee in Johannesburg had already done, 
For reasons which appeared to him at the time sufficient. 
Dr. Jameson ignored both messages. At Krugersdorp he 
and his men, exhausted by fighting and want of food, were 
surrounded and capitulated to Commandant Cronje, on 
condition that their lives should be spared. They were 
taken to Pretoria and lodged in gaol. 

Acting on Mr. Chamberlain's instructions, Sir Hercules 
Robinson immediately went to Pretoria to arrange, if 
possible, that the Raiders should be handed over to the 
British Government. Incredible and incomprehensible as 
it seems, he listened to the advice of Sir Jacobus de Wet 
and did not visit the imprisoned Englishmen. He had 
therefore no means of ascertaining the events which imme- 
diately preceded and followed their capture, save from the 
Boers. He did not therefore know of the condition on 
which they surrendered, or he would not have gone to 
Johannesburg and implored the people to lay down their 
arms to save Jameson's life. Cronje did not make known 
the conditions of surrender, and is said to have repudiated 
them as soon as his foes were disarmed. It cannot be 
forgotten that, during the first Boer war (1881), he continued 
the bombardment of Potchefstroom after an armistice had 
been concluded ; he simply concealed the news till the town 
capitulated. 

And though Cronje had promised the Raiders their lives, 
the Johannesburgers did not know it ; the English public 
did not know it ; the Colonial Office did not know it ; the 
High Commissioner was kept in ignorance of it — but President 
Kruger did know it. His consummate deceit cost Johannes- 
burg dear, even while his magnanimity in thus sparing the 
invaders taken in arms, was in every one's mouth. It was 
a magnanimity which cost little or nothing, and which paid 
him well ; it was on a par with the claim for " moral and 
intellectual damages " sent in to the British Government. 
The Bill for magnanimity was not sent in, but the Outlanders 



326 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

paid it to the uttermost farthing. Kruger's first business 

was to disarm them. Had he shot " Dr. Jim," South Africa 

might have been in a blaze, and the outraged Outlanders 

might have taken the law into their own hands ; if so, 

the Imperial Government must have hesitated before 

sending English troops to restore order and perhaps fire on 

Englishmen. Kruger made an excellent bargain ; the lives 

of Jameson and his men were of no good to him ; but 

the reputation for magnanimity was worth something, the 

Outlanders' arms were worth a good deal, the fines he 

intended to inflict were worth much more. 

The farce was played out to the end. The Reform Com- 

„_, , ,_ mittee were arrested on a charge of high treason : 

Trial of the . r , , , ° & , ' 

Reform four of them pleaded guilty and were sentenced to 

ommi ee. death, but by a further exercise of magnanimity 
they were reprieved, with sentences of fine and banishment. 

From the four leaders Kruger received £100,000, and 
£90,000 from forty-five of the rank and file — £190,000, 
exclusive of the indemnity to be paid by Great Britain for 
the material damage inflicted by the Raid. This being 
comparatively small (£667,938 $s. 3d.), a postscript demand- 
ing "moral and intellectual damages" (£1,000,000) was 
added. It has not yet been paid. 

Much which then passed comparatively unnoticed, in the 
light of recent events is of sinister significance. President 
Steyn persuaded Kruger not to accept the Colonial Office 
invitation to come to England to discuss the differences 
between the Transvaal Republic and Great Britain, and a 
new offensive and defensive alliance was immediately con- 
cluded between the Orange Free State and the Republic. 
A special cable from Pretoria (January nth) said: "The 
release of Jameson is dependent on the abrogation of the 
London Convention." A telegram from Berlin of the same 
date affirmed that President Kruger was " strongly disposed 
to appeal to the European Powers to support him in his 
contention." 

Such support appeared by no means impossible, for it 



AFTER THE RAID 327 

was rightly considered that the telegram to President Kruger 
sent by the German Emperor immediately after the Raid, 
conveyed a thinly veiled offer of assistance should Kruger 
appeal for it, and it is certain that. his subsequent attitude 
both toward Germany and England was based on this 
assumption. 

On the day on which the abrogation of the Convention 
of London was suggested, Mr. Chamberlain telegraphed 
to Mr. Hofmeyer that : — 

"Steps should be taken to make it impossible for such 
attempts to be planned or executed in future. My present 
object is to prevent the further embitterment of the relations 
between Dutch and English, which might result from extreme 
measures against either Johannesburg or the prisoners." 

On January 17th, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain returned to 

After the Highbury for a short rest before the opening of 

Parliament. Immense crowds assembled in and 

round the station cheering him heartily. " Well done, Joe ! " 

' Bravo, Chamberlain ! " they shouted, and the Birmingham 

Volunteers sent a telegram : " Birmingham Volunteers 

wish to share in England's praises." Mr. Chamberlain replied 

in a few words thanking them for their support; he hoped 

good would come out of the evil, for nothing was now more 

sure than that in a time of national difficulty party distinctions 

would vanish and all England give help in the national 

interests. 

A few days later, in speaking to his constituents, he 
Address to alluded to the splendid outburst of loyalty from 
SaryTtt' Canada and Australia ; for these colonies, roused 
1896. ' by the German Emperor's telegram of congratula- 
tion to President Kruger, had formally offered their help to 
the Mother Country. This offer had "left behind the 
determination to increase our resources of defence and the 
assurance of the affection and loyalty of our children beyond 
the seas." 



328 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

He then stated the problem which had to be solved in 
South Africa, the anomaly which had to be removed. 

" I have never denied that there is just cause for discontent 
No inter- in the Transvaal Republic. The majority of the 
ferencewith population pay nine-tenths of the taxation and 
of tnetopub* have no share whatever in governing the country, 
lie intended. This is an anomaly which does not exist in any 
other civilised community, and one which wise and prudent 
statesmanship would remove. I believe it can be removed 
without danger to the independence of the Republic. I 
believe that, until it is removed, you have no guarantee 
against future internal disturbances. 

" That is the problem which is before President Kruger and 
which has for England, as the paramount power in South 
Africa, the deepest possible interest. It is a subject which 
still engages my anxious consideration and I hope — I think 
not without reason — that this problem will be satisfactorily 
solved." 

But President Kruger would not admit that such a solution 
was possible ; it is now clear that he did not intend to 
remove the anomaly, and in answer to the despatch (sent by 
Mr. Chamberlain on February 4th), pointing out the griev- 
ances which were the primary cause of the Raid, and calling 
attention to breaches of the Convention, he replied that such 
matters belonged to the internal affairs of the Republic which 
could not be touched by England, and that he did not admit 
that the Johannesburgers had any grievances. 

" We intend," said Mr. Chamberlain, speaking at the annual 
South African dinner, " strictly to fulfil our obligations. We 
intend also to maintain our legal rights. . . ." 

Mr. Chamberlain's attitude throughout this time was firm 
and decided though his position was beset with difficulties. 
He was, as he said, immediately obliged to act on his own 
responsibility, in circumstances of the gravest peril, where a 
single false step would have compromised the honour of Great 
Britain, or plunged her into a war with the Transvaal and 



THE RAID INQUIRY 3 2 9 

possibly with Germany. Also he was "urged to hold his 
hand," but feeling what was due from him as a representative 
of the Crown, he said, " I did what I did." 

When Parliament met he explained the steps taken by 

Meeting of the Colonial ° ffice in the suppression of the Raid, 

Parliament, and demanded a full inquiry into its origin and the 

^SS 17 circu mstances under which it was carried out, as 

soon as the trial of Jameson and his officers should 

be concluded. This dragged on until July, when a sentence 

of fifteen months' imprisonment was pronounced on " Dr. 

Jim " ; the severest punishment of his officers was the loss 

of their commissions. 

The moment the inquiry was over," said Mr. Chamberlain, 
1 I came [to the House] and proposed a committee. It 

was appointed at the end of 1896, too late to get to work, and 
in 1897 it was reappointed, again at my instigation, and pro- 
ceeded to work. . . . Having always in view the desirability of 
avoiding anything in the nature of party conflict, I practically 
accepted every suggestion made by the right hon. gentleman 
opposite [Sir W. Harcourt] for the conduct of the pro- 
ceedings. . . . It is perfectly well known to the House that 
I wanted a judicial commission, similar to that which tried 
the case against Mr. Parnell, and it was only because the 
Opposition objected to a judicial committee that the Parlia- 
mentary Committee was appointed. I regret very much the 
decision arrived at. I did everything I could to avoid sitting 
on the Committee "... [knowing that the conduct of the 
Colonial Office must come under inquiry.] 

The inquiry was held during the session of 1897. It was 
Tne inquiry, clearly to the advantage of the Raiders— who 
1897 - included Directors of the Chartered Company, 
which was at that time negotiating with the Colonial Office 
—that it should be supposed to favour their plan. But Mr. 
Chamberlain and Lord Selborne, who were both present at 
every conference with the Chartered Company's representa- 
tives, swore at the inquiry that the subject was not mentioned 
before them, and that they had no previous knowledge of 



33o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the Raid nor of the intentions of the Reform Committee 
of Johannesburg. 

At the time the plan of the Raid was being formed, Mr. 
Hawkesley, solicitor to the Chartered Company, was in 
constant communication with the Colonial Office, being 
engaged in negotiations for a strip of land belonging to 
Khama and other Bechuana chieftains, which the Company 
wanted for the Cape-Rhodesia railway, and it was this strip 
of land which was to be used as the "jumping-off ground" 
for the Raid. The Company may be said to have had, 
therefore, two objects in view throughout the negotiations, 
the Colonial Office only knew of one, namely, the acquisition 
of land for the railway. It was during these negotiations 
that the telegrams were sent from the representatives of the 
Chartered Company to their Directors — telegrams which 
played so great a part in the inquiry, and in the subsequent 
attacks on the Colonial Secretary for his supposed complicity 
in the Raid. 

The Report was presented by the Commission of Inquiry 
p esentation * n J u ^ l ^97- The Committee found that neither 
of Report, the Colonial Office nor the Colonial Secretary was 
in any way privy to, or implicated in, the Raid, 
and Sir Hercules Robinson was exonerated from all knowledge 
of it, though his name had been used by Mr. Rhodes in a 
way which would imply that his, the High Commissioner's, 
consent would eventually be given ; but Sir Graham Bower 
and Mr. Newton were censured for concealing their knowledge 
from Sir Hercules. Mr. Rhodes (as late Prime Minister of 
the Colony) was severely and unanimously condemned for 
abusing his position, and for exercising his influence on 
younger and less influential men to persuade them to join 
the conspiracy ; strong recommendations were made that 
the Chartered Company's Powers should be curtailed and 
its organisation reconsidered and revised. This report was 
signed by Mr. Chamberlain, showing that he concurred in 
the censure of Mr. Rhodes. 

A minority Report drawn up by Mr. Labouchere called 



THE MISSING TELEGRAMS 331 

for the punishment of Mr. Rhodes and for a more searching 
inquiry. 

A debate took place in the House on the presentation 

of the Report (July 26th), in which it was said 

the House, that Mr. Hawkesley had been consulted as to 

JUl i887 6tl1 ' ^ e com P os iti° n of the Committee, and had been 

in communication, more or less frequently, with 

certain members of it during the proceedings ; also that 

Lord Grey did not give evidence, and that Mr. Rhodes returned 

to Africa before the inquiry was ended and could not be 

re-examined or called upon to produce certain letters and 

telegrams, without which the inquiry could not be considered 

complete. 

In reply, it was pointed out that as all sections of the 
House must be represented on a Parliamentary Committee, 
and as Mr. Labouchere, the Company's bitterest opponent, 
was already appointed, the solicitor to the Company was asked 
which Member of the House was favourable to his clients. 
The explanation of the missing telegrams was simple. The 
telegraph company only keep messages for six months, and 
a portion of the documents in question was already destroyed. 
Mr. Rhodes only had copies, which, when he returned to 
England for the inquiry, he brought with him and submitted 
to Mr. Chamberlain for perusal, who returned them saying 
that so far as he was concerned (and particularly if their 
production would tend to exonerate the officers who joined 
in the Raid), they could be produced. But, acting on 
instructions from Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Hawkesley refused to 
produce them when called for, and by that time Mr. Rhodes 
had returned to the Cape, and both the Parliamentary Session 
and the inquiry were about to end. The Commission there- 
fore resolved to report immediately to the House rather than 
postpone judgment to another session. They recorded their 
opinion that : — 

" Mr. Rhodes' refusal to produce the telegrams leads to the 
conclusion that he is aware that any statements contained 
in them, purporting to implicate the Colonial Office, were 



332 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

unfounded and the use made of them in support of his acts 
in South Africa was not justified, though it is clear from the 
evidence of Mr. Hawkesley and his letter of February 5th, 
that the telegrams conveyed the impression that Mr. Rhodes' 
action was known and approved of at the Colonial Office." 

When Mr. Rhodes found that Mr. Chamberlain and Lord 
Selborne swore that nothing suggesting the Raid was brought 
to their minds by the men who sent the telegrams, it was 
natural he should regret their being sent. He himself was 
not in England when they were passing, and he knew that 
Dr. Harris and Miss Flora Shaw (who sent one message in 
which Mr. Chamberlain was said to be " safe "), together with 
other witnesses, had exonerated the Colonial Office from all 
complicity. 

As a speaker in the debate in the House said, the 

" telegrams were sent from implicated parties in England to 
implicated parties in South Africa and the Colonial Office 
had no cognisance of them at the time. What then could 
be their value for implicating the Colonial Office ? It would 
have been impossible to condemn any third person on them." 

But Mr. Chamberlain's whole life and character should, 
in the eyes of his enemies, at least, be a sufficient answer to 
this charge. To implicate himself in such a scheme as the 
Raid was a folly from which the " diabolical cleverness " 
with which he has been credited would have saved him. 
He stood to lose everything, to gain nothing by the Raid. 
If he had approved of the Raid he would have justified 
before all Europe, would have found convincing arguments 
in its favour, would if necessary have staked his political 
reputation on it. He would have been neither such a fool 
as to disown the movement when Jameson had barely started, 
nor such a knave as to procure the trial and imprisonment 
of men whom he had aided and abetted ; for the particular 
form of villainy with which the Colonial Secretary's bitterest 
enemies credited him, is certainly not cowardice, or a 
disinclination "to face the music." The chief secret of the 



THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID 



333 



hatred some men feel for him is, that he cares so little for 
their particular music, and is willing to face anything in 
support of his opinions. 

On February 6th, iqgo, a motion to reopen the inquiry 
Attempt to was supported by Sir W. Harcourt, Mr. Labou- 

bSTKS.ST' Sil ' Henry Cam P bel l-Bannerman, and Mr. 

February Blake, a Nationalist, all of whom sat on the Com- 
190 °- mission of Inquiry in 1897. Sir William Harcourt 
asserted his conviction of Mr. Chamberlain's innocence with 
much warmth, but wished further punishment for Mr. Rhodes. 
The Opposition as a whole took care to disown their belief in 
the complicity of the Colonial Secretary but said, in effect 
that the case looked so black that they hoped Mr.' Chamber- 
lain would kindly allow himself to be whitewashed. Mr 
Chamberlain refused emphatically, indignantly, finally. 

A fresh access of spitefulness on the part of certain people 
and certain journals intent on proving the complicity of the 
Colonel Office in the Raid, said Mr. Chamberlain, did not 
come under the head of fresh information which alone would 
justify reopening this inquiry. His speech in 1897 acquitting 
Mr. Rhodes of a slur on his " personal honour " was made 
a few days only after the Report had been presented to the 
House— if that constituted a reason for a fresh inquiry, why 
was it not asked for when the speech was made ? On that 
occasion Mr. Labouchere had demanded that Mr. Rhodes 
should be deprived of his Privy Councillorship and prose- 
cuted ; he accused him (without being able to prove his 
accusations) of having engaged in the Raid for pecuniary 
reasons, anticipating he would make a "good thing" out 
of it. The Report condemned Mr. Rhodes in the strongest 
way, and Mr. Chamberlain reminded the House that he 
had signed the report and — 

a ? r -? ed ./ U ^ Stantially with iL But he feJ t convinced that 
while Mr. Rhodes's fault was as great a fault as a politician 
and a statesman could possibly commit, there was nothing 
which affected Mr. Rhodes's personal character as a man 
ol honour. His deception was part of the original offence ; 



334 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

when a man went into a revolution he could not proclaim 
his intentions from the housetops. It was a gigantic mistake. 
As to punishment — could any one say Mr. Rhodes had not 
been punished ? He had lost his post as Premier, as Manager 
of the Company which he had founded, and in which he 
was the moving spirit [he afterwards resigned his directorship] ; 
he had lost his influence, his reputation as a politican, and 
the opportunity of doing great services to the cause of 
Federation in South Africa ; this was an immense punishment 
for a man like Mr. Rhodes. It was ridiculous to say he 
had not been punished ; if he was to suffer further — on the 
ground that he was a rich man — there were many on both 
sides of the House, who would have to suffer with him. 

As to depriving him of his rank as Privy Councillor, Mr. 
Chamberlain uttered a note of warning. "What could be 
the opinion of South Africa, in its present state of discontent, 
if the Government deprived Mr. Rhodes of an honour, 
conferred for services more warmly recognised in South 
Africa than here ? . . ." 

" No one knows how careful the Government have to be 
to carry the majority in South Africa with them." 

After referring to this speech, Mr. Chamberlain added : 

" While I condemned Mr. Rhodes as strongly as anybody 
else, for the offences which he had committed, I absolved 
him absolutely of the offence he had not committed, which, 
if proved, would have affected his personal honour." 

" The distinction is just," said the Times, " but it cannot 
modify the general conviction that the Colonial Secretary's 
testimony to Mr. Rhodes' honour after the Report was not 
happily worded." Mr. Chamberlain himself speaks of the 
" feeling of indignation provoked in me by these most unjust, 
most unworthy charges," which was doubtless responsible 
for the particular expression to which exception has been 
taken. 

It was intended by this debate to discredit the Colonial 
Secretary in the eyes of those who considered him respon- 
sible, more than any other man, for the Transvaal war. 



AN EXECUTION OR AN INQUIRY 335 

Stolen letters, supposed to incriminate the Colonial Office, 
had been hawked about London, and refused by every 
respectable newspaper there. At last they were disposed of 
to Dr. Leyds and appeared in the Independance Beige. 

" Dr. Leyds," said Mr. Chamberlain with profound con- 
tempt, " never made a worse bargain in his life than when 
he paid £100 for that rubbish. There is nothing in these 
documents, assuming them to be genuine — and I do assume 
them to be genuine — that from first to last was not known to 
the Committee and to everybody at the time the Committee 
sat." 

He concluded, amidst continued and sympathetic cheers : 

" The honourable gentlemen [opposite] ask for an inquiry 
— they do not want an inquiry — they want an execution. 
As long as there is a verdict of acquittal they will go on 
asking for inquiries. What they want to do, is to discredit 
the Minister, whom at the present time they charge unjustly 
with being in a special sense responsible for this war — and 
whom they desire — no doubt for good reasons — to exclude 
from any part in the settlement which is to follow. Let 
them do their worst. I am perfectly ready to rely on the 
good sense and generosity of this House and of my country- 
men outside, and I venture to say that this attack, like all 
the attacks which have preceded it, will recoil upon the 
shoulders of those who have made it." 

Mr. Chamberlain might on this occasion have quoted 
Canning's lines on Pitt (which he made use of in his 
Leicestershire speech in the Autumn of 1899). 

"Proceed — be more opprobrious, if you can ; 
Proceed — be more abusive every hour : 
To be more stupid is beyond your power." 

Mr. Balfour concluded the debate with a forcible defence 
of his colleague ; he spoke as one who had not sat on the 
Commission and could judge therefore of its work impar- 



336 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

tially. With respect to the personal attack on the Colonial 
Secretary he said : — 

" I do not think my right honourable friend need have any- 
thing to fear from it. In my opinion those who have turned 
this weapon against him have misunderstood the temper of 
the people of this country. If there is anything calculated to 
turn an enemy into a friend, to turn a cool observer into an 
ardent supporter, to make an ardent supporter even more 
firm in his adherence to any statesman, it is the feeling 
that that statesman is being unfairly attacked, that his 
political enemies are taking advantage of the situation to 
stab him in the back. If I had a good wish to give my 
right honourable friend, it is that he may have many times to 
undergo such attacks as to-night. But I can assure him 
there is nothing which will more secure his position in the 
eyes of his friends, followers, and supporters, than the 
consciousness that he has been made the victim of such 
calumnious assaults, as he has been made the victim of on 
the present occasion." 

The Unionists made the occasion one of strong demon- 
strations of support and approval of Mr. Chamberlain and 
of the Colonial Office, and the majority against the motion 
was one hundred and thirty-four. 

The difficulties created by the Raid were not concerned 
Consequences chiefly with the Raiders — it was comparatively 
of the Raid. eaS y to deal with them. The relations between 
Great Britain and South Africa were affected disastrously 
in two directions. I. The position of the Outlanders was 
made infinitely more difficult, their grievances became greater 
and their chance of redress smaller than before. 2. The 
Colonial Office was now hampered in its dealings with the 
South African Republic and unable to help the Outlanders 
as effectively as it might have otherwise done. 




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CHAPTER XXIX 

THE COLONIAL SECRETARY AND THE TRANSVAAL 

CRISIS 

(1896— 1899) 

I. FROM THE RAID TO THE CONFERENCE :— DISPUTE ON THE ALIEN 
IMMIGRATION ACT — JULY— JANUARY— APPOINTMENT OF SIR A. 
MILNER — MARCH 1 897 — INVESTIGATION OF THE OUTLANDERS' 
GRIEVANCES — BOER AND BRITON — THEIR RESPECTIVE POSITIONS 
— MURDER OF EDGAR — OUTLANDERS' PETITION — SIR A. MILNER'S 
FAMOUS DESPATCH — THE COLONIAL DUTCH — FURTHER RE- 
PUDIATION OF SUZERAINTY — BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE, 
MAY 31ST— JUNE 6TH, 1899— KRUGER DEMANDS ARBITRATION- 
FAILURE OF CONFERENCE. 

II. FROM THE CONFERENCE TO THE ULTIMATUM: — DEBATE IN THE 
HOUSE, JULY 1899 — CLOSE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS— HIGHBURY 
SPEECH, AUGUST 26TH— " DESPATCH A." AUGUST 28TH — BOER 
REPLY — "DESPATCH B." SEPTEMBER 8TH — BOER REPLY — 
"DESPATCH C." SEPTEMBER 22ND — BOER REPLY — THE 
ULTIMATUM — MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S POLICY THROUGHOUT — IM- 
PORTANCE OF SUZERAINTY— KRUGER'S RESPONSIBILITY FOR 
THE WAR — THE COLONIES AND THE EMPIRE — A UNITED 
CABINET. 

THIS period in Mr. Chamberlain's life divides itself into 
two parts — I. from the Raid to the Bloemfontein 
Conference; II. from the Conference to the Ultimatum. 

In July 1896, the Transvaal Republic passed a law to 
1. From tue ena bl e the President to expel " dangerous aliens " 

Raid to the after fourteen days' notice — a law which was in 
Conference. .. ; r . . , . , _. 

direct contravention oi those articles of the Con- 
ventions which guaranteed rights of residence to Outlanders. 
For if President Kruger had the power to expel all whom he 

337 22 



338 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

considered dangerous to peace and order he would have power 
to expel practically all the Outlanders, whom as a body he 
considered to come under this heading. This would simply 
cancel the aliens' right to live and trade in the Transvaal. 

The Alien Immigration Act, introduced to the Volksraad 
in July (1896), became law in October, and came into force 
in January 1897, in spite of continued remonstrances from 
the Colonial Office. In answer to a further protest in 
December (1896), President Kruger replied (January 17th, 
1897) that his Government saw no objection to the Bill 
and intended to enforce it. 

In March Mr. Chamberlain sent a further remonstrance, 
pointing out at the same time other infringements 
of the Convention. In May the Transvaal 
Government replied with a long despatch in defence of the 
Alien Immigration Act (which was at length repealed), pre- 
ferring a demand for arbitration and quoting " international 
law as applied to treaties between Independent Powers." * 

Thus it is clear that by means of the Alien Immigration 
Act of 1896-7, President Kruger raised the question of 
the suzerainty and coupled with it a demand for arbitration 
which, if complied with, would secure the practical, if not the 
formal, abrogation of the suzerainty claim. 

This despatch had not been received by Mr. Chamberlain 

when, in March, Sir Alfred Milner was enter- 

"of sir n Aiftedtained at a farewell dinner, on his appointment 

Milner, as High Commissioner for South Africa. The 
March 1897. & 

dinner was non-political and representative. Mr. 

Asquith presided, and proposed the health of Sir A. Milner, 

and Mr. Chamberlain proposed Mr. Asquith's health. Sir 

W. Harcourt, Lord Rosebery, and many prominent Liberals, 

1 Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this despatch concluded thus : — " Under 
the Convention, Her Majesty holds towards the South African Republic 
the relation of Suzerain, who has accorded to the people of that Republic 
self-government upon certain conditions, and it would be incompatible 
with that position to submit to arbitration the construction of the con- 
ditions on which she accorded self-government to the Republic." 



SIR ALFRED MILNER 339 

unable to be present, sent their congratulations to the new 
High Commissioner and Governor of Cape Colony. 

While admitting that he had a very difficult task before 
him, Mr. Chamberlain said : — 

" I am sanguine enough to believe that the problem 
before us is not an insoluble problem. For what is it ? It 
is to reconcile and to pesurade to live together in peace and 
good will, two races whose common interests are immeasurably 
greater than any difference which may unfortunately exist." 

He hoped that " the Government of the Transvaal would 
come to see that it is its duty to fulfil to the letter the 
obligations it has voluntarily assumed in connection with 
the Convention of London. . . . 

" We shall," he declared, amidst loud cheers from Liberals 
and Unionists alike, "always maintain our position as 
Paramount Power in South Africa." 

Suggestions had recently been made that eminent persons 
in South Africa were hoping for an independent Federation 
of States in which Dutch influence would be paramount, 
a Federation which might look for support to the Continent 
of Europe. 

" Such an aspiration is incompatible with the highest 
British interests ; it is incompatible with our position at 
the Cape itself ... it is an aspiration which cannot be 
accepted by the people of this country, and until it is frankly 
abandoned, there cannot be a satisfactory and final settle- 
ment. But short of this we are ready now and at all times, 
to give the fullest and most favourable consideration to the 
wishes and sentiments, and even to the prejudices, of all 
parties in South Africa, and to cooperate with them in all 
measures for the good of the whole community." 

Thus, in the spring of 1897 the position of affairs was 
that, at home, the Raiders were serving their sentences of 
imprisonment, and the Commission of Inquiry into the 
Raid was sitting ; in South Africa, Sir Alfred Milner was 
investigating into the Outlanders' grievances, and President 
Kruger had just formulated his claim to speak for an 
" Independent Power," had demanded arbitration, and had 
refused to admit that the Outlanders had any grievances. 



340 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Sir Alfred Milner's duties were not confined to those of 
sir A. ^ e Governor of Cape Colony. As High Com- 

Miiner's missioner of the whole of our vast territory in 
South Africa, he was the guardian of the rights 
of all her Majesty's subjects, whether black or white. To 
him the native employed by the Chartered Company, the 
coolie in Durban, the English farmer on the veldt, the 
Scottish trader in Rhodesia, the Welsh miner in Johannesburg, 
the Dutch merchant of Capetown, could appeal. His 
immediate and most pressing duty on his appointment was 
to find out the truth concerning the alleged grievances of 
her Majesty's subjects in the Transvaal. Whether, as had 
been said by some people, there were practically none, or 
whether they had been greatly exaggerated, and were only 
such as aliens in any other country would have to submit 
to, were points upon which Mr. Chamberlain was bound 
to satisfy himself; and by means of the searching investiga- 
tions pursued by the High Commissioner throughout 1897, 
and the early part of 1898, little doubt was left in his mind, 
or in that of the Colonial Secretary, as to the reality of 
the wrongs which many thousands of Her Majesty's subjects 
in the Transvaal were suffering. By all the rules of justice 
they should have received the same treatment as Her 
Majesty's Dutch subjects at the Cape enjoyed ; and possibly 
if their treatment had been altered to correspond with that 
accorded by President Kruger to the English in the Trans- 
vaal, we should have heard less of "alleged or exaggerated 
grievances," and the Afrikander Bond would have learned 
from practical experience where the Outlanders' shoe pinched. 
Reciprocity sometimes teaches a valuable lesson. 

Contrast for a moment the lot of a Dutchman at the 

Cape with that of an Englishman in the Transvaal. 
The Dutch- r . , « . 

man at tne The Dutchman speaks his own language, has it 

the English- taught to his children at school, hears it spoken 

man in the j n the law courts and in Parliament. He can join 
Transvaal. 

the volunteers, become a magistrate, a member 

of the Corporation or of Parliament, can control his own 



THE OUTLANDER'S GRIEVANCES 341 

taxation, remonstrate against injustice, hold public meetings, 
govern the police, bear arms — can, in fact, do everything that 
a free-born Briton can. And all these privileges, alien and 
Outlander as he is at first, may become his at the end of 
two years by naturalisation. But the Englishman at 
Johannesburg obtained only a limited measure of enfranchise- 
ment after nearly fourteen years' residence in the Transvaal ; 
during five of them, having forsworn all allegiance to his 
last sovereign, was not admitted to any privilege under 
his new one, though he could be called upon to fight for him. 
Until he become a naturalised Boer, he may not bear arms 
to defend his wife or family from outrage, his property or 
his person from robbery. His children must be taught 
Dutch by Dutch teachers in a Dutch School. He must 
conduct his case in the courts in Dutch ; the laws by which 
he is governed and which he has no voice in making, are 
in Dutch, framed by Dutchmen ; his contracts must be 
drawn up in Dutch ; he is tried and sentenced in Dutch, 
the police who arrest him are controlled by the Dutch. 
For all these privileges the Englishman paid heavily ; he 
paid, a sum estimated as equivalent to £40 per male Dutch- 
man (throughout the whole Republic) in salaries to the 
Dutch officials who governed him ; but he could not control 
the spending of a farthing of the money, and if twice the 
sum were levied he would have no alternative but to pay 
or to leave the country. 

Grievances consequent on the treatment of the natives, 
and the restrictions on trade are not here entered upon ; 
but the limitations on the freedom of the individual and 
the insecurity of his life under such rule were illustrated 
in a sinister manner by the murder of the Englishman 
Edgar. And since this crime led to the petition which 
evoked the intervention of the Imperial Government, it is 
worth while to state plainly what then occurred. 

Thomas Edgar, 1 a resident of Johannesburg, an English 

1 According to Mr. Fitzpatrick's account in " The Transvaal From 
Within" 



342 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

subject returning home on Christmas Eve 18,98, was insulted 
by a Boer, whom he promptly knocked down. He then 
entered his house which was close by, and remained in the 
inner room talking to his wife. He was there when the 
police came to arrest him. After watching him through 
the window conversing with his wife, four of the police, 
armed, burst into his house. Coming out into the passage to 
see what the noise was, he was immediately shot dead by one 
of them, falling into the arms of Mrs. Edgar, who had followed 
him. The policeman was bailed for a sum of ^200, and an 
editor who commented severely on bail being accepted and 
the conduct of the public prosecutor in accepting it, was 
prosecuted for libel and the policeman was called as a witness. 
As soon as the murder became known the Outlanders 
Murder of gathered in the market-place, where a petition, 
Edgar. Tne praying Her Majesty for protection of life and 
Petition, May property was read. Then, to the number of four or 
1889, five thousand, they marched to the British Vice- 
Consulate handed in the petition and quietly dispersed. 
(This petition owing to some slight irregularity was never 
fonvarded.) A few days later, two of the organisers were 
arrested on a charge of convening an illegal meeting and 
sending a petition to the Queen. Bail to the amount of 
;£iooo, five times that asked when murder had been com- 
mitted, was required. The Outlanders immediately called 
an indignation meeting which was held in the Amphi- 
theatre, on Saturday, January 14th, 1899. From sworn 
affidavits (afterwards forwarded to Mr. Chamberlain by 
Sir. A. Milner in April) it was proved that Boer officials 
engaged bands of Boer workmen, assembled them at the 
police court and gave them orders to break up the meeting ; 
the orders were obeyed and heads also were broken, 
greatly terrifying the women present. The Outlanders, 
then determined on a second petition which in March was 
forwarded to Her Majesty ; it bore twenty-one thousand 
signatures and was the first direct appeal received by the 
suzerain power from British subjects in the Transvaal since 



THE SUZERAINTY DISPUTE 343 

1 88 1. On May 28th the Outlanders, to their great joy, 
were officially informed that " Her Majesty's Government 
cannot but express their general sympathy with the 
memorialists and are earnestly desirous of seeing a speedy 
and substantial change effected in their position." 

England herself was now pledged to fight their battles, 
and the first step taken was the suggestion that President 
Kruger should be invited to meet Sir A. Milner at Bloem- 
fontein, to discuss matters in dispute between the two 
Governments. The High Commissioner's own opinions 
on the subject were embodied in his despatch of May 4th, 
which caused so great a sensation. It set forth that the 
failure to redress these grievances was having a disastrous 
effect on the general sentiments of the natives and of the 
Outlanders towards England, and, together with the disloyal 
propaganda among the Dutch of Cape Colony, — of which 
there was ample proof — constituted a serious menace to British 
supremacy in South Africa. This reflection on the Cape 
Dutch provoked a great storm. 

" But was it true ? " asked Mr. Chamberlain. " If it was 
true does any one mean to tell me it was dignified or proper, 
right or wise, to play the part of' the ostrich and bury our 
heads in the sand, and to conceal what must have been, and 
what is, a most important element in the situation ? Clearly 
it was my duty to publish Sir A. Milner's despatch even if 
I disagreed with it, but I agreed with every word of it." 

The Outlanders' grievances were not the only matters in 

Further dispute between this country and the South 

ReP o U f d the i0n African Republic. The Alien Immigration Act 

suzerainty, 1896 before referred to, raised the Suzerainty 

September question, and between 1897 and 1899 President 

1899. Kruger made several efforts to obtain its abrogation. 

In April 1898 Dr. Leyds again repudiated our claim to 

Dr. Leyds. suzerainty, and asserted the right of the Republic, 

not only to arbitration generally, but in reference to the 

interpretation of the Convention itself. 



344 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

A year later, May, 1899, ^ r - Reitz, the Secretary of State, 
went further and boldly said : 

" It follows of itself that the now existing right of absolute 

Mr. Reitz. self-government of this Republic is not derived 
from either the Convention of 1S81 or that of 1884, but 
simply and solely follows from tlie inherent right of this 
Republic as a Sovereign Internationa/ State." Sir A. 
Milner, in a despatch to Mr. Chamberlain commenting on 
this claim (June 14th, 1899), says that it matters little what 
Mr. Reitz* arguments are. The importance of the matter 
" consists in the assertion that the South African Republic is 
a 'Sovereign International State.' This is ... in fact in the 
nature of a defiance of Her Majesty's Government." 

As often as this claim was put forward, it was not only 
disallowed but was flatly contradicted by Mr. Chamberlain ; 
and it is clear from the consideration of these despatches, 
that it was not Mr. Chamberlain, but President Kruger, who 
raised the question and pushed it further and further to the 
front. In May 1899 it was supposed to be settled, because 
though invited to discuss at the Conference all important 
questions, the President did not mention this, the most 
important of all. But on July 13th, after the Conference 
Mr Chamber- was over » M- 1 '- Chamberlain settled the matter, 
lain in Keply, once for all as far as he was concerned, by saying 

Julv 1899 

positively : " Her Majesty's Government have no 
intention of continuing to discuss this question with the 
Government of the Republic." 

So late as September 5th, 1899, it was emphatically 
declared in the Volksraad that u the Republic would never 
accept the supremacy of Great Britain" for the Convention 
of 1884 na d declared its independence. 

As soon as the Bloemfontein Conference opened, President 

Kruger was invited to discuss the franchise question ; 

Proceedings & ml 

at the other matters would then be dealt with. Instead of 

Conference, doing so he raised twelve other points, among them 

I j ay3 6th~ tne dynamite Monopoly, the Raid Indemnity, 

1899. ' the Annexation of Swaziland, and, particularly, 



THE BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE 345 

British Interference in the internal affairs of the Republic, 
and Arbitration. To this, Sir A. Milner replied : " I cannot 
agree to the basis which appears to have been laid down, 
that I should buy with something else the just settle- 
ment of the Franchise Question." He then proceeded 
to suggest a five years' franchise scheme simple in its 
working, designed to provide " immediate and effective 
representation " for the Outlander population. In his reply, 
Kruger put these proposals on one side, and substituted a 
complicated seven years' franchise to be granted " con- 
ditionally upon satisfactory settlement of the first-named 
points." He followed this up by a persistent demand for 
arbitration. 

Kruger's obstinate refusal to discuss the franchise except 

_ as a concession to be paid for (chiefly by 

Kruger tries . r \ j j 

toseutne arbitration), or to give any but an illusory repre- 
sentation was the cause of the failure of the 
Bloemfontein Conference. 

" Your Excellency knows," he said, " wha't I have said with 
regard to Swaziland, which I propose should become a portion 
of my country, and with regard to the Indemnity and Arbitra- 
tion, and these are all the points of trouble on my side ; 
but, if you do not want to meet me on these points, then 
I would have nothing, if we agree on the Franchise Question. 
These points must be taken together." 

For what purpose did he want arbitration ? He betrayed 
his real aim in the following sentence : — " Regarding disputes 
with reference to the manner of interpreting documents — 
such as the Convention — there can be arbitration. . . ." 

Sir A. Milner drily remarked : " There are some cases in 

Sir a. Milner which Her Majesty's Government will not arbitrate." 

conference Tne interpretation of the Convention (which had 

June 6. been in force fifteen years) was one of them. 
Moreover, such a proposal had been peremptorily refused 
eighteen months before in Mr. Chamberlain's despatches. . . . 
" There are questions which cannot be decided by arbitration, 



346 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

questions of fairness, of justice in certain laws and of 
the administration, whether the administration continues on 
a good basis. These are not questions which could be subject 
to arbitration, such as legal questions could be subject to. . . . 
If any definite proposal should be made by you, it could 
be submitted to the consideration of Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment," said Sir A. Milner, and therewith closed the 
Conference, June 6th, 1899. 

In his report on the Conference he said : " My contention 
is that the atmosphere in which that or any other concession 
to the Government of the South African Republic can be 
considered, has yet to be created. Redress of the grievances 
of Her Majesty's subjects in the South African Republic 
stands at the head of the programme, and nothing else can 
be considered till that matter is out of the way. President 
Kruger's Arbitration Scheme is a mere skeleton of a scheme, 
and leaves so much undefined that I believe it would raise 
more questions than it solved." 

It was by no means impossible to obtain from President 

Kruger concessions which appeared satisfactory ; it was 

quite another thing to obtain any which were satisfactory, 

when they were examined in the light of the grievances 

they were to remove. It was still more difficult to obtain 

guarantees of good faith, without which such concessions 

would be useless. 

Though the Conference had failed to settle the Outlanders' 

difficulties, Mr. Chamberlain was still hopeful that 

conference peace might be preserved. In a debate in the 

ultimatum, House (July 28th), he was hopeful, he said for 

June— t wo reasons. First, because in spite of articles in 
October 1899. r . ' , . 

the English press which might have misled him, 

President Kruger had now come to the conclusion that the 

Government were in earnest and that they had the people 

behind them. 

Secondly, " it is my absolute conviction that the great mass 
of the people of this country are prepared to support us, if 
the necessity should arise, in any measures we may think 



THE LAST NEGOTIATIONS 347 

it necessary to take to secure justice to British subjects in 
Debate in the tne Transvaal and due observance of the promises 
House, July and conventions on which the independence of the 
28tn, 1899. Transvaal has been founded." ..." We are willing 
to consider any alternative [to Sir A. Milner's Franchise pro- 
posals] that may be suggested, but we shall test them all 
by the same standard. Do they give this substantial and 
immediate representation ? I am not going to dwell un- 
necessarily upon the illusory and piecemeal character of the 
first two proposals made by President Kruger." — Yet Mr. 
Schreiner had declared them to be entirely satisfactory. — " He 
is the representative of Dutch feeling in the Colonies. Good 
Gracious ! What would the Dutch say if our laws bore any 
resemblance, however distant, to these proposals of President 
Kruger, which nevertheless Mr. Schreiner thought entirely 
adequate and satisfactory where men of British race were 
concerned ? " 

The Daily News said that Mr. Chamberlain's speech was 
" distinctly favourable for peace." That of Lord Salisbury 
(during this debate) was even firmer in tone than Mr. 
Chamberlain's. He was supported by the Earl of Kimberley 
who said : — 

" Be firm by all means, but make it clear that you are in 
earnest. ... It is the obvious duty of the Government to 
see that the forces we have in any part of the world are 
sufficient for any contingencies that may arise." 

Between Mr. Chamberlain's hopeful speech of July 28th 
in the House, and the meeting of Parliament 
theNegotia- on October 17th, the negotiations failed even as 
t s° n t' Ju i y— tne Conference had done. Thus the precise 
interpretation of the Conventions became a thing 
of no importance ; the Conventions were torn up, an 
ultimatum was sent from the South African Republic, and 
war was declared on October 10th. 

It is now immaterial whether one or other of the proposed 
franchise schemes would have given the Outlanders what 
they desired. The important thing, which will live in men's 



348 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

minds when all details of negotiations are forgotten, is that 
throughout them no substantial guarantees were offered by 
President Kruger that his proposals would be carried out, 
and that, when he was invited to submit those proposals to 
a searching criticism by experts, he withdrew them and 
substituted others, outwardly more favourable, but which 
were offered subject to conditions which the British Govern- 
ment could not accept. 

It was these proposals of August 22nd which Mr. 

Hteiito Chamberlain had received just before his speech 

speech a t Highbury on the 26th. They were as 

August 26tB. _ „ 

follows : — 

A proposal for a five years' franchise would be laid before 
the Volksraad provided that, 

(1). "... In the future no interference in the internal affairs 
of the Republic will take place." 

(2). " Her Majesty's Government will not further insist on 
the assertion of the Suzerainty, the controversy on the subject 
being allowed tacitly to drop." 

(3). " Arbitration (from which [any] Foreign element, other 
than Orange Free State, is to be excluded) will be conceded 
as soon as the Franchise Scheme has become law." 

The first condition, if assented to, would have tied the 
hands of the Government completely. It should be remem- 
bered that Mr. Chamberlain's first Despatch after the Raid 
(February 1896), calling attention to the grievances which 
had precipitated it, and his Despatch of the autumn of 
1896, remonstrating against various infringements of the 
Convention, particularly the Alien Immigration Law, had 
all been met by President Kruger with the reply that 
these matters were part of " the internal affairs of the 
Republic which England could not touch." To promise 
never to interfere in the future was therefore practically to 
abandon all British subjects in the Transvaal to their fate. 
What would have been said of the Colonial Secretary if he 
had consented to this demand ? No wonder that Mr. 
Chamberlain's warning to President Kruger, in his speech 




TAKING THE REINS. 



Mr. CKAMMmLAis vi*ii»J ttt Colonial Office oc bu return from the Continent, and lubtequentl; h*J t consultation *nth Lord SjutlaJiaa 

I"<h f°l»T. >'.r.mkcr 1, '.*'■: 



From a Punch cartoon, November oth, 1895. 



"THE SANDS ARE RUNNING OUT" 349 

at Highbury on August 28th, after the above despatch had 
been received, was a grave one : — 

" I said that President Kruger was dribbling out his reforms 
and I warned him that the sands were running out. That 
was plain language and it was meant to be plain. But it 
was not meant to be offensive." . . . 

" At that very moment President Steyn, and President 
Kruger had agreed upon their ultimatum and were only 
holding it back because their preparations were not complete." 

Yet Mr. Chamberlain's answer to the above proposals 
(August 28th) was still conciliatory. In effect, it said : 

" Your proposals we could accept ; but we cannot 
Colonial acce Pt y° ur fi rst condition, that we should promise 
office never to interfere again to protect our subjects 
Despatch a, in a foreign country from injustice. We agree 
to discuss the form and scope of a Tribunal of 
Arbitration from which foreigners and foreign influence are 
excluded — such discussion to take place at a further con- 
ference between President Kruger and Sir A. Milner at 
Cape Town. On the question of Suzerainty we again refer 
you to our earlier Despatch on this subject (of July 13th), 
which states that ' Her Majesty's Government have no 
intention of continuing to discuss this question.' " 

In answer to this Despatch the Transvaal Government 

. withdrew the only reasonable offer they had 

to Despatch made, because Great Britain would not accept all 

three conditions on which it was based, and they 

then proposed to go back to those franchise proposals 

which her Majesty's Government had already decided were 

quite inadequate— proposals which Mr. Robson, Q.C., an 

Opposition Member, declared were " a grotesque and palpable 

sham." 

Mr. Chamberlain made one more attempt to obtain the 

Ca . . irreducible minimum which Sir A. Milner had 

September 

8th, asked for at the Conference five months before, 
spa ' and on September 8th, after a Cabinet Council 



350 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

a reply was sent which still left an open door. In substance 
it said : 

" We cannot go back to proposals which we have already 
condemned and dismissed. We are still willing to accept 
the five years' franchise offered by you if the unsuitable 
conditions attached to it are withdrawn, and provided that 
on examination (by a joint or unilateral inquiry) it is 
found to give the Outlanders what is required, ' namely, 
substantial and immediate representation.' It is understood 
that they will be allowed to use their own language in the 
Raad. If you cannot agree to these proposals we can 
no longer discuss your terms, but will formulate our own 
proposals for a final settlement." 

" At this time," said Mr. Chamberlain, " we accepted nine- 
tenths of the Boer proposals and conditions" — (i) The discus- 
sion of the suzerainty could be allowed to drop (though the 
claim was maintained as rigidly as before) ; (2) Arbitration 
could be conceded on certain questions ; but (3) (and here 
came the one-tenth, more properly called one-third, which 
could not be accepted) the Government would never promise 
to forego their right of protecting their subjects and inter- 
fering if necessary for that purpose. As this last was the only 
point of real difference between the two Governments, Mr. 
Chamberlain maintained that he thought the above Boer pro- 
posals and his own answer to them most hopeful, inasmuch 
as two conditions out of the three had been conceded by him. 

In reply President Kruger refused to lay before the 
Volksraad any proposals for a five years' franchise 
to Despatch unless accompanied by all those conditions which 
Her Majesty's Government had already refused, 
while at the same time he reiterated his demand for arbitra- 
tion, concluding with a hope that Her Majesty's Government 
would abandon the idea of making new proposals more 
difficult for this Government and imposing new conditions ! 

To realise the extraordinary character of this last remark 
it should be remembered that the five years' franchise, with 
an inquiry into its methods of working, was proposed by 



THE DOOR IS SHUT 351 

Mr. Chamberlain at the Bloemfontein Conference four 
months before, and insisted on by him throughout the 
negotiations, more particularly in his last Despatch. How- 
then could it be called a " new proposal ? " " The condi- 
tions " of the inquiry had only been varied in order to make 
them easier for the Transvaal Government. 

This answer to the demands of the British Government 
practically closed the door to all further negotiations. On 
all hands the intense gravity of the situation was felt. The 
state of things in the Transvaal was growing rapidly worse. 
The exodus from Johannesburg continued daily and the 
treatment of Outlanders by the Boers was fast becoming- 
unbearable. Urgent appeals were coming in from Natal 
for increased protection ; from Mafeking came petitions for 
food and for soldiers, while Kimberley's appeal to the Cape 
Government was altogether disregarded. To add to the 
excitement and indignation, Mr. Schreiner issued a pro- 
clamation ordering Cape Colony to remain neutral in the 
event of war, and those Civil Servants who were members 
of Volunteer Corps were not allowed to be called out. 
Meantime, the President of the Orange Free State informed 
Sir A. Milner that Great Britain was infringing the Con- 
vention and that he would support the sister-Republic if war 
broke out. 

The last Despatch sent from Great Britain informed the 
September Transvaal Government that it was useless to 

22nd, prolong negotiations already extending over four 
Despatch C. r ^, & ., /? . L . \. c & . 

months, themselves the climax of an agitation 

extending over a period of more than five years," and con- 
cluded as follows : — 

" Her Majesty's Government are now compelled to consider 
the situation afresh, and to formulate their own proposals 
for a final settlement of the issues which have been created 
in South Africa by the policy constantly followed for many 
years by the Government of the South African Republic. 
They will communicate to you the result of their deliberations 
in a later Despatch." 



352 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

This Despatch was delayed to give President Kruger yet 
another chance, but the policy of patience was played out. 

War broke out at the beginning of October. The South 
African Republic did not wait for the new pro- 
Despatch c. posals of the British Government but formulated 
Ultimatum their own. Their Ultimatum demanded : — 
October 9th, (^ An immediate withdrawal of our troops 
from the frontier; (2), The return of all our troops 
upon the high seas ; (3), The reduction of garrisons to a 
force which the Boers thought sufficient ; (4), Arbitration 
be conceded on all points at issue ; (5), All claim to the 
Suzerainty to be withdrawn ; (6), The cessation of all inter- 
ference on behalf of English subjects in the Transvaal. 
Lastly, Our consent to these terms must be given before 
5 p.m., October nth, 1899. Failing a satisfactory answer, 
Great Britain would be held to have declared war. 

The door was not only shut, it was slammed ! 

Much nonsense has been talked about the impudence 
of this Ultimatum. When a man puts an end to a dispute 
by leaving the room it is not unusual for him to slam the 
door, but the temper was there before the door was closed. 
The Ultimatum was the match that started the war, but the 
fire was ready laid ; the responsibility for lighting it certainly 
rests with President Kruger, but it is of little consequence 
whether he lighted it with a match or a torch. 

Was President Kruger in earnest during these negotiations, 
or was he playing for delay? Did he attach so much im- 
portance to a promise from the British Government never to 
interfere again on behalf of its subjects in the Transvaal, 
because he anticipated that, under his rule, further interference 
would become necessary ? 

It was impossible that Mr. Chamberlain with his wide 
experience of negotiations and of negotiators, should allow 
himself to be drawn into accepting paper concessions while 
submitting to have his hands tied, so that he could not 
afterwards protest should the concessions not be carried 
out, or should the spirit of them be violated. From Great 



WAR 353 

Britain a very good guarantee against future interference 
was demanded — no less indeed than the abrogation of the 
Suzerainty claim and the adoption of Arbitration on all 
points at issue between the two Governments. 

If it were admitted that the Suzerainty claim could 
Essential be discussed, its power would be gone, and all 
Im of tne" 56 differences must then be treated as between " two 
Suzerainty, sovereign international States." 

" We talk of the independence of the Transvaal," said 
Mr. Chamberlain, at the opening of Parliament October 19th, 
1899, " we really mean the independence of the Transvaal — 
as limited by the Convention." 

" ' We were not going to fight about a word,' [Sir H. 
Campbell-Bannerman had said]. Certainly not — not this 
Government or any other. But is he willing to fight about 
the substance? . . . 

"The cardinal and essential fact, is supremacy, pre- 
dominance, preponderance, paramountcy — call it what you 
will. I do not care a brass button which of these words 
you choose — you may call it ' Abracadabra ' if you like — 
provided you have the substance." 

Why was Mr. Chamberlain, why were Lord Salisbury 
and Lord Kimberley, equally determined to maintain the 
substance of our supremacy over the Transvaal Republic? 
The answer is comparatively simple. Broadly it is because 
otherwise the Republic could enlarge her borders, could 
negotiate for a port, could hamper our trade and our 
territorial expansion, could form alliances against us, and 
could aim at enforcing in her turn her domination over the 
whole of British South Africa. 

The end had come ; and the end was not peace, but war. 

_ ,„ The minds of men were divided as to its necessity. 
The War. 

Some thought it might have been avoided ; others, 

the majority, believed that though it might have been 

postponed, it could not have been avoided. 

Only President Kruger and his advisers know the truth — 

know whether they ever intended to content themselves with 

23 



354 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

their own small Republic and their own concerns, to do 

justice and administer honestly an upright law to the 

stranger within their gate. If they had done so, they might 

President have preserved their kingdom unimpaired and 

Re^onsi- their authority unquestioned ; all England asked 

biiity for it. was justice for her subjects. The Suzerainty was 

a small thing compared with that, but when justice was 

denied, it became the most important thing of all, for it was 

the only instrument, besides force, by which justice could be 

obtained. 

But President Kruger was determined to deny our 
supremacy. Who then was to forego their claim ? If neither 
State, then the arbitrament of war was the only award that 
could be accepted. Let those who think that England should 
have withdrawn her demands, ask themselves, ask the free 
Dutch in Cape Colony, if they are willing to exchange the 
rights which they now enjoy and which all loyal British 
subjects enjoy, for the position of the unrepresented, over- 
taxed, despised Outlanders under Boer rule ? It is idle to 
talk of this war as a war caused by a dispute as to a seven or 
five years' franchise. The real question was, English or Dutch 
in South Africa. If the answer were Dutch, then it was all 
too likely that those dissensions, which were the real cause of 
the weakness that made the annexation of the Republic 
possible in 1877, would again appear ; and instead of war 
between Briton and Boer, South Africa, (once the English 
were no longer supreme) would be torn from end to end by 
war between Boer and Boer. Hollander, Boer, and German, 
supported by all the faction-mongers of Europe and America, 
would have struggled for supremacy. 

The discovery of the Pretoria Correspondence, (published 
as a Parliamentary Paper, August, 1900), has thrown much 
light upon the opinions of responsible Colonial Officials, on 
President Kruger, his policy and his people. The letters were 
from the Chief Justice of Cape Colony, Sir J. H. de Villiers ; 
from Mr. Merriman, a prominent member of the Africander 
Bond, and a member of the Cape Parliament ; some were 



THE PRETORIA CORRESPONDENCE 355 

addressed to President Steyn and Mr. Fischer, requesting 
their good services in bringing President Kruger to a more 
reasonable frame of mind ; and, lastly, there were letters from 
three members of the House of Commons, Mr. John Ellis, Dr. 
Clark, and Mr. Labouchere. Dr. Clark wrote to President 
Kruger and General Joubert, on the eve of war, advising 
Kruger to seize the passes ; Mr. Labouchere wrote to Mr. 
Montagu White immediately after the Transvaal Debate of 
July 1899, and while the negotiations between this country 
and the Republic were at an acute stage, urging delay in 
these negotiations. 

The value of the first part of this correspondence lay in its 
quite unpremeditated confirmation of the contention of the 
Government that the war was inevitable, because President 
Kruger never meant to give substantial representation, or 
any other reform for which the Outlanders asked. 

It showed further, also quite unintentionally, that men 
entirely hostile to the Colonial Secretary were yet pressing 
on President Kruger substantial reforms, and it was admitted, 
even by Mr. Merriman, that the demands of the Outlanders 
were not excessive. He went further and said that, leaving 

' o 

the Outlanders out of the question altogether, the Republic 
was so rotten that it must have reformed itself, if it was to 
continue much longer in existence. 

These letters are the best justification for the Unionist 
policy in South Africa that has yet appeared. 

Mr. Merriman's testimony is the more valuable as he is 
entirely hostile to Mr. Chamberlain. 

"The only effect of a dogged refusal [on the part of 
Kruger to grant reforms] will be to set both Chamberlain 
and Rhodes on their feet again as far as regards South 
African affairs — which would be a calamity." 

Of President Kruger he says : — 

" One cannot conceal the fact that the greatest danger to 
the future lies in the attitude of President Kruger and his 
vain hope of building up a State on the foundation of a 



356 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

narrow, unenlightened minority, and his obstinate rejection 
of all prospect of using materials which lie ready to his hand 
to establish a true Republic on a broad, liberal basis. The 
report of recent discussions in the Volksraad, on his finances 
and their mismanagement, fill one with apprehension. Such 
a state of affairs cannot last, it must break down from 
inherent rottenness, and it will be well if the fall does not 
sweep away the freedom of all of us. . . . Humanly speaking, 
the advice and good-will of the Free State is the only thing 
that stands between the South African Republic and a 
catastrophe. . . ." 

Again he says, " Lippert represents Kruger — as others 
describe him — as more dogged and bigoted than ever, and 
surrounded by a crew of self-seekers who prevent him from 
seeing straight. . . . The deplorable confusion and mal- 
administration of his financial arrangements still continue, 
and are a standing menace to the peace of South Africa. 

" Yet, judging from the utterances of the leading men 
from the Rand who come down here [Cape Town], a very 
moderate reform would satisfy all except those who do not want 
to be satisfied. ... I most strongly urge you to use your 
utmost influence to bear on President Kruger, to concede 
some colourable measure of reform, not so much in the 
interests of outsiders, as in those of his own State. 

"Granted he does nothing. What is the future? His 
Boers, the backbone of the country, are perishing off the 
land ; hundreds have become impoverished loafers, landless 
hangers-on of the town population. In his own interests he 
should recruit his Republic with new blood — and the sands 
are running out. I say this irrespective of the agitation about 
Outlanders. The fabric will go to pieces of its own accord 
unless this is done. ... A moderate franchise reform and 
municipal privileges would go far to satisfy any reasonable 
people. . . ." 

Writing in May 1899, just before the Bloemfontein Con- 
ference, from which he hoped great things, Sir H. J. H. de 
Villiers tells President Steyn that : — 

" The franchise proposal made by the President seems to 
be simply ridiculous. I am quite certain that, if in 1881 it 
had been known to my fellow Commissioners that the 
President would adopt his retrogressive policy [towards the 



SIR H. J. H. DE VILLIERS 357 

Outlanders], neither President Brand [President of the Orange 
Free State] nor I, would ever have induced them to sign 
the Convention. They would have advised the Secretary of 
State to let matters revert to the condition in which they 
were before peace was concluded — in other words, to recom- 
mence the war. . . ." 

As to the good faith of the Republic, he says : — 

" I fear there would always still be a danger of the 
Volksraad revoking the gift before it has come into operation." 

In a later letter, July 1899, after the Conference had 
failed, he writes to Mr. Fischer : — 

"Mr. Chamberlain's speech [in the House, July 28th] was 
more moderate than I expected it would be, and as he 
holds out an olive branch in the form of a joint inquiry into 
the franchise proposals, would it not be well to meet him in 
this matter ? . . . The British Public is determined to see 
this thing through. ... I don't think that President Kruger 
and his friends realise the gravity of the situation. . . . The 
Transvaal will soon not have a friend left among the cultivated 
classes. ... It is quite clear to the world that he [Kruger] 
would not have done as much as he has done if pressure had 
not been applied. . . ." 

There is ample proof in this correspondence that Kruger's 
fatal obstinacy was encouraged by, if not partially due to, 
the attitude of a section of the Liberal party at home, as 
well as by his friends at the Cape. Mr. Melius de Villiers 
writes : — 

" I feel assured a Liberal Ministry will be willing to 
reconsider the relations of the South African Republic to 
England, and even to revoke the Convention of London." 

" We must now play to win time," says Mr. Te Water, 
writing to President Steyn. "Governments are not perpetual, 
and I pray that the present team, so unjustly disposed towards 
us, may receive their reward before long. Their successors, I 
am certain, will follow a less hateful policy towards us. . . . 
It is honestly the time now to yield a little, Jwwever one may 
later again tighten the rope." 



358 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

It was little wonder President Kruger believed that there 
was hope for him with the Opposition. Mr. Labouchere 
wrote : — 

" The great thing is to gain time. In a few months we 
shall be howling about something in another part of the 
world . . ." [and said to Mr. White], "you ought to spin out 
the negotiations for quite two or three months." 

President Kruger appealed to arms and the question of 
supremacy, to which he attached such fatal importance has, 
by that most terrible tribunal, been decided for ever. 

The Sons of the Empire the wide world over offered 
assistance to Her Majesty in the noblest manner ; that 
assistance was accepted at first to a limited extent, later with 
both hands, thankfully and promptly. These offers were 
made through the Colonial Office. It became a storehouse 
of Imperial loyalty which might be drawn upon to an almost 
unlimited extent. 

A determined attempt has been made to fasten the 
responsibility for the war on the Colonial Secretary but that 
responsibility rests equally upon, and is equally accepted by, 
the whole Cabinet, the whole of the Unionist Government 
of 1 895-1900. The Premier, as Premier, bears the heaviest 
share, but he has the support of one of the most united 
Ministries of modern times. 



CHAPTER XXX 

7 HE GOVERNMENT AND THE COUNTRY 

AUTUMN SESSION, OCTOBER, 1899— ATTACK ON THE MINISTRY— MR. 
CHAMBERLAIN'S DEFENCE— RECAPITULATION OF DISPUTE AND 
NEGOTIATIONS— PARLIAMENT PROROGUED— LEICESTER SPEECH 
—SPEECH IN BIRMINGHAM— VISIT TO DUBLIN— SESSION OF 1900— 
SPEECHES OF LORD SALISBURY, LORD ROSEBERY, MR. BALFOUR, 
AND MR. CHAMBERLAIN— THE GOVERNMENT AND THE WAR 
OFFICE— MAJUBA DAY— LADYSMITH AND MAFEKING DAY— FALL 
OF PRETORIA. 

PARLIAMENT met on October 17th to vote supplies for 
the prosecution of the campaign in South Africa and to 
call out the Reserves. It met amid great excitement ; 
Autumn hostilities had already begun and the Boers were 
session, 1899. swarming into Natal. We had promised to protect 
Natal with all the forces of the ' Empire, but we had not 
enough troops to defend even a small portion of it when war 
broke out. 

The scene in the House on the first night of the Session 
was one of great brilliancy and excitement. In the House 
of Lords, the Prince of Wales, and the Duke of Cambridge 
were present, with the Grand Duke Michael of Russia, and the 
Crown Prince of Siam ; whilst crowds of peeresses lined the 
balconies. 

The attack on the Ministry during the debate on the 
First Night. ad dress was of a twofold and contradictory nature. 

^Mmis ^, 1160116 section asked wh y we had n ot better provided 

October mn, against war, and had not had double or treble the 

men in South Africa in case it should break out. 

The other protested that war need never have broken out 

3S9 



3 6o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

and that the sending of the few troops already despatched 
had sensibly increased the difficulties of the situation and 
precipitated the conflict. Occasionally the same Member, 
in some curious way, wished to fling both charges at the 
Government. 

Lord Kimberley protested that his party were "as ready 
as those on the other side of the House to give their support 
to measures necessary to vindicate the honour and support 
the interests of the Empire," though he criticised as premature 
the publication of certain despatches by the Colonial Office, 
which might have increased the chances of war. 

Lord Salisbury reminded the House that the country must 
be kept informed of the progress of events. A responsible 
Minister is bound to give such information as will range 
behind him all the power, and all the physical force, of those 
who are devoted to his cause. He could not allow British 
interests at the Cape to fall away from the Crown by reason 
of apathy or ignorance, which would take the place of 
support and enthusiasm, the sentiment and the loyalty 
evoked by a Minister, who informed the minds of the public 
and laid before them the real facts of the case. As for 
offending President Kruger's sensibilities, he scouted the 
idea. " The theory seems to be that President Kruger is 
an amiable and very sensitive old man, who expresses his 
feelings with a fervour more becoming a hysterical young 
lady than the President of a Republic. . . . My impression is, 
or certainly was, that he was the sort of man who would 
say ' that hard words break no bones,' and if he got the 
kind of policy he wanted, he would not be much troubled 
as to the English phraseology in which it was wrapped up. 
. . . My belief is that the desire to get rid of the word 
' Suzerainty ' and the reality which it expresses, has been the 
dream of President Kruger's life." 

In the House of Commons Mr. Balfour undertook the 
defence of the Government and referred, amid great cheering, 
to the splendid aid from our self-governing colonies, who 
would never have thrown themselves into our cause, had 



THE AUTUMN SESSION 361 

we been engaged in " piratical attempts against the liberties 
of another people." 

On the following day (October 18th) "Mr. Chamberlain 
secondNight was a sort °^ Parliamentary Aunt Sally all the 

Attack on afternoon," said the London Correspondent of the 
Mr. Chamber- _ . . . _, __ _, M . -, * , 

lain, October Birmingham Fost. Mr. rhilip Stanhope moved an 

18 ' amendment to the Address, strongly disapproving 
of the conduct of our negotiations with the Government of 
the Transvaal ; and as Mr. Chamberlain had conducted those 
negotiations, it was of course intended as a direct attack upon 
him. He listened carefully to all that was said, and promised 
his critics full satisfaction on the morrow ; to that end he gently 
suggested that Sir William Harcourt should supply him with 
details as to which speeches and despatches were " provo- 
cative," but beyond the Highbury speech, Sir William could 
not at the moment enumerate any, or if he could, he declined 
to do so. Successive Secretaries of State, said Sir William, 
had been under the belief that the suzerainty question was 
dropped in 1884. 

" Never ! " said Mr. Chamberlain emphatically. 

Sir William was not convinced, and asked for the " opinions 
on that point of the law officers of the Crown." 

" I don't know what they are," answered Mr. Chamberlain ; 
" but I will produce the opinion of your own Secretary of 
State for the Colonies if you like ! " 

The third night of the Session, however, was the one most 
The Third ea S er ly looked for, and the one on which excite- 
Night. ment rose highest. Not since Mr. Gladstone 
Iain's Reply, introduced his Home Rule Bill had the House 
October 19th. been SQ crowc jed. Some Members stood for two 
hours and forty minutes while Mr. Chamberlain was speaking, 
for a number of them could not obtain seats ; others sat on 
the steps of the gangways, while the peers gathered in 
great numbers in their gallery. 

Mr. Chamberlain, as on the opening night of the Session, 
was greeted with an outburst of cheering. His manner was 
calm and conciliatory throughout, and he laboured more to 



362 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

convince the House of the difficulties of the negotiations, 
the changes of front of President Kruger, and the real 
patience of the Colonial Office, than to score off his opponents, 
or to show up the fickleness of the Opposition and the 
uselessness of their criticisms. He addressed himself chiefly 
to the answering of Sir William Harcourt's speech, the 
worthiest presentment of the case of those who differed from 
the Government. He recapitulated all the despatches and 
the conclusions to be drawn from them, which have already- 
been set forth in the last chapter, and no one who heard 
his summing up could' doubt that the Colonial Secretary, 
with better means of judgment than most men, was at last 
convinced that war was inevitable. He had not believed 
it once, but the conclusion had been forced upon him. An 
honourable compact had been made in 1884, between two 
States. Great Britain had fulfilled her part of that compact, 
the Transvaal had broken hers again and again. The 
question now was, Should that compact become a dead 
letter ? If not, how was it to be enforced ? One method, 
that of moral suasion, had been tried — and had failed — what 
was to be tried next ? While the British Government were 
debating this question, President Kruger gave the answer- 
War. And by his preparedness for war, Mr. Chamberlain 
was forced to the conclusion that the South African Republic 
had long intended to make that the answer. He proved 
that the Boers first raised the question of the 

Suzerainty Suzerainty, and that behind this seemingly trivial 

ion. content j on a b ou t a word, lay the determination 

to which Lord Salisbury had alluded, a determination to 

get rid of the thing itself. The flagrant infringements of 

Four the Convention which had already brought us to 

inemteof tne ver g e of war, showed that President Kruger 

Convention, cared nothing for any remonstrance which was 
not backed up by a show of force. 1 All these infringements 

1 These infringements were four in number : (1) A raid into Bechuana- 
land, necessitating the Warren expedition 1885, with invasions of Zululand 
and Swaziland; (2) in 1894 the commandeering of British subjects to fight 



DEFENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT 363 

of the Convention showed the real repudiation of that 
authority which was signified by the phrase " the Suzerainty 
of Great Britain." 

Mr. Chamberlain traced the history of the Bloemfontein 
Conference from which so much had been expected ; he 
accepted full responsibility for everything Sir Alfred Milner 
had done, and he defended the publication of Despatches 
which kept the British people informed of the real dangers 
of the situation. 

To Natal and the Colonies, far removed from South Africa, 
he had warmest praise and heartiest acknowledg- 

tothe ments to offer for the magnificent demonstration 
of loyalty, and not only of loyalty, but of sympathy 
with our aims which had been made by them. 

He reminded the Opposition, as he had reminded them 
in July, that they had not a monopoly of the wish for peace, 
and of hatred of war : — 

" We have been, as I have shown, as anxious for peace 
as any man on the other side of this House or in the country ; 
but we have held that there are things even more important 
than peace itself, and that in order to gain these things it 
may sometimes be necessary to face the contingency of war. 
In our endeavour to maintain peace we have shown the 
utmost conciliation. We have shown endless patience. We 
have run some risk ; but we have never been prepared from 
first to last, for the sake of peace, either to betray our 
countrymen, or to allow this paramountcy to be taken from 
us. President Kruger has settled the issue. He has appealed 
to the God of Battles. And I say, with all reverence and 
gravity, we accept the appeal, believing that we have our 
quarrel just." 

Mr. Stanhope's Amendment was negatived by two hundred 
and twenty-seven votes, after a severe criticism of Mr. 
Chamberlain's policy by Mr. Morley and Sir Edward Clarke. 

against the natives ; (3) in 1895 the closing of the Drifts to the passage of 
Cape merchandise; (4) in 1897 the Alien Immigration Act, passed in the 
teeth of our remonstrances, though afterwards repealed. 



564 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The latter, as a protest against the war, severed his connec- 
tion with the Unionists. Mr. Balfour summed up the 
attacks made on the Colonial policy of the Government as 
being of two kinds — the one calculated on a hypothesis of 
criminality in forcing on a war, the other on a hypothesis 
of idiocy in drifting helplessly into it. Neither could be 
justified. 

The kind of attack to which the Colonial Secretary was 
subjected when he acted as a " Parliamentary Aunt Sally," 
is indicated by Mr. Philip Stanhope's and Mr. \Y. Redmond's 
speeches. The latter descended to offensive personalities. 
Mr. Chamberlain, he said, had in turn been everything and 
nothing ; the war was the result of that overweening ambition 
which seldom came to gentlemen, but often to people who 
aspired to mix with them. After this gentlemanly remark 
the Speaker called upon Mr. Redmond to withdraw. Mr. 
Stanhope was equally violent, if less vulgar. lie suggested 
Mr. Chamberlain's complicity with the Jameson Raid and 
challenged him to produce certain of the Hawkesley letters ; 
advised him to read Mr. Stead's " Appeal to Honest Men;" 
declared that Sir Alfred Milner fomented the differences he 
was sent out to heal, and though he acquitted the Govern- 
ment as a whole, he was convinced that Sir Alfred Milner, 
Mr. Chamberlain, and Mr. Rhodes had made up their minds 
for the last two or three years that war should be the only 
termination of the crisis, and for twelve or fourteen months 
had been working for that end. 

" To such a statement, there is," said Mr. Chamberlain 
" no Parliamentary language which can express my reply." 
It was such a charge against a responsible Minister of 
the Crown and against a distinguished public servant, that 
" if they were guilty, impeachment would be too good for 
them. . . . What proof did the hon. member give of this 
monstrous charge ? Not one scrap, not one iota, not one 
fact, not one quotation." 

The following is a specimen of journalistic Pro-Boer 
criticism on this speech : — 



THE LEICESTER SPEECH 365 

" Mr. Chamberlain said last night that, if he and Sir A. 
Milner be guilty of having deliberately brought about this 
war, impeachment would be too good for them. It is too 
good for them, and we hope the day will come when they 
will meet with the retribution which they merit." 

" Acrimonious," " a flood of venomous invective," " gall 
and wormwood," " nauseous," were some of the epithets 
applied to Mr. Chamberlain's defence of the Government, and 
even these criticisms must be regarded as playful sarcasm 
compared with the Irish Members' comments on the war, 
and the Colonial Secretary's share in it. But amends for this 
bitterness were, made by the warmth of the Unionist support 
which manifested itself at every opportunity. 

Parliament was prorogued on October 27th, and Mr. 

Chamberlain returned home to obtain rest and 

Prorogued, quiet after the prolonged strain of the past three 

° Ct °i899 27tl1 ' montns - I* was on ^y a ver y P ar tial rest that was 

possible, for the continued offer of Colonial troops, 

and the needs of the Colonies of Natal and the Cape taxed 

the working powers of the Colonial Office officials severely. 

In November the Liberal-Unionist Annual Conference 

Leicester was ne ^ at Leicester, and Mr. Chamberlain made 

speech, tw speeches there. Both were important, but 
November r . #...... 

29th-30tn, the second, in consequence of the criticism it 

1899- provoked, will always be known as " The Leicester 

Speech." In the first Mr. Chamberlain was occupied with 

a general review of the reasons why the war was undertaken, 

the spirit in which it was being prosecuted, and the criticisms 

of the Opposition upon it. The Colonial Secretary's generous 

tribute to the Colonial troops was enthusiastically cheered. 

Their assistance, he said, was a demonstration open to all 

the world of the essential unity of the British Empire ; it was 

also a testimony to the justice of our cause, for how could 

the millionaires' greed of gold (said to be the moving cause 

of this war) affect our liberty-loving colonists in Canada 

and Australia? He concluded his speech with a review of 

the work of the Unionist Government. 



3 66 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The following day, at a complimentary luncheon, Mr. 
Chamberlain delivered the speech which excited so much 
attention. The German Emperor had just concluded a 
private visit to the Queen at Windsor, the first he had paid 
since he sent his congratulatory telegram to President Kruger 
in 1896. During this visit Mr. Chamberlain had an im- 
portant interview with the Kaiser and his Ministers. It 
was of course surmised that Germany's attitude towards the 
Boers and towards England as a belligerent, was the subject 
under discussion as well as matters relating to general 
British and German Colonial interests. The attitude of 
the Emperor left no doubt that he was animated by friendly 
feelings towards England, and that any hopes of German 
intervention on which President Kruger might be building 
were baseless. Knowing this, Mr. Chamberlain wished in 
his speech to emphasise the cordiality of our relationship 
with those countries whose good wishes must always be of 
great importance to us, namely, Germany and America. 

" I have," he said, " almost as many friends in the United 

States as I have here, and I can conceive of 

' no greater disaster which could befall the two 

countries, or which could befall mankind, than that they 

should find themselves in a hostile attitude towards each other." 

" The same sentiments which bring us into close sympathy 
with the United States of America may also be evoked to 
bring us into closer sympathy and alliance with the Empire 
of Germany . . . and if the union between England and 
America is a powerful factor in the cause of peace, a new 
Triple Alliance between the Teutonic race and the two great 
branches of the Anglo-Saxon race will be a still more potent 
influence in the future of the world. 

"... To me it seems to matter little whether you have an 
alliance which is committed to paper, or whether you have 
an understanding which exists in the minds of the statesmen 
of the respective countries. An understanding, perhaps, is 
better than the alliance, which may stereotype arrangements, 
which cannot be accepted as permanent, in view of the 
changing circumstances from day to day. . . ." 



SENTIMENT OR INTEREST 367 

Both interest and sentiment united us to Germany ; but 
in the case of nations alliances did not rest upon interest 
alone. ..." The world is not governed entirely by interest, 
or, in my opinion, particularly by interest. Sentiment is one 
of the greatest factors in all our affairs, and there is no reason 
why the sentiments of the people of the two countries should 
not be in accord." 

As a striking illustration of the power of sentiment, Mr. 
Chamberlain instanced the intense indignation against the 
vile caricatures of Her Majesty, recently published by French 
newspapers which had not spared 

" the, to us, almost sacred person of the Queen. These attacks 
upon Her Majesty, whether as ruler of this Imperial State, 
or still more as a woman, have provoked in this country a 
natural indignation which will have serious consequences, if 
our neighbours do not mend their manners." 

One sometimes reflects how dull the newspapers would be 
without Mr. Chamberlain's speeches, but it is safer to say 
how lost the critics, the leader-writers, and the opinion- 
makers generally would be, if it were not for the excellent 
opportunity which Mr. Chamberlain at proper intervals 
affords them of " going for " him and his policy. If he were 
removed from the political arena, who would be the next 
man sufficiently plain-spoken, sufficiently important, to act 
as their target ? Certainly five days out of six it would be 
difficult to pick up a newspaper, on either side, without 
finding in it an allusion, more or less remote, to something 
Mr. Chamberlain has said or done, or not said or not done. 
He has probably supplied more " copy " than any other 
living Englishman, and he has supplied it more continuously. 
Lord Derby, says Sir Edward Russell, once remarked (in 
1877-8) that Mr. Chamberlain — who at the moment was not 
very prominently before the public — reminded him of the 
American politician, of whom it was said : " He's beat, but 
he ain't going to stay beat ! " 

The Leicester speech called forth what might be described 



368 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

as a hysteric howl. Many American and German papers 
made haste to say they did not want our alliance : the 
English papers said we ought to have had more dignity than 
to ask for it. Mr. Chamberlain smiled and said nothing. But 
no one was found to deny that such an alliance would greatly 
make for peace, or that it is not desirable for us to remain 
permanently isolated from the Continent of Europe, as Mr. 
Chamberlain pointed out, and there have since been indica- 
tions of a better appreciation of his speech. 

In December he was speaking at a very different meeting 

in Birmingham, on the occasion of the annual 
SCh SpJe ciif rt P"ze distribution of the Municipal School of Art. 
' DeC o^ lDer I n a pleasant and witty speech he gently chaffed 

the four thousand one hundred men and women 
who, by virtue of being engaged in the pursuit of Art, were 
supposed to constitute a 

"priesthood, removed far above and beyond the aspirations 
of ordinary men. I gather that they must possess all the 
virtue that clustered about the Round Table of Tennysonian 
romance. When I reflect that there are in Birmingham 
alone four thousand one hundred ladies and gentlemen 
pursuing Art, no doubt upon these principles, I begin to 
think the millennium is not so far distant as people 
imagine ! " As to the rewards of Art, " only those who have 
already in the pursuit of Art secured a more or less modest 
competence, are really qualified to impress upon you the fact 
that Art should be pursued for its own sake alone, and must 
always be expected to be its own sufficient reward." 

Theirs was not a school for the manufacture of geniuses, 
but for the instruction of the majority of ordinary workers 
in trades or crafts which lend themselves to Art — for the 
education of firstrate craftsmen, not the multiplication of 
tenth-rate artists. 

Our duty was to " add grace and beauty to the accessories 
of our ordinary human life," to improve common things 
rather than to produce masterpieces. The time was coming 
when Birmingham would refuse to tolerate bad architecture 
and sordid building. 

The speech was received with hearty and sympathetic 



X!— SQUEALING AND SQUEEZING 




Nh Chamueklaim and Si> Alfred Hilfck: Why do you keep on squealing 
Urek R.\ubit I can't help squealing, you squeeze me so Hard 



I Westminster Gazette. SeptemU-, 9, 1899 i 



From a cartoon by Mr. F C. Gould, September 9th, iS 



THE MISSING WORD 369 

applause. It was delivered in a low, almost monotonous 
voice, without the animation which is so striking a feature 
of Mr. Chamberlain's political speeches, and it was evident 
that he was very tired, for he had come straight from London 
to the Hall. A very unusual incident occurred towards the 
close of the address. Mr. Chamberlain was at a loss for 
the exact word, or rather, transposed the words which he 
wished to use. Turning to Mrs. Chamberlain after a 
momentary hesitation he waited to be prompted ; Mrs. 
Chamberlain made a suggestion, but Mr. Chamberlain still 
hesitated, and then with a gesture expressive of impatience, 
amusement, and of " giving it up," he once again turned to 
his wife who, with the aid of the Lord Mayor, gave him the 
word he wanted. It was a slight matter, but the audience 
were keenly interested ; to them it was extraordinary that 
Mr. Chamberlain of all people should be for a moment at 
a loss ; it brought home to them the heavy mental strain 
he was bearing, and there was sympathy as well as amuse- 
ment in the applause and laughter which greeted his smiling 
excuse : — " When I speak now I have to be extremely 
careful in the choice of my words, lest unhappily some 
editor may misunderstand me." It was barely a week since 
the Leicester speech and the allusion was plain to all. 

Those who only know Mr. Chamberlain as a fighter 
and a politician, do not realise his kindly and sym- 
pathetic manner on occasions such as this. Tired as he 
was, he dispensed the prizes as if he knew each student 
personally, read, and in one case corrected, the names on 
the cards attached to the books, and called back a young 
girl who was leaving the desk without her medal. 

On December 18th Mr. Chamberlain crossed to Dublin, 

where he received the Honorary Degree of LL.D. 

Dublin. ll.d. He was able to escape the round of speech-making 

De S b6r ' which took place at the time he was ^stalled as 

Lord Rector of Glasgow University, but there was 

an opportunity of saying a few kindly words about Lord 

Roberts, that distinguished Irishman, who had gone to the 

24 



37o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

front under the shadow of a terrible bereavement, and about 
the bravery of the Irish regiments at the war. 

In spite of the violence of Mr. O'Brien at a meeting of 
the Transvaal Aid Committee, just before Mr. Chamberlain's 
arrival(in which he intimated that hanging was too good for the 
traitor who, as Colonial Secretary, had betrayed his country 
into an unjust and ruthless war), the visit passed off quietly. 

The Session of 1900 was looked forward to with little 
cheerfulness. The deep depression occasioned by the reverses 
of the autumn in the terrible week which saw the defeats of 
Stormberg, Magersfontein, and Colenso, and the continued 
acute anxiety of those whose relatives were shut up in 
Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, all combined to cause 
that impatient misery which must find its outlet in blaming 
something or somebody. Two scapegoats were easily found, 
the War Office and the Cabinet, or, as some preferred to 
have it, Lord Lansdowne and Mr. Chamberlain simply. The 
opening of Parliament was eagerly looked for ; the speeches 
in the recess had done nothing to dissipate the hopelessness 
and discontent, but the dogged determination to persevere 
did not for one moment waver. " We were beat ; but we 
didn't mean to stay beat ! " 

The Session opened on January 31st, 1900, and the Queen's 

Speech intimated that the war bill would be a 
Parliamen- _ 

tary session, long one. Large expenditure for domestic reforms 

1900, could not be asked for, but the programme of the 

Session would include Bills relating to : — 

1. Company Law Amendment. 

2. Agricultural Tenancies. 

3. Ecclesiastical Assessments. 

4. Education in Scotland. 

5. Relief of the Tithe-payers in Ireland. 

6. Secondary and Technical Education in England and 

Wales. 

7. Money Lending Contracts. 

8. Factory Law Amendment. 

9. Lunacy Law Amendment. 



THE SESSION OF 1900 371 

10. Housing of the Working Classes Act. 

1 1 . Accidents to Railway Servants. 

12. Prevention of Disenfranchisement of those on service 

in South Africa. 

It was hoped that the Government would have some 

„ ,_ . strong announcement of proposals to remedy the 
Debate on ° r r 

the Address, admitted deficiencies of our system of defence, 

January 30th. and of the methods of the War 0ffic6) but Lord 

Salisbury's speech was received with disappointment by the 
public outside the House, with something like indignation 
within. Lord Rosebery, abandoning his recent non-committal 
attitude, bitterly criticised the Premier's matter and manner : — 

" When I think of where we stand, I am appalled by 
the nature and style, the manner and matter of the speech 
of the Prime Minister of Great Britain, in addressing this 
ancient and hereditary House. ... If the Government is to 
be successful I venture to say it will have to be inspired 
by a loftier tone and truer patriotism than we have heard 
from the Prime Minister to-night." 

But even Lord Rosebery assured the country in unmis- 
takable terms that the war would be carried through to 
a finish, in spite of all the obstacles we were encountering. 
Mr. Balfour, in the Lower House, was able to point to a 
division of opinion in the Opposition ranks as to the proper 
termination of the war, and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman 
found it somewhat awkward to be the spokesman of a party 
divided on so important a point. But Mr. Balfour's speech 
did little or nothing to remove the general depression, which 
arose from the fear that the Government were treating the 
situation too lightly, and were not prepared to admit any 
faults, though Mr. Wyndham's remarkable speech in defence 
of the War Office partly mitigated that fear. 

Mr. Chamberlain did not speak until February 5th, and 

Mr chamber- h e P ract ically concluded the debate, which was 

Iain's speech, closed the following night. He had therefore the 

3X7 "advantage of being able to sum up, and his speech 

did much to inspire fresh hope, for he assured the country 



372 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

that the Cabinet was not divided and that the Government 
was fully determined to make amends for any errors which 
had been committed. 

The Colonial Secretary's speech was conciliatory and 
patriotic instead of controversial. The following are some 
of the press comments upon it : — 

" There is no question as to its immense adroitness, its 
deftness, its strong presentation of the case of the Govern- 
ment and of the case of the man who is at the head of the 
Colonial Department. It is expected by the public opinion 
of the House to strengthen Mr. Chamberlain's position, and 
especially by its avoidance of some of his characteristic 
faults ; by its excellence of temper ; his avoidance of con- 
troversy ; above all, by his acceptance of blame for the past 
and his strong resolution to do better in the future." 

" Mr. Chamberlain," said a would-be wit, " threw over 
Lord Salisbury, threw over Mr. Balfour, got up in a white 
sheet, and sang ' Rule Britannia ! ' " 

" It was like those speeches to which great popular 
audiences in the provinces are accustomed, for his delivery 
was for him slow, his voice was raised beyond his normal 
House of Commons pitch, and his manner had more animation 
than is usual with him here. . . . He stepped to the table, 
his frock-coat tightly buttoned, a pearly grey orchid as a 
boutonniere, and grasped the brass-bound box [on the table] 
with both hands. His appearance was the signal for a great 
outburst of cheering on the part of the Ministerialists, and 
he spoke for just five minutes under the hour." 

The arguments of the speech were well placed, showing 
Argument of that the present Government had followed Lord 
the speech. Ripon's lead in asking for the franchise for the 
Outlanders and that even Mr. Schreiner and the Cape 
Government, when their commercial interests were threatened 
by Mr. Kruger's closing of the Drifts in 1895, urged the 
Government to send an ultimatum. If the Opposition 
considered this an unnecessary, unrighteous, and unjust war, 
they should vote against it and not for its prosecution. 



TRIBUTE TO THE COLONIES 373 

It was not the argumentative part of his speech that excited 
the most interest now, in which he was at his best, but his 
review of the needs of the present and of the policy of the 
future. He touched a sympathetic chord when he exclaimed : 

" Undoubtedly there is sorrow in many homes ; do you 
suppose that any of us are insensible to it ? There is anxiety 
in our hearts, and there is above all in the minds of the 
people an overwhelming desire that every nerve shall be 
strained to bring this war to a triumphant conclusion. . . . 

" I do feel that those who have lost in person, in friends, 
and in relatives, are entitled to have it insisted upon again 
that the war is just and necessary. I want the House to look 
at this matter broadly — not to look at the shreds and patches, 
but the drift of the river as it runs to the sea, and not paddle 
in the eddies which seem to, but do not, delay its course. 
Speaking from that point of view I say that the issues between 
Boer and Briton, between this country and the South African 
Republic, are great and real issues, and not technical issues." 

He reproved the Opposition for their gibes at the loyal 
English colonists, " who are now giving their property, their 
persons, their children, in order to aid Her Majesty in this 
conflict." 

" The strain and stress of war has been upon those men in 
Natal and in Cape Colony and they are bitterly hurt and 
injured by the neglect which is shown to their views, and the 
sneers to which they are subject." 

As to mistakes, the Government did not deny them. 

" I have not spared the Government, I have admitted 
mistakes. But do not let us make a perhaps greater mistake. 
Do not let us exaggerate them ... if the House thinks 
that our mistakes are unpardonable, we shall submit ourselves 
to their judgment." 

"... When it began, undoubtedly the needs of the war 
Tribute to were under-estimated, and at the same time, and 
the colonies. as p ar ^ f fae same mistake, we failed to respond 
to the splendid offers which came from our Colonies. We 
accepted enough to show how much we valued their assistance, 
but we hesitated to put upon them any greater strain than 
we thought necessary. But what is happening now ? They 



374 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

are multiplying their offers, and every one is gratefully and 
promptly appreciated and accepted. We shall have in this 
war before it is over an army of colonists called to the aid 
of Her Majesty, which will outnumber the British army at 
Waterloo, and be nearly equal to the total force in the 
Crimea." 

" The splendid and, above all, the spontaneous rally of the 
Colonies to the Mother Country affords no slight compensa- 
tion, even for the sufferings of war. What has brought them 
to our side? ... It is that Imperial instinct which you deride 
and scorn. Our Colonies, repelled in the past by indifference 
and apathy, have responded to the sympathy which has 
recently been shown them . . . these people shortly — very 
shortly, as time is measured in history — are about to become 
great and populous nations, and now for the first time claim 
their share in the duties and responsibilities as well as in 
the privileges of empire." 

And then comes a prophecy of the great Federation of 
the future. 

"You have now to remember that you are the trustees 
not merely of a Kingdom, but of a Federation. It may 
not, indeed, be distinctly outlined, but it exists already in 
spirit. . . . 

" We are advancing steadily, if slowly, to the realisation 
of that great federation of our race which will inevitably 
make for peace, liberty, and justice." 

As for the future, the Government would lay before the 
House proposals for the defence of the country upon which 
they hoped to have the opinions of the whole House irre- 
spective of party. 

" Speaking for the Government, I say that so far as in us 
lies there shall be no second Majuba. Never again with our 
consent, if we have the power, shall the Boers be able to 
erect in the heart of South Africa, a citadel from whence 
proceed disaffection and race enmity. Never again shall 
they be able to endanger the paramountcy of Great Britain. 
Never again shall they be able to treat an Englishman as 
if he belonged to an inferior race." 

If the Boers showed themselves fit for it, equality with the 
English and the Outlanders should be theirs ; or a position 



RELIEF OF LADYSMITH 375 

of subordination, if they remain unfit for equality ; a position 
of predominance never again. 

At the end of February, on Majuba Day, Cronje, with four 

MoiubaDay thousand men, surrendered to Field-Marshal Lord 

February Roberts of Candahar. Two days later, Ladysmith 
27th. Sur- J J 

render of was relieved by General Buller, and the boundless 

ronje. re ij e f anc j exultation of the nation showed itself 

in ways which to sober-minded students of history in the 

future will appear incredible. Will it be believed that staid 

T ^ .«. City men and keen stockbrokers shouted their 
Ladysmith J 

Day, " Hurrahs " all down Cheapside ; that from one 

arc B ' end of London to the other men, women, and 
children waved their flags and threw their hats in the air ; 
that ladies decorated the sentries in Pall Mall with favours, 
unrebuked ; that a policeman changed his mechanical 
" Pass on, ladies, pass on, please," for a wild yell as he 
waved his helmet over his head, " 'Ooray ! Good old Buller ! 
'Ooray! 'O-oray?" 

"Sentiment," said Mr. Chamberlain in November 1899, 
" plays a large part in the life of nations." In February 1900 
he gave practical expression to this belief, by allowing for 
the first time a flag to float over the Colonial Office ; great 
was the amazement of the man in the street to see the Union 
Jack, and the Irish standard floating side by side in Downing 
Street. The Colonial Secretary was not forgotten in the 
general rejoicing ; a party of South Kensington students 
marching through the West End, made their way to 
40, Prince's Gardens and called for Mr. Chamberlain. His 
son promised to convey their congratulations to his father, 
and Mrs. Chamberlain acknowledged them from the balcony. 
In Birmingham, bands played in Chamberlain Square at 
night, and toilers from the Black Country thronged into the 
town cheering and shouting, and here again Mr. Chamberlain 
was not forgotten. School children, Mason College students, 
work-people, paupers, all rejoiced ; the workmen at a factory 
telephoned to their Directors : " We aren't going to do any 



376 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

more work to-day." The Directors telephoned back : 
" Don't ! " 

Such was the temper of the country, when Presidents 
Kruger and Steyn telegraphed their proposals for peace, 
proposals which, they said, had been delayed for fear of 
hurting our feelings, if they were put forward while the 
Boers were victorious. Now that we were winning they 
had no longer any scruples, and they would be satisfied by 
a simple acknowledgment of their status as a " Sovereign 
International State." Lord Salisbury's answer was a blank 
refusal to consider any terms of peace, coupled with a state- 
ment that independence would never again be granted to 
the two Republics. 

On May 18th came the longed-for news of the relief of 

Mafeking, and London simply went mad with 

Day j°y J the provinces copied her example, and all 

Ma i900 th ' roun d the wide world the cheers followed each 

other to the furthest outposts of the Empire. 

The demonstration in London was chiefly before the Mansion 

House, before the War Office, which for some days remained 

dark and grimly silent, and before the house of Colonel 

(now General) Baden-Powell, the commander of the Mafeking 

garrison. 

The first official news was conveyed to the House by 
means of a telegram received at the Colonial Office from 
General Barton. Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman distinguished 
himself by asking Mr. Balfour to "relieve the anxiety of 
the House with regard to the Whitsuntide holidays." The 
House shouted the horrid anti-climax down with cries of 
" Mafeking," " Mafeking," and Mr. Balfour joyfully replied 
that the news was at least semi-officially confirmed, and 
was undoubtedly authentic. He then satisfied the curiosity 
of the Leader of the Opposition as to the Whitsuntide 
holidays. 

On the Queen's birthday the Vaal was crossed by Lord 
Roberts, and the country had not long to wait for the 
fall of Johannesburg and Pretoria. The news, as usual, 




Nurse CHAMBtRLAiN : Here's your draught, Mr. Krugcr 
Mr. Kruger - Is there any horrid suzerainty in it V 
Nurse Chamblklain . No, there isn't; so you'd better dri 



Cazkttb. September 14. 1999.1. 



From a cartoon by Mr. F. C. Gould, September i<th, i£ 



FALL OF PRETORIA 377 

first came unofficially, and was a trifle premature ; but it 
was officially announced on June 5th that Pretoria 

Pretoria, had surrendered to our troops, and that the 

JU i90o th ' Union Jack, worked by Lady Roberts, waved over 

Johannesburg, the capital of the Rand. 

A few days earlier the Orange Free State had been 
formally proclaimed a British Dependency under the name 
of the Orange River Colony. 

On September 1st the Transvaal was proclaimed a 
British Colony. President Kruger, with Mr. Reitz, fled to 
Lorenzo Marques at the end of September, having obtained 
"six months leave of absence." Lord Roberts immediately 
issued a Proclamation enjoining submission on the Boers in 
the conquered territory, and stated that the late President 
of the Transvaal had formally resigned. 

As to the ultimate fate of the second Republic, Lord 
Salisbury, speaking at a dinner in June, had said emphatically 
" no shred of independence would henceforth be left to the 
two Dutch Republics." This terrible war must never be 
repeated, and we must see to it that we left no loophole 
for a recurrence of the state of things which had made it 
possible. The horrors of the war had been brought forcibly 
home to the Premier, through the presence of his son, Lord 
Edward Cecil, in Mafeking throughout the whole of the siege. 



CHAPTER XXXI 
GENERAL COLONIAL POLICY 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S COLONIAL VIEWS ; SYMPATHY INSTEAD OF 
APATHY IN COLONIAL AFFAIRS— I. DEVELOPMENT OF TRADE — 
2. FULFILMENT OF OBLIGATIONS OF EMPIRE— 3. IMPERIAL 
FEDERATION— THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH BILL, MAY 
I4TH, I9OO — SECOND READING, MAY 2IST. 

SELDOM had a brilliant minister been at the Colonial 
Office before 1 895 ; it was a department which, though 
it concerned the welfare of millions, interested few and bored 
a great many. There is no doubt that Mr. Chamberlain 
has found the work of the Colonial Office absorbingly inter- 
esting and a wide field for his many-sided statemanship. The 
broad outlines of Colonial policy demand the experience 
of a great administrator, the extraordinary multiplicity of 
detail requires the method of a clever organiser. 

The surprise when Mr. Chamberlain accepted the Colonial 
Secretaryship was great and widely expressed. Few had 
noticed his special study of Colonial questions, yet interest 
in such questions was for him no new thing. It dated, 
indeed, from his old Debating Society days, and ten years 
before he took the office he now holds, he told his con- 
stituents that : " Our fellow-subjects in the Colonies may 
rest assured that their liberties, their rights, their interests 
are as dear to us as our own ; and if ever they are seriously 
menaced, the whole power of the country will be exerted 
for their defence, and the English democracy will stand 
shoulder to shoulder throughout the world to maintain the 
honour and integrity of the Empire." 

378 



THE COLONIAL SECRETARY'S IDEAL 379 

In his election address in 1895, Mr. Chamberlain speaks 
of extending our influence and commerce in the vast un- 
developed regions under the British flag. In a letter written 
in July 1895, after his acceptance of the Colonial Secretary- 
ship, he says : — 

" I have taken office with two objects ; to see whether 
something cannot be done to bring the self-governing 
Colonies and ourselves into closer relations, and to attempt 
the development of the resources of the Crown Colonies, 
especially to increase our trade with those Colonies." 

And at the Royal Colonial Institute Dinner, in 1897, 
he was still more explicit as to his reasons for assuming 
office : — 

" It was my earnest, I might say almost my only ambition 
when I took the office to which the Queen was pleased 
to appoint me, that I might be able to do something to 
draw closer the bond between ourselves and the Colonies, 
because I have felt that on this alliance between nations 
of British race the future of this great Empire must depend." 

" I want," he exclaimed, when explaining his idea in 
inviting the Colonial Premiers and troops to share in the 
Diamond Jubilee, " I want to show the Colonies that the 
days of apathy and indifference have long ago passed away. 
I want to prove to them that we are as proud of them 
as we believe they are proud of us ; that we have confi- 
dence in their future, and we hope that in their closer 
union with ourselves in time to come, the British Empire, 
founded on freedom, buttressed by affectionate sentiment, 
fortified by mutual interest, shall stand impregnable, un- 
assailable, ' foursquare to all the winds that blow.' " 

" I believe that the prospect of a really united Empire is 
becoming a question of practical politics," said Mr. Chamber- 
lain at Glasgow, and his whole Colonial policy has been 
influenced by this belief. The principal features of this 
policy are three : — 

1. The development of trade and commerce within the 
Empire ; 



3§o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

2. The fulfilments of the obligations of Empire ; 

3. The progress towards Imperial Federation. 

It has been said that Mr. Chamberlain had no such 
Imperial aspirations in his Radical days as a member of 
Mr. Gladstone's Government. But, as he was careful to 
point out, the Radicals could not always upset the coach 
as soon as the pace became too slow for them, and in view 
of Mr. Gladstone's dislike of a vigorous Colonial policy, 
and Mr. Bright's hostile attitude towards Colonial expansion, 1 
it was not remarkable that the youngest member of the 
Government should concern himself with doing the work 
which lay ready to his hand, rather than that to which the 
leaders of his party were practically opposed. 

Even so late as 1896 Mr. Gladstone showed his extra- 
ordinary want of faith in the Colonies, when he said : — " I 
have always maintained that we are bound by ties of honour 
and conscience to our Colonies. But the idea that the 
Colonies add to the strength of the Mother Country, appears 
to me to be as dark a superstition as any that existed in 
the Middle Ages." 

" If the people of this country," said Mr. Chamberlain in 
1 TheDe- x ^95' " are not willing to invest some of their 

veiopment superfluous wealth in the development of what I 
of Trade. , „ , , . , _ r 

have called their great estate, then I see no future 

for these countries [our Colonies] and I think it would 
probably have been better if they had never come under 
our rule." 

The neglected and backward state of our West African 
Colonies was one of the first matters that claimed Mr. 
Chamberlain's attention and during his period of office their 
advancement has been nothing less than remarkable. Rail- 
ways have been constructed in Lagos, the Gold Coast, and 
Sierra Leone. The Niger Company's territory has been 

1 At a banquet given in Mr. Chamberlain's honour on his return from 
America in 1888, Mr. Bright, when speaking for the last time in Birming- 
ham, said, " Imperial Federation was in the air — but it was a dream 
and an absurdity." 



DEVELOPMENT OF COLONIAL TRADE 381 

taken over by the Crown, and treaties have been concluded 
with France, Germany, and Belgium relative to disputed 
territory and trading rights, which have removed serious 
sources of friction, inimical to trade. The Benin Expedition 
and the Ashantee War largely swept away the iniquities 
which caused them to be undertaken, and the indirect benefit 
to trade is very great. 

A more general effort in the development of trade is to 
be found in the issue of the business-like circular letter 
addressed by Mr. Chamberlain to the various Colonial 
Governments (November 1895) soon a f ter assuming office. 
A request was made for information as to the extent to 
which foreign competition was supplanting English goods 
throughout the Colonies, for samples of the foreign goods, and 
for suggestions concerning Colonial products which might 
advantageously be exported to other parts of the British 
Empire, but had not yet found a market, together with infor- 
mation as to freight, quality, and price, for British importers. 

The results of this inquiry were instructive and, with the 
assistance of the Chambers of Commerce, Mr. Chamberlain 
arranged to send the " samples " on tour to the commercial 
centres so that manufacturers might see for themselves in which 
departments they were being ousted by foreign competitors. 
He felt that British traders should not view with equanimity 
the loss of our trade with our Colonies and the encroachments 
of foreign competitors, or omit attention to small matters 
of detail which is often the whole secret of success. 

Colonial Railway extension has made great strides since 
Mr. Chamberlain took office. In 1897 the Buluwayo Railway 
was opened, and Mr. Chamberlain's message which was 
delivered by Sir Alfred Milner, who went up from Cape 
Town to celebrate the great event, was greeted with much 
enthusiasm : — 

" Please say from me that I am anxious to send a very 
hearty message of congratulation to settlers gathered to 
complete the railway which will afford aid and stimulus to 
every form of enterprise, and join North and South together." 



382 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

The Uganda Railway, built under the auspices of the 
Foreign Office, is another great step towards opening up 
the heart of the Dark Continent. 

Other subjects of great importance have claimed Mr. 
Chamberlain's most careful attention, amongst which are 
the following : — 

The financial difficulties of the West Indian Colonies 
resulting in the Colonial Loans' Act of 1899, providing for 
loans to the extent of ^3,300,000 to necessitous colonies. 

A trans-Pacific Cable, a great scheme for consolidation of 
Imperial interests upon which Canadians and Australians 
have set their hearts. 

The great predominance of spirits and low-class intoxicants 
in the imports into our West African Colonies. 

The economic problems raised by the Continental sugar 
bounties, resulting in the so-called Reciprocity Treaties 
between the West Indian Colonies and the United 
States, involving discrimination in favour of the United 
States in the selection of articles for the free list or low 
duties. 

The obligations attaching to the administration of the 
affairs of the Empire are of the most varied 

of the character, and their fulfilment entails an immense 

Obligations am ount of miscellaneous work. Besides the Official 
of Empire. 

Correspondence which reaches the Colonial Office, 

there are private letters and appeals on all sorts of subjects 

connected with settlers and Colonists ; wrongs real or fancied, 

to be redressed ; protests against measures which conflict 

with the interests of individuals or sections of the people ; 

the administration of charitable funds raised to mitigate 

calamities of storm, flood, and earthquake. 

Then, there is the care of the officials, their health and 

interests. It is well known that Mr. Chamberlain, equally 

with Mrs. Chamberlain, is specially interested in the working 

of the Colonial Nursing Association. The scheme, first 

submitted to the Colonial Office by Mrs. Francis Pigott 

(wife of a distinguished official in Mauritius), has grown 



PROGRESS TOWARDS FEDERATION 383 

enormously since the Colonial Office gave its encouragement 
and approval to the work. 

Mr. Chamberlain was also largely instrumental in estab- 
lishing a special hospital for the study of Tropical Diseases 
at Greenwich in connection with the Seamen's Hospital. A 
similar institution has been founded in Liverpool. 

The havoc wrought by malaria amongst the officials of the 
West African Colonies, so large a percentage of whom die 
or are invalided home just as they are becoming familiar 
with their duties, is a matter of deep concern to the Colonial 
Secretary, and it is hoped that the revelations of the part 
played by the mosquito as a cause of malarial fever, and 
the gradual drainage of swamps in the neighbourhood of 
towns as a remedy, will mitigate the scourge, and ensure 
greater safety to white men in these regions, and increased 
efficiency in the public service. 

The dream of Federation is no new one to Mr. Chamber- 

stepB ^ a * n ' ^ n x ^^7 ne sa ^ that the Confederation of 

Towards the the British Empire might exist only in the 

of the imagination of enthusiasts, but that it was a 

Empire. g rea t idea ; and the dream has certainly become 

more probable, and has advanced nearer realisation, since 

he became Colonial Secretary. 

The presence of the Colonial Premiers and the contingents 

„ , m of troops from all the Colonies at the Diamond 

Significance r . 

of the Jubilee procession was not without effect on the 

u ee ' ' public, and the spectacle itself was of a nature 

that can never be forgotten. It fell to the Colonial Secretary 

to suggest and organise this great feature of the Jubilee, 

without which the pageant would have lost much of its 

significance. " Their presence," said Mr. Chamberlain, " was 

a demonstration of the power, influence, and the beneficent 

work of the Queen, a fitting tribute to the best and most 

revered of English sovereigns." Foremost in the group 

was the striking figure of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of French 

blood and Roman Catholic faith, the Premier of the 

Canadian Confederation, whose glowing utterances seemed 



384 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

to bring Imperial Federation within reach of practical 
politics. 

Sir Wilfrid Laurier's patriotic speeches gained point with 
the public by the simultaneous announcement of Canada's 
adoption of a tariff admitting all British goods at reduced 
rates of duty, a decision highly applauded by the prefer- 
ential traders and appealing to the man in the street, 
although its inconsistency with the principle of the " open 
door," on which the Empire has expanded so vastly, and 
on which opposition to rival absorption of territory is mainly 
based, may not encourage its extension. 

On June 9th, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain opened the third 
Congress of the Chambers of Commerce of the Empire, and 
in the course of his address, speaking more particularly to 
the Delegates from the Colonies, he said : — 

" You have for a long time been in our thoughts . . . your 
claims, your wishes, the resources of your separate countries, 
your political conditions — all these things are becoming as 
familiar to us as if we were all provinces in one great 
kingdom, or States in a true Imperial Federation. I think 
that further knowledge must tend to complete the agreement 
between us, and that it will bring within the range of 
practical politics that splendid dream which has been cherished 
by all the greatest and most patriotic statesmen." 

Alluding to the various proposals set down for discussion, 

. Mr. Chamberlain said that the question of Com- 
Proposed . . n 

Commercial mercial Union of the Empire " dwarfed into 
insignificance" all the others. 

" If we had a Commercial Union throughout the Empire, 
of course there would have to be a Council of the Empire, 
and that Council would be called upon to watch over the 
execution of the arrangements which might be made ; to 
consider and to make amendments in them from time to 
time ; and whenever such a Council is established, surely 
there would naturally be remitted to it all these questions 
of communication and of commercial law in which all parts 



ON COMMERCIAL UNION 385 

of the Empire are mutually interested. Even Imperial 
Defence is only another name for the protection of Imperial 
Commerce. Gradually therefore by that prudent and ex- 
perimental process by which all our greatest institutions 
have slowly been built up, we should in this way, I believe, 
approach to a result which would be little if at all dis- 
tinguished from a real Federation of the Empire. ... In 
my personal opinion, this is a question which dominates 
all other Imperial interests, to which everything else is 
secondary, and which is at the root of the problem with 
which we have now to deal. The establishment of com- 
mercial union throughout the Empire would only be the 
first step, but it would be the main step and the decisive step 
towards the realisation of the most inspiring idea that has 
ever entered into the mind of British statesmen." 

The dividing line between the numerous apostles and 
opponents of Free Trade, Protection, and Preferential Trade 
was, however, too sharp to enable the Congress to arrive at 
any solution more definite than that closer commercial 
relations between the United Kingdom and the Colonies 
were highly desirable. 

Mr. Chamberlain had admitted that the abandonment of 
Free Trade by the Mother Country or Protection by the 
Colonies were both equally out of the question, and that 
it was necessary to find a third course. But no definite 
resolution in the nature of a compromise was formally 
submitted, and a suggestion that a Union be formed re- 
stricting import duties to a definite ad valorem limit, with 
automatic retaliatory measures for mutual self-defence against 
any foreign country discriminating against the trade of the 
Union, and provision for the admission of foreign countries 
into such Union, was lost sight of in the multiplicity of a 
three-day debate. 

During Mr. Chamberlain's period of office the most 

Colonial im P ortant demonstration of the solid basis upon 

Assistance in which the unity of the Empire exists, has un- 

' doubtedly been found in the generous voluntary 

support so eagerly offered by the great self-governing 

25 



386 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

Colonies to the Mother Country on the outbreak of war 
in South Africa. The prior despatch of a contingent of 
men from New South Wales to Egypt was an indication 
of the spirit that existed, but the assistance which has come 
from all quarters to repel the Boer attack has been a reve- 
lation to the world, and indicates that Imperial Federation 
cannot be far distant, and the passage of the Australian 
Commonwealth Bill marks a stage in our progress towards 
a Federated Empire. 

In the spring of 1900, delegates from all the Australasian 

Australian Colonies, excepting New Zealand, arrived in 

common- England to promote the passage of a Bill about to 

be presented to the Imperial Parliament. This Bill 

adopted the plan of Federation agreed upon by those Colonies 

as the basis for a Federated " Australian Commonwealth." 

To Earl Grey, said Mr. Chamberlain, the credit is due of 
being one of the first of Her Majesty's Ministers to recognise 
the eventual desirability of such a Union, and to Sir Henry 
Parkes of being the foremost Australian statesman to urge 
the idea upon his countrymen. In the hope of paving the 
way for Confederation, a Federal Council of Australasia 
was established, endowed by the Imperial Parliament with 
special legislative powers, but it can scarcely be said to have 
been a success. New South Wales steadily refused to send 
representatives or to take part in its proceedings. The 
Council met at intervals of a year or two, and its sessions 
were limited to periods of about seven days. Its work 
was practically confined to passing Acts affecting pearl 
fisheries in extra-territorial waters adjacent to Queensland 
and West Australia. 

The movement for Federation assumed its first concrete 
form at a Convention in Sydney in 1891, when the first 
draft of the Commonwealth Bill was produced, which 
was " the foundation for all subsequent discussion." After 
successive Conventions and much debate, the Bill assumed 
the final form in which it was ratified by the electorates 
and was remitted to the Home Government for adoption 



AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH BILL 387 

in 1900. New Zealand, however, stood aloof from the 
movement and Western Australia had not at that time 
formally accepted it when the other Australian Colonies 
sent delegates to England to promote the reception of the 
great Commonwealth Bill, foremost of whom was Mr. E. 
Barton, Q.C., representing New South Wales. 

This Bill, Mr. Chamberlain, in a speech of great lucidity 
and tact, introduced to the House of Commons on May 
14th, 1900, as "worthy of all the care and labour expended 
on it, and a monument of legislative competency." 

The only serious objection taken by the Imperial Govern- 
ment to the Commonwealth Bill related to Clause 74, 
restricting the right of appeal to the Privy Council. This 
clause had not been submitted separately to the electorates 
but was nevertheless strenuously upheld by Mr. Barton. 
Foremost among Mr. Chamberlain's reasons for such objec- 
tion was the extra-territorial legislative power already granted 
to the Federal Council. Mr. Chamberlain was met with 
sympathetic cheers when he said that there was no man in 
the House more anxious to maintain good feeling 
Iain's speech, between ourselves and the Colonies than himself; 

M ^oo 4th ' n °thi n g was more easy than to concede, nor more 
difficult than to refuse in a case of this kind. But 
believing that this clause as it stood was not only injurious 
to the best interests of Australia, but would " lead to com- 
plications which might be destructive to good relations and 
prejudicial to the unity of the Empire, we feel we are bound 
to ask the House to reconsider it." 

" We have got to a point in our relations with our self- 
governing Colonies when, I think, we recognise once for all 
that our relations with them depend entirely upon their 
free will and absolute consent. The links between us at 
the present time are very slender ; almost a touch might 
snap them ; but slender and slight as they are— although 
we hope they will become stronger — still, if they are felt 
irksome by any one of our great Colonies, we shall not 
attempt to force them to wear them." 



388 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 
In conclusion, Mr. Chamberlain said : 

" I am quite certain that no more important measure of 
legislation has ever been presented to Parliament and that 
nothing throughout the whole course of the Queen's reign 
will be a more beneficent feature in a long and glorious 
history." 

No jarring note was heard in the House in reply to the 
speech, excepting Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's announce- 
ment that the Opposition 

"would not be parties to the line the Government proposed 
to take. The Colonial Secretary's demand for reconsidera- 
tion of some points in the Bill was an open rebuff to the 
Australian people ; and a flouting of the representations of 
their delegates. 

The appointment of Colonial Judges on the Judicial Com- 
mittee of the Privy Council was intended to strengthen the 
links between us and the Colonies. No provision, however, 
was made for the payment of these judges. In his telegram 
of April 5th, 1900, addressed to the Australian Governors 
in connection with the Federation Bill, and more particularly 
with the question of the right of appeal to the Privy Council 
Mr. Chamberlain announced that Her Majesty's Government 
" are considering the terms of a Bill for enhancing the dignity 
and efficiency of the Judicial Committee by practically 
amalgamating it with the House of Lords and providing 
for adequate permanent representation of the Great Colonies 
in a new court which it is proposed to create." 

On May 21st Mr. Chamberlain moved the Second Reading 
of the Federation Bill, and he was able to announce, to the 
great satisfaction and relief of the House, that the Australian 
delegates 

" have been willing to recognise that we have a duty 
thrown upon us which we cannot ignore, and they have 
endeavoured in every possible way to meet our wishes and 
to prevent any disagreement . . . and so far as the four 



THE RIGHT OF APPEAL 389 

delegates [New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, and 
Tasmania] are concerned I am happy to be able to inform 
the House that we have come to an absolute agreement." 

Telegrams from Queensland and West Australia left no 
doubt that they preferred the modifications of the points at 
issue, which were first proposed by the Imperial Government. 

" We appreciate," said Mr. Chamberlain, " very much the 
support of the view which we have expressed. We have not 
altered those views in the slightest degree. . . . But in 
accordance with the principles to which we are committed, 
we cannot interfere where exclusively Australian interests 
are concerned. We cannot take the side of two Colonies 
against four. If even yet it were possible to persuade the 
representatives of the four Colonies to make further con- 
cessions, nothing would give greater pleasure to Her Majesty's 
Government — and we shall be prepared to register their 
decision whatever it may be." 

Clause 74 was to be reversed, the Privy Council, the Court 
of Appeal for the whole Empire, remaining the final tribunal 
for all questions, except those of exclusively Australian 
concern, while the High Court of the Commonwealth assumed 
final jurisdiction over purely Australian affairs ; and the 
debated question of the Commonwealth's power further to 
restrict the Right of Appeal was disposed of by the express 
provision that such restrictive legislation was subject to 
ratification by the Crown. The Colonial Laws Validity Act 
will also still apply to the legislative enactments of Australia. 
The adjustment of the difficulties had been happily worked 
out in friendly discussion with the delegates, and Mr. 
Chamberlain concluded his speech by saying : — 

" I hope the Bill will be passed unanimously. I firmly 
believe that in that case, even without such further altera- 
tion as Queensland and Western Australia may desire, the 
House may pass the Bill with the full conviction that in 
securing the Union of Australia, they have not in any way 
weakened or impaired the unity of the Empire. We shall 



390 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

then be able to contemplate the consummation of this great 
achievement, without the slightest drawback to the pride 
which we feel in the wisdom and the patriotism of our 
Australian kinsmen." 

Mr. Asquith, rising immediately, accepted on the part of 
the Opposition the amendments which had been proposed by 
the Colonial Secretary, and approved of by the Australian 
delegates, and rejoiced in a settlement which " reflects equal 
honour on the Colonial Secretary and on the Australian 
delegates . . . and I accept to the full the two canons laid down 
by the Colonial Secretary as to the principles which ought to 
govern the action of this Parliament in a matter of this 
kind. . . ." 

Mr. Asquith's hearty acceptance of the Bill, and his 
recognition of the spirit in which the Government had 
suggested modifications in some parts of it, as " trustees of 
the interests of the Empire," to use Mr. Chamberlain's now 
historic phrase, was in strong contrast to the tone of the 
Leader of the Opposition, whose speech at the first reading 
was not calculated to facilitate agreement between Mr. 
Chamberlain and the Colonial delegates, or reconcile 
Australian feeling to amendment of the Bill. The Bill was 
then read a second time without a division, amid cheers from 
both sides of the House. 

" Many Members of the House," said Mr. Chamberlain, 

Mr. " would be inclined to envy him the privilege of 

Chamberlain, introducing a Bill, which marks an era in the 

history of Australia, and is a great and important step 

towards the organisation of the British Empire." 

The importance attached to this measure by the Opposi- 
tion was equally emphasised by Mr. Asquith : — 

" This is a measure which, by reason of its intrinsic 
importance and of the influence which its adoption must 
exercise on the future of the Empire, transcends in interest 
and magnitude almost any legislative proposal of our 
time." 



THE THIRD READING 39 r 

The Times regretted that Mr. Chamberlain did not put 
pressure on the delegates to fall in with the Government 
view of the necessity for upholding the right of Appeal 
to the Queen in Council unimpaired, especially as Queens- 
land and West Australia were prepared to support him in 
this contention. 

The general opinion, nevertheless, seemed to be one of 
relief that a satisfactory compromise had been made without 
any semblance of a breach of our amicable relations with 
those Colonies to which we are so deeply indebted. Little 
or no comment has, however, been made as to the extreme 
responsibility cast upon the Crown for the final scrutiny of 
legislative measures. 

" The unfortunate difficulty," l said the Daily Telegraph, 
" which had jarred upon the sentiment of the Empire had 
disappeared. Above all, the new position of Mr. Chamberlain 
was revealed to the House. It was seen, as if in a flash, 
that his career has reached an extraordinary height. 
Stronger and stronger he has emerged from every difficulty 
during the last three months, until it seems to the House 
of Commons that he bears the political equivalent of a 
charmed life." 

On June 26th the Bill was read a third time, amid 
loud cheers from all parts of the House, and passed the 
House of Lords on the 3rd of July, without amendment. 
Many congratulatory telegrams were sent to the Colonial 
Secretary after the Bill received the Royal Assent, and the 
high importance of the Act was specially signified by calling 
the Commons to the bar of the House of Lords, to hear 
the Queen's assent accorded to it, unaccompanied by any 

1 The revised clause which had given so much trouble — the power to 
restrict the Right of Appeal in cases involving the interpretation of the 
Australian Constitution Acts and the Federation Act itself — was disposed 
of by the express provision that Acts of the Commonwealth involving 
questions of such interpretation, are to be subject to ratification by the 
Crown. 



392 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

other Bill. Others which were ready, received the Royal 
Assent in a batch the next day. 

The Act was to come into effect January ist, 1901, and 
the Earl of Hopetoun, the first Governor-General, having 
taken up his residence in the Commonwealth was to make 
arrangements for the first election and then call together the 
first Federal Parliament. The Duke of York, by the Queen's 
gracious permission (contained in an announcement made 
by the Colonial Office September 18th), would open the 
first Parliament of the Commonwealth in her name. " Her 
Majesty fully recognises the greatness of the occasion which 
will bring her Colonies of Australia into Federal Union, 
and desires to give this special proof of her interest in all 
that concerns the welfare of her Australian subjects. Her 
Majesty at the same time wishes to signify her sense of 
the loyalty and devotion which have prompted the spon- 
taneous aid so liberally offered by all the colonies in the 
South African war, and of the splendid gallantry of her 
Colonial troops." 



CHAPTER XXXII 
THE CHANCELLOR OF BIRMINGHAM UNIVERSITY 

MASON SCIENCE COLLEGE — ITS GROWTH — FIRST IDEA OF A UNI- 
VERSITY—MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S WORK IN CONNECTION WITH IT 
—RECEPTION OF THE CHARTER— MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND HIS 
CONSTITUENTS — AT A BIRMINGHAM TOWN'S MEETING — LIBERAL- 
UNIONIST ASSOCIATION MEETING — MAY 1900— BIRMINGHAM. 

" T3) ECEIVED too late for classification " is the title, under 
JlV which are occasionally to be seen, crowded in a 
corner of a big paper, telegrams or advertisements of varying 
interest and importance. In a busy life such as Mr. 
Chamberlain's there is a variety of miscellaneous work which 
occupies what may be called his spare-corner moments. 
Considering what the responsibilities of the Colonial Secretary 
are, that Minister might be excused if he were simply a 
competent Head of his Department. But Mr. Chamberlain 
is more than that. He is also President of the Birmingham 
Liberal-Unionist Association, Chancellor of the new Birming- 
ham University, and the great fighting man of the Treasury 
Bench, who, when it is known that he is " up," is always 
sure of a full house. 

The work he has done in connection with the founding 
of Birmingham University is not work that could be done 
in "spare moments." It is the result of arduous, long- 
sustained effort, and its results are successful beyond 
expectation. 

This Institution, the youngest born of the Universities, in 
which for the first time in England a Commercial Faculty will 
be constituted, is the outcome of the Science College founded 

393 



394 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

by the late Sir Josiah Mason, a Birmingham manufacturer, 
who began life as a working lad in a pen factory. 

In the days when Mr. Chamberlain was living at " South- 
bourne " in Edgbaston, Sir Josiah Mason, was 

science turning over in his mind the project which has 

College, had such great results. He consulted with his 
Birmingham. , . r _., 

medical adviser and friend, the late Dr. J. Gibbs 

Blake, who gave much of his time and thought to perfecting 
the scheme for the College, of which he was the first bailiff 
and one of the two original trustees. Mr. J. G. Johnson, 
Mr. Bunce, Dr. Heslop and other well-known Birmingham 
men, worthily carried out Sir Josiah Mason's wishes, with 
respect to the foundation of a Science College. He had long 
been impressed with the need of greater knowledge (scientific 
chiefly) for Birmingham artisans and manufacturers. It is 
this idea which Mr. Chamberlain has developed in proposing 
a Commercial Faculty in the new University. 

On October ist, 1880, the Mason Science College was 
opened, and the staff only numbered four Professors. At 
present the staff numbers sixty-seven. 1 In 1892 an amalga- 
mation with Queen's College Medical School was effected, 
and in 1894 the Birmingham Day Training College was 
incorporated with the Science College. In June 1897 a great 
step forward was taken when the Mason College University 
Act became law; it took effect on January ist, 1898, and 
from that time the idea of a University for Birmingham has 
rapidly grown. 

On January 13th, 1898, the first meeting of the Court 

of Governors of Mason College University was 

university held under the Presidency of Mr. Chamberlain. 

c erne, Q n January 18th, 1900, the last annual meeting of 

that Court was held under his Presidency. On the first 

occasion Mr. Chamberlain expounded his ideas of a 

Birmingham University, the realisation of a long cherished 

1 The Principal, 28 Professors, 1 Assistant-Proiessor, 23 Lecturers, 3 
Assistants, 5 Demonstrators, a Master of Method, a Head-Mistress, and 
4 Assistant-Mistresses in the Training Department. 



BIRMINGHAM UNIVERSITY 395 

ambition," which should crown the edifice of Birmingham's 
educational institutions. He then reviewed the enormous 
educational reforms effected in that city in the last twenty 
years. A large sum of money would be wanted ; they could 
not start with a starved University. 

" With some confidence " he said, " I shall appeal to the 
local patriotism of Birmingham and the district round it — 
patriotism which in the past has done so much for us, and 
which may yet raise us to as great an eminence as a city 
of learning as we already enjoy as a home of commerce and 
industry, and as a school for local government and for 
municipal administration." 

Two years later, in January 1900, Mr. Chamberlain had 
the satisfaction of announcing that the money had been 
subscribed ; not, he was careful to add, all that they wanted, 
but a substantial instalment of it ; there was still need for 
many guinea and five-guinea subscriptions. 

" In Birmingham, I do not hesitate to say there are 
50,000 persons who might, without any material sacrifice, 
give at all events a small sum — a couple or three pounds 
apiece — to the promotion of this great work, if they felt in it 
the interest in it which I feel myself, and such a contribution 
would add at once ,£100,000 or ,£150,000 to our endowment. 
Believe me, we want every penny of it." 

" I hold that it is upon the University of Birmingham 
that falls the responsibility of maintaining the commercial 
and industrial position of this district. 

" I believe we are going to try a great experiment — in one 
particular we hope we may set an example to all other 
universities — in the distinctive application of knowledge to 
science and commerce. These being the views which I 
believe would be confirmed by every one who studied the 
question, I do hope a still greater interest will be awakened 
in our work in the town and district, and that they will 
give us the means which alone can enable us to carry it 
out satisfactorily." 

Mr. Chamberlain was mainly instrumental in raising the 



396 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

new endowment fund of over £300,000, for, though generous 
contributions have been made from past and present 
students, the sum wanted was so large that there can be no 
hesitation in saying that it would never have been given, if 
it had not been for Mr. Chamberlain's personal efforts. He 
has taken upon himself much of the burden of obtaining the 
necessary funds, has written and spoken on behalf of the 
University, and is still doing so ; he has called together 
influential meetings, and has persuaded his friends and 
relations to subscribe large sums ; he himself has given 
£2,000, but money merely does not represent the real value 
of the support he has afforded the movement. It was 
through him that two donations of £50,000 were received : 
one from Mr. Carnegie, the American iron-master ; the other 
was given anonymously and conditionally, and in order to 
earn it £300,000 had to be raised by a certain time. But 
even with these contributions and the original endowment 
fund of the Mason College, amounting to nearly £250,000, 
the University is not yet fully equipped. Money has come 
in well, but more is wanted, if the capabilities of the new 
institution are to be properly developed. 

Mr. Chamberlain has spared much time and thought for 
the new University, while occupied by peculiarly heavy 
responsibilities and burdened with many anxieties. As 
President of the Court of Governors, he has attended the 
meetings and taken the greatest interest in the details of 
the scheme. It is often supposed that he is so "cocksure" 
(as one of his opponents called him) that it makes it 
difficult for more diffident people to work with him. That is 
not the opinion of the Governors of the University. One 
who knows him well, says : " He expresses his opinions 
very decidedly, which is an advantage, as it clears the way 
and you know how to proceed ; but his advice is most 
valuable and is tendered in an extremely pleasant way ; he 
listens to each suggestion and weighs each proposition most 
thoroughly." 

The royal charter of the University of Birmingham 



THEIR NEW CHANCELLOR 397 

was granted on March 24th, and on May 31st was re- 
Reception of ceived by a special meeting of the Court of 
the Charter. Governors. Mr. Chamberlain as Chancellor pre- 
sided. He said : 

"The first meeting of the Court of the LTniversity of 
Birmingham happily synchronises with great events abroad 
(cheers), and I cannot help thinking that I shall fulfil your 
expectations and wishes if I propose to you that we should 
send the following message to the Queen at Balmoral : 
' The Court of the University of Birmingham, constituted 
under the charter recently granted by your Majesty, at its 
first meeting tenders its most hearty and loyal congratula- 
tions to your Majesty on the capture of Johannesburg and 
Pretoria.' " (Cheers.) 

The proposal having been agreed to, Mr. Chamberlain 
called for three cheers for the Queen, and himself led the 
cheering. 

"It is with the most heartfelt satisfaction that I con- 
gratulate you on this realisation of a hope and aspiration 
which have been entertained for half a century by all the 
best of the citizens of Birmingham, by all the well-wishers 
of the Midland district. . . . The farther we go and the 
greater the information we possess, the more gigantic our 
task appears." 

They wanted, first, an examining University ; secondly, 
a teaching University ; thirdly, a great School of Research ; 
fourthly, a School of Science in connection with our local 
industries and manufactures. 

" This latter object, this development of the Commercial 
Faculty, was one which has turned out to be much greater 
and more responsible than we had anticipated. . . . We are 
behindhand in the preparation for that great struggle which 
must come, that commercial competition between nations, in 
which the weakest will inevitably go to the wall." 

And until we were properly equipped for the struggle 
he would not be satisfied. " All that is wanted is money," 
he said, amid laughter ; " another quarter of a million is the 
smallest sum " with which he would be content, and his 
audience smiled with him, foreseeing that that quarter of 



398 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

a million would be forthcoming if the Chancellor asked for 
it. " I have never known a persistent appeal made to the 
people of Birmingham and its neighbourhood to fail of its 
effect. ... I confess I know of no way in which money can 
be bestowed with such certainty of permanent advantage 
(as for higher education) or with such credit to those who 
have bestowed it." 

The Vice-Chancellor (the Lord Mayor of Birmingham, 
Alderman Beale) then moved a resolution expressing the 
gratitude of the Governors and of the town to Mr. 
Chamberlain for his services in connection with the 
Lhiiversity. 

The students who lined the corridors to cheer the new 
Chancellor were not to be denied a speech. Mr. Chamberlain 
addressed them as the " first students, and he hoped before 
long the graduates of the new University." He sounded the 
tutorial note when reminding them that they must be 
worthy of their new dignity. 

"... We have begun modestly, but our ideas are not 
modest. . . . We intend that the motto of the University 
shall be the same as the motto of the Town [' Forward '].... 
I have seen something of other Universities — and as you 
know I am a much-gowned man, and all that I can say 
is, that without attempting any invidious comparisons, I hope 
our University will yield to none. That will depend in a 
large measure upon you, and upon those who succeed you." 

Besides his work for the University, he has done much for 

Mr cha b otner educational institutions, and was particularly 

lain and Ms interested in the dispute between the Charity 

Constituents. ~ . • , ,* ^ c rr- 

Commissioners and the Governors ot King 
Edward VI. Foundation Schools. 

It is obvious that the Colonial Secretary cannot devote 
the time to the municipal life of Birmingham that he did 
before he became a Minister, when he was personally known 
to the citizens of all classes. But he still keeps himself 
informed of all that is going on, and as President of the 



ADDRESSING HIS CONSTITUENTS 399 

Birmingham Liberal-Unionist Association is intimately 
connected with the chief political organisation of the city. 
Many Birmingham people, who have never come into personal 
contact with Mr. Chamberlain, have vivid recollections of 
him on the platform of the Town Hall at the annual 
Members' Meetings. 

It is difficult to describe a Birmingham Town's Meeting 

Addr sin as '* usec * to ^ e ' so ^ at xt s ^ ou ^ convey to the 
Ms reader an adequate impression of the concentrated 
Constituents . , • , r 1 • 

excitement which was often compressed in some 

two and a half hours. In the old days, to hear John Bright, 

R. W. Dale, and Joseph Chamberlain on one evening, was 

to receive an impression of the power of oratory not likely 

to be easily forgotten. When the floor of the hall was filled 

with a seething, swaying mass, listening with the most critical 

attention, quick to mark each point, quick to resent each 

interruption, ready with wild applause or with sinister groans 

of disapproval, the spectators in the gallery participated in 

an excitement more thrilling than any occasioned by the 

most sensational scene in a theatre, and they learnt in a 

single evening what such phrases as " the Power of the 

People," and the " Power of the Orator " mean. 

When Mr. Chamberlain stands up to speak, those of his 

constituents who are not too busy applauding have a good 

chance to mark his bearing and to study his face. With 

a slight smile, with his eyeglass firmly screwed into his eye, 

erect, one hand on the desk, one hand behind him, he stands 

waiting, apparently perfectly unmoved ; yet some believe that 

he derives inspiration from those cheers, and that without 

them his speeches would be shorn of some of their power. 

Then he makes some movement, it is difficult to say exactly 

what ; generally he turns his head and the formal words, " Mr. 

Chairman," can be read if not heard from his lips ; sometimes 

he holds up his hand ; occasionally, when he cannot secure 

silence, he readjusts his eyeglass. But when he fairly begins 

there is intense quiet, and the audience seems to hold its 

breath, waiting for the first point, the first chance of an 



400 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

appreciative cheer, which they are very sure will not be long 
in coming. It is not easy for a logical speaker to be argu- 
mentative and amusing at the same time, but Mr. Chamberlain 
easily keeps the attention of his audience throughout a long 
and difficult argument, and they are also certain of more than 
one hearty laugh before he concludes. 

His notes are on small slips of paper laid on the table 
before him ; these he raises very close to his eyes as he 
refers to them ; often he speaks with scarcely any reference 
to them at all. He holds them with his left hand and 
throughout the speech, gesticulates more or less forcibly with 
a decided sweep of the right hand, which on one occasion 
sent his glass of water to cool the reporters toiling below 
him. Interruptions do not seem to disturb him : they seem 
rather to afford him a momentary rest and an opportunity 
for what might be called a little " oratorical business." He 
manages the malcontents, it must be confessed, with admir- 
able humour and good-nature. Whatever may be his 
method of dealing with his interruptors in the House of 
Commons, his way of answering a working-man who cannot 
reply, and who is perhaps expressing a perfectly honest, not 
a factious opinion in opposition to the speaker, is conciliatory, 
if the objection is worth answering ; and is tinged by a little 
gentle chaff, if the interruption is foolish and uncalled-for. 

One sultry July evening he was addressing a crowded 
meeting in a Board School. The heat was fearful ; even 
Mr. Chamberlain acknowledged that he felt it. Presently 
there was a slight disturbance and he paused. An indignant 
voice came from the back of the room, " We are boiling ! " 

" My dear sir," he replied sympathetically, " I am 
extremely sorry, but if it's any consolation to you, I'm 
roasting ! " 

"One of the most wonderful exhibitions of power I ever 
saw," said a Birmingham man, " I saw when Mr. Chamberlain 
was speaking at Stourbridge. There was a rowdy element 
in the meeting, and it was intended that there should be a 
disturbance. For the first forty minutes he was constantly 




Photo by] 



[Reinhold, Thiele, d^ Co. 
Mrs. Chamberlain. 



J. Thackeray Bunce, late Editor ot 
the Birmingham Post 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN ADDRESSING HIS CONSTITUENTS IN THE 
TOWN HALL, BIRMINGHAM. 



A DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUENCY 401 

interrupted. Then he turned his attention to those men ; he 
simply talked to them for twenty minutes, for the last forty 
minutes there was absolute silence, and at the end the 
meeting cheered him like mad. I never saw anything like 
it. It was power pure and simple — sheer power." 

As the political chief (President) of the Birmingham Liberal- 
Asa Political Unionists, Mr. Chamberlain of course takes part in 
Chief. ^he wor k; f the Association and attends Committee 
Meetings. "He is," says the same speaker, " always most 
courteous, though decided. Every one in Committee gets on 
excellently with him. The general opinion of him, as a man 
who would crush anything or anybody who stands in his way, 
is in my opinion, quite wrong. He makes up his mind 
carefully ; he does not speak till he has decided, and then he 
is prepared to defend his views. But I have not found him 
unwilling to give due weight to the views of others." 

Mr. Chamberlain made an interesting reference to the 
effect of Home Rule, in creating a new political party in 
Birmingham life, in his Leicester speech (November 1899). 

" We took account of the deep political sentiment which 
made it difficult for a man, who all his life had been called 
a Liberal or Radical, who had been proud of his party, to 
enrol under a new flag and to be the friend of men whom, 
up to that time, he had looked upon as his bitterest enemies. . . 
We encouraged such men to preserve the name of Liberal, 
and induced them to accept the Unionist party. . . and to 
work with the Conservatives as with loyal allies. . . . The 
Liberal had, as it were, retained his old principles, while giving 
them a new application." 

At Glasgow (1897) he spoke of his experience as Parlia- 
mentary Candidate in a democratic constituency. 

" The democracy as a rule is interested and sentimental 
(Laughter) ; I am speaking in all seriousness. The people 
who act according to their mean petty interests, are the 
people who to-day are voting against the Government, because 
their dogs have been muzzled. . . people who, upon inter- 

26 



4 o2 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

national concerns of the highest importance, agree with the 
Government. 

" But the democracy will never do that. You prove to 
the democracy that there is something to be done, which 
calls for the greatest sacrifices from them, but which is just 
and right to do, and you will probably carry the democracy 
with you. ... It is the business of a leader to lead ; it is 
the business of a leader to educate his party, but to do so 
sympathetically, not to do so with contempt shown in every 
line of his intelligent countenance. That is not the way 
either to convince or to carry an audience with you. ' 

" I can say for myself that, though I have never hesitated 
to say what I have thought to be right, and to say it in 
terms which are not very difficult for any one to understand, 
yet I have been able to keep my hold on the most democratic 
constituency in the most democratic town in the kingdom, 
and to come out on each occasion, when a contest had been 
fought, with a gigantic majority, in a constituency in which 
there is hardly one rich man, and in which the great majority 
are men working with their hands. ... So long as we can 
point to such cases as these [Birmingham and Wolverhampton] 
we cannot complain of the ingratitude of the democracy." 



After the General Election of 1886, when party ties had 
been broken and friend had voted against friend, he agreed 
to meet some of the Birmingham Liberals, in order that 
their points of difference on Home Rule might be explained 
in a friendly manner. It was a most interesting discussion, 
and Mr. Chamberlain at the close laid aside some of his usual 
reserve, and pleaded that these political differences should 
not be allowed to sever the bonds of friendship, which had 
so long bound them together in Birmingham. The pro- 
ceedings were private, and what he said was meant only for 
the ear of his friends and constituents, though his suggestion 
as to a Round Table Conference was afterwards carried out. 



" Well, gentlemen, whatever may be the issue of the appeal 
I make, or of the present situation, I hope that here at least 
we may preserve our old friendships. I hope that we may 



AFFECTION FOR BIRMINGHAM 403 

at least speak of one another and think of one another with 
mutual respect. . . . 

" To me, my position in Birmingham, and in this division, 
Affection for has been, as I have often said, a peculiar and 
Birmingham. except i ona i onc y[ y y^ e is bound up in Birming- 
ham ; all its institutions, its prosperity, its politics, have been 
my care and principal thought for the whole course of my 
public life. I know its people. Your faces, if not your 
names, are familiar to me. As I walk through the streets 
I seem to gather instinctively the minds of the people. And, 
I say that, to me there is no position to which I can attain, 
there is no triumph which can come to me, there is no 
success which I can possibly hope for, that would in any 
degree compensate me for the loss of the respect — ay, and of 
the affection — that has hitherto been shown me." 

When he met his constituents in 1900 his welcome was 
designedly more enthusiastic than usual ; it was intended to 
mark their approval of his South African policy, which he 
explained at full length. 

Mrs. Chamberlain was absent from the meeting, owing to 
the death of her father, and without moving any formal 
resolution on the subject the speakers expressed the feeling 
not only of the meeting, but of the town, in offering her 
their sincere sympathy in her bereavement — a sympathy 
which Mrs. Chamberlain very greatly appreciated. 

Mr. Chamberlain, who showed traces of his recent illness 
— he had been suffering from an attack of influenza — said, 
in reply to the resolution re-appointing him President of the 
Association : — 

" I feel very deeply the kind words which have been 
uttered by the mover and seconder of this resolution, and 
which have expressed their sense, and your sense, of the loss 
which my wife has lately sustained. This is the first time 
she has been absent, since our marriage, from any of these 
great meetings, and I know that it is a sorrow to her not to 
be present. It would have been more congenial to me 
to avoid all public appearances at this time, but Mr. Endicott 
was, perhaps more than any other man I have ever known, 



404 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

imbued with the sense that all private feeling should give 
way to public duty. I feel sure I am best honouring his 
memory in keeping those public engagements which I have 
made. ... I am sure you know that I feel it in a special 
sense a pleasure and a privilege to attend these annual 
gatherings. On these occasions I speak to the friends of a 
lifetime — who have never failed me in good report or evil 
report — who have stood by me in all the vicissitudes of a 
not uneventful political career (Voice, ' Always will '), and I 
hope I am not presuming when I say that I count once more 
on receiving from my own people a cordial appreciation of 
my motives and intentions, and the hearty support which has 
encouraged and strengthened me so often in difficult times 
which are past." 

Parliament was dissolved on September 25th, 1900, and 
Mr. Chamberlain once again appealed to the constituents 
he had represented for so long. He had, indeed, already 
entered upon his twenty-fifth year as Member of Parliament 
for Birmingham. The new Parliament was to assemble on 
November 1st 



CHAPTER XXXIII 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN Al WORK 

THE UNIONIST ALLIANCE— ITS PERMANENCE — RELATIONS WITH 
MR. BALFOUR— LORD SALISBURY AND MR. GLADSTONE — A DAY 
AT THE COLONIAL OFFICE. 

WHETHER Mr. Chamberlain would ever return to his 
old allies has been frequently asked since 1886. 
Many at first feared that an Alliance between Liberal- 
Tho Unionist Unionists and Conservatives was the crying of 
Alliance. « p eacej Peace, when there is no Peace " ; the 
Gladstonians naturally desired war and the consequent ruin 
of the coalition ; and when the danger which united Liberals 
and Conservatives should have passed, they expected the 
party to fall asunder through lack of a common interest. 
But a common danger still unites the two sections of the 
present Government, the fear of that disintegrating legislation 
which may yet be attempted by a combination of Liberals 
and Nationalists. 

And a second and more permanent bond of union is to be 
found in the wish of both sections of the Unionist Party for 
progessive domestic legislation. Former Liberals have 
found that to " progress " is not solely a Liberal virtue ; 
Conservatives (to the astonishment of some of them), that 
to make the people more powerful and more contented does 
not necessarily make their rulers either less powerful or less 
prosperous. 

A third reason for the continuance of the alliance is 
that the Government has been industrious and business-like ; 

405 



406 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

it did not compile a fancy programme, but has steadily 
worked through a number of useful legislative measures. 
When men of differing opinions are earnestly engaged upon 
a piece of necessary work they are apt to think less of 
theoretic difference than of practical agreement. To waste 
time in talking generates friction and discord ; to spend time 
in work induces a feeling of satisfaction with oneself and 
with one's fellow-workers. 

When Lord Hartington became the Duke of Devonshire, 
(December 1891) the leadership of the Liberal-Unionist 
Party in the House of Commons fell to Mr. Chamberlain. 
There was a continual battle between him and his old 
colleagues, including personal friends of many years, such 
for example as Mr. Morley ; the Home Rule contest also, 
for a time, was almost of the nature of a duel between Mr. 
Chamberlain and Mr. Gladstone. During these first years 
of the Unionist coalition a foundation of mutual respect 
between the allies was laid, for Mr. Chamberlain bore himself 
well in a trying position, and the first piece of work he under- 
took after leaving Mr. Gladstone's Government (the mission 
to America, 1887) was a signal success. 

The relations between Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Salisbury 
personally are of the pleasantest and most cordial 

with Ms character, and the long-expected, often-prophesied 
eagues. rU p ture De t. W een tne Prime Minister and his 
formidable ally has never taken place. There have always 
been for some people figure-heads in English History, and 
as Bright stands for political honesty, Wellington for political 
obstinacy, so Mr. Chamberlain serves them as an admirable 
study for political ambition. Such people do not understand 
that ambition may mean making a complete success of the 
particular work in hand, rather than throwing it aside for 
other work which may be considered as more important. 

" It is the ordinary course of party politics," said Mr. 

November Chamberlain at Leicester, " that one party should 

1899. fi n( j to be wrong everything that the other party 

proposes, and when a question does not affect the interest 



LORD SALISBURY AND MR. BALFOUR 407 

of the Empire, perhaps that is a satisfactory principle on 
which a country may be governed. At all events it ensures 
criticism on everything that is proposed. Following this 
principle we used to say hard things of one another, we, 
who are all friends. . . ." 

" Lord Salisbury called me ' Jack Cade,' but I always said 
I thought Jack Cade was a much misunderstood person. But 
let that pass. I have said many disagreeable things about 
Lord Salisbury. But nothing that he said of me, and nothing 
that I ever said of him, ever prevented our co-operating 
cordially upon what, fortunately, we were both able to 
believe was for the interests of the nation. When we came 
together to look at the merits of some of those propositions, 
which otherwise might have been the subject of party 
criticism, we found that upon the merits we were entirely 
agreed." 

There were those who said that Lord Salisbury would 
find a difficulty in placing Mr. Chamberlain in his new 
administration, and they were not backward in surmising that 
the offer of the Colonial Secretaryship showed that Lord 
Salisbury was not going to give his new ally anything that 
he could help. 

Still more ill-natured were the prophecies of what would 
happen when Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour tried to work 
together : the two men were so diametrically opposite. Mr. 
Balfour was popularly supposed to be an aristocrat of the 
aristocrats, taking a philosophical rather than a practical view 
and unwilling to consider the expediency of a policy ; Mr. 
Chamberlain, a man attaching little importance to class 
distinctions, practical before everything, demanding that the 
Unionist Policy should bear the stamp of actual as well as 
theoretical expediency. Yet different in method and manner 
as these two politicians are, their alliance has stood the wear 
and tear of fourteen years of considerable strain, and Mr. 
Balfour is now one of Mr. Chamberlain's firmest and most 
intimate political allies as well as a personal friend. Mr. 
Balfour's generous replies to the recent personal attacks on 
Mr. Chamberlain in the House, have sufficiently demon- 



4o8 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

strated the soundness of the friendship that exists between 
the First Lord of the Treasury and the leader of the Liberal- 
Unionist party in the House of Commons. 

It is doubtful if there is another man who, in the early 
days of the coalition, could have held the party together, with 
the maximum of effectiveness and the minimum of friction 
achieved by Mr. Balfour. To be conciliatory was as easy 
to him, as to be firm is to Mr. Chamberlain. In the fusion 
of the two parties, whose origin and up-bringing were 
diametrically opposite, a spirit of conciliation in details and 
of firmness in principles was above all things essential. 
A political combination of two such men as Mr. Chamber- 
lain and Mr. Balfour has in it elements of immense 
strength, and its influence in the House of Commons 
must be extraordinary, giving to the Government the two 
keenest debaters and two of the most powerful speakers in 
the House. 

Mr. Chamberlain's chief political opponents are Sir William 
Harcourt, Mr. Morley, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, and 
Lord Rosebery. In the cases of Sir William Harcourt and 
Mr. Morley, the personal friendship which, though no longer 
based on political agreement, is still firm, makes the political 
enmity more interesting. 

If Home Rule could be eliminated from politics it would 
probably be found that Lord Rosebery was nearer to Mr. 
Chamberlain than any other man on the Liberal side. The 
political differences between the two seem more those of 
circumstance than of principle. Both are Imperialists ; both 
believe in the democracy ; both speak what is in their mind 
with equal plainness, without considering whether it will 
please their party, and neither is afraid to point out when 
his party is wrong. 

Lord Rosebery once said at Birmingham of Mr. Chamber- 
lain : " No one admires Mr. Chamberlain's abilities more 
than I do, no one admires his unequalled powers in debate, 
his power of invective and his power of eulogy (I think 
he prefers the invective), and no one recognises more 



MEETING WITH MR. GLADSTONE 409 

warmly than I do the great municipal services he has 

rendered to Birmingham. ... If you could only put his 

head straight [on Home Rule] he would be the horse for 

my money." 

The tie between Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain, 

Meeting °^ a different and more formal character than that 

with Mr. which bound the latter to the rest of his colleagues, 
Gladstone. c & 

was, of course, broken in the intensity of the 

Home Rule struggle. But it is a satisfaction to know that 
by a pleasant and characteristic action on the part of 
both, kindly relations were once more resumed before Mr. 
Gladstone's death. After the aged Premier had retired from 
public life, Mr. Chamberlain inquired if he would like to 
see him again. A most cordial answer was returned by 
Mr. Gladstone and the ex-member of the Liberal Cabinet 
lunched with his former chief, with whom he had a long and 
interesting conversation ; and as if to show his kindly feeling 
Mr. Gladstone did not eschew politics, but led the conversation 
in that direction, and discoursed with frankness and animation 
on the political situation. Whether the future of Home 
Rule was touched upon or not, it is interesting to know of 
such a meeting between the leaders of the two parties, 
once so far estranged. 

"I am convinced," said Mr. Gladstone in 1896, speaking of 
the late Lord Derby, " that acceptance of office is apt to be 
less sharply criticised than resignation ; the motives which 
induce a man to resign are more severely scrutinised than 
those which induce a man to accept." And now that he 
himself had resigned office he may have more fully appre- 
ciated the significance of his own words. 

In attempting something like a review of Mr. Chamberlain's 

Work at P os ^i° n as a politician and as a man, it is natural 

the Colonial to look chiefly at his Colonial work. But as this 

work is not finished, and as its results will be 

far-reaching, and extend over many years, no complete 

estimate can yet be formed of its worth. If genius consists 

in seizing opportunity, it was certainly a stroke of genius 



4io THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

for Mr. Chamberlain to choose the Colonial Secretaryship, a 
post which brought him the greatest opportunity of his life. 
So clearly has he shown the immense importance of that 
office that in the future it will be reserved for the strongest 
and best among our statesmen. Never again, with the 
people's consent, will vital issues affecting our Colonies be 
entrusted to the keeping of administrative mediocrity. The 
Colonial Secretary guides the fortunes of an Empire within 
an Empire ; for the fortunes of the Colonies cannot be 
dissociated from those of the Mother Country. 

In his choice of Colonial Governors, in his dealings with 
Colonial Premiers and with officials, both great and small, 
Mr. Chamberlain has been peculiarly happy. The Bechu- 
analand chieftain, Khama, in a felicitous moment named him 
" The man who puts things straight ! " 

How great the physical and mental strain of Mr. Chamber- 
lain's position is, can only be fully known to himself, but it 
may be surmised from the following glance at a day's work 
at the Colonial Office. 

Mr. Chamberlain works in a large room looking out on 
the great quadrangle, round which are built the Foreign, 
Colonial, Home, and India Offices. He sits at a desk placed 
at the farther end of the room, and when a visitor comes 
to see him, the considerable distance to be traversed before 
the usual handshake can take place is a little awkward for 
both parties. However it affords an excellent opportunity 
for preliminary observation. All sorts of concerns are dealt 
with in this room. The great questions raised at the con- 
ference of Colonial Premiers, the more recent deliberations 
concerning Australian Federation, Imperial Federation, once 
a fair dream only, now likely to become a great reality, 
the pretended mission of " The Messrs. Ansah " (fraudulent 
envoys of King Prempeh), the concerns of the Bechuanaland 
chieftains, Khama, Bathoen, and Sebele (loyal and devoted 
Christian subjects of Her Majesty), the huge schemes of 
Mr. Rhodes, and the small concerns of the tiniest island be- 
longing to the Empire, have all been discussed in this room. 



TYPICAL CORRESPONDENTS 411 

There is something romantic about the Colonial Office, 
from the theoretical if not from the practical point of view. 
It symbolises growth and power ; the expansion of a mighty 
empire, an empire won not so much by the conquest of 
great armies, as by the activity, energy, and restlessness of 
individual Englishmen who have spread themselves over the 
face of the globe. 

In the room adjoining Mr. Chamberlain's, sit his private 
secretaries, who are ready, if summoned by the electric signal, 
to take in papers to the Colonial Secretary, and who deal 
with those relating to patronage and personal communications. 
The latter, unless anonymous or simply abusive, are always 
brought before Mr. Chamberlain, who occasionally answers 
them himself. They include much correspondence of all 
sorts, which has nothing to do with the Colonies : there are 
many disappointed contributors to provincial newspapers 
who send their articles to the Colonial Secretary to read ; 
there are numerous requests for autographs, stamps, and even 
money ; there are complaints from people who attribute 
every ill to the Government, and think it can remedy every 
wrong, and constant suggestions from ingenious men and 
women (in all stages of sanity), who usually have a remarkably 
short way of dealing with political difficulties. All this 
private correspondence is kept according to its importance, 
but it does not all remain on record permanently. 

The official papers are dealt with by the permanent staff 
of the Office ; but the private secretaries find themselves 
fully occupied, for, in addition to patronage questions, the 
correspondence committed to their charge entails a great 
deal of personal work and interviews with all sorts of people 
all day long. 

The official papers with which the Colonial Secretary 
has to deal are of the most varied character ; there have been 
Secretaries of State who have left the bulk of the work to 
the permanent staff, and have been satisfied to inform them- 
selves cursorily of the contents of the papers submitted to 
them for signature. But that is not Mr. Chamberlain's way. 



412 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

When looking round his room and seeing the innumerable piles 
of papers, the pouches and boxes filled to overflowing, the 
long Despatches, with minutes advising as to the action to 
be taken and full notes and comments, all of which must 
be carefully considered before the final reply is given to 
Despatches, which vary in importance from one on irrigation 
in Cyprus to those relating to negotiations on which depends 
the peace of South Africa ; and when remembering that all 
receive minute and careful attention, it is easy to realise 
that Mr. Secretary Chamberlain must needs be a hard worker, 
a man of method, quick to see, quick to decide, quick to 
act. When he leaves the Colonial Office his Departmental 
work is not finished. The papers follow him to the House 
of Commons, labelled with slips of different colours, red, 
green, or white according to their urgency. At midnight, 
when he goes home, he finds them at his private house, and 
even when he is away from London they arrive with regularity 
by post or messenger. In fact, he could not escape from 
them unless he were to disappear altogether. 

It must be admitted that with all this responsibility on 
his shoulders, with his Parliamentary duties, his political 
engagements, and his private affairs (for even a Minister 
has private affairs to attend to), Mr. Chamberlain is a very 
busy man. He could only get through his work by habits 
of industry, rapidity, and method. Each piece of business 
is considered by a mind accustomed to concentration and 
to swift movement from one subject to another. Nothing 
is left over from day to day, but each day's work is finished 
within the working day, however late he must sit up to finish 
it (and often he does not reach home from the House till 
two a.m.). A glance at his room in the Colonial Office will 
reveal part of the secret of his power of getting through his 
work. There is nothing superfluous, nothing out of place, 
and every morning when he comes to business his desk 
is absolutely clear. There is not a single paper lying 
about. 

The work of the Colonial Department, which is infinitely 



CHIEF AND STAFF 413 

greater now than ever before, was never so quickly or so 
promptly despatched ; the accommodation and the staff have 
had to be increased more than once since Mr. Chamberlain's 
accession to Office. 

Though arduous, the work is also extremely interesting, 
more particularly since South African affairs have loomed so 
large before the public. The Colonial Secretary's enthusiasm 
inspires his subordinates and they are more than willing to 
undertake extra work when necessary to help him. He 
has a keen eye for good work, and he rarely fails to 
remember the man who shows ability, whether he be a 
great man out in a colony or a subordinate in the office 
in Downing Street. It can safely be said that he takes 
greater interest in his staff than is usually expected of the 
head of a Department of State, and the just and con- 
siderate spirit which contributed to the pleasant relations 
in the old days between the Mayor of Birmingham and the 
Corporation officials, still governs the relations between the 
Colonial Secretary and his staff. 

Mr. Chamberlain attaches great value to the sentiment 
of loyalty. The enthusiastic outburst of patriotic feeling 
which began with the Diamond Jubilee and culminated in 
the offers of help from the Colonies in the Boer war, was 
much prized by him, and it is scarcely too much to say 
that he has done something to inspire this enthusiasm. 
One incident may be related in this connection showing 
the Colonial Secretary in something other than a coldly 
official light. 

One morning, among his private correspondence, he found 
a letter from a sturdy Canadian settler, living in the wilds 
of Manitoba, who wanted to show his loyalty to the old 
country. Could he have a bit of bunting — an old Union 
Jack — there must be some lying about at the Admiralty ? 
If he could, he would run it up on high days and holidays 
to celebrate his connection with England. The letter greatly 
pleased Mr. Chamberlain and he did more than the old man 
had even hoped for. A fine bran new flag went out from 



4M THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the Admiralty to the Canadian farmer, who wrote back 
a letter full of gratitude, saying that as soon as the snows 
were gone he was going to rig up a giant flagstaff that 
would be seen for miles round when he ran up his splendid 
new Union Jack. 



CHAPTER XXXIV 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AT HOME 
LONDON AND HIGHBURY 

LIFE IN LONDON — THE TOWN HOUSE — A DAY'S "WORK— MRS. 
CHAMBERLAIN'S WORK— LIFE AT HIGHBURY — THE HOUSE — 
VISITORS— THE FARM, GARDENS, RECREATIONS, HOLIDAYS — 
A DAY AT HIGHBURY. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN has two homes, one in Prince's 
Gardens, the other at Highbury, and his life is 
naturally very different at the two places. Life in London 

Life m is full, engrossing, hurried ; life at Highbury is 

London. q U i e ter and simpler, though even there much 
work persistently follows him, from which the Secretary 
of State of a great Department, and one of the leaders of 
a powerful political party in the House of Commons cannot 
escape. 

When Mr. Chamberlain first entered Parliament he oc- 
The Town cupied rooms in London, but on accepting office 

House. un der Mr. Gladstone he moved to the house in 
Prince's Gardens in which he now lives. In summer, when 
the trees in the square garden are in leaf, the outlook is 
green and peaceful ; the house is close to Hyde Park. In 
the dining-room is a fine picture — Lord Leighton's "Greek 
Girls" — and one may also see a signed portrait of Her 
Majesty, with an inscription in her own hand, presented to 
Mr. Chamberlain on his return from America after he had 
completed the Fisheries negotiations in 1887. 

In the drawing-room there is always an abundance of 

41s 



416 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

beautiful flowers, which are sent up from Highbury twice 
a week ; two " button-holes " for the Colonial Secretary are 
sent every day. 

His life during the session is very much of a routine- 
At breakfast he looks over letters and newspapers (not 
omitting those of Birmingham). About eleven o'clock he 
drives down to the Colonial Office and transacts his business 
there, lunching in his room or at his club (the Athenaeum or 
Devonshire). 

With very rare exceptions, he and his son Austen are 
at the House every afternoon and evening (excepting 
Wednesday and Saturday). On these days Mr. and Mrs. 
Chamberlain can either entertain or accept invitations ; both 
of them are fond of society, and Mr. Chamberlain keenly 
enjoys an evening at the theatre. He was at one time, as 
has been already said, an unusually good amateur actor, and 
has written more than one piece which has been acted by 
his friends. 

For music he does not care, and the Chamberlains are not 
a musical family ; but in literature, art, the drama, and in 
scientific discoveries he is much interested. He is a F.R.S., 
a distinction conferred for his aid to science given officially. 
His honorary degrees are those of LL.D. Cambridge (1892), 
D.C.L. Oxford, (1896), LL.D. Glasgow (1897), and LL.D. 
Dublin (1899). 

When Mr. Chamberlain's official duties are finished there 
Some Official are t ^ ie semi-official ones to be discharged, such 

Duties. as presiding at meetings, dinners, and the opening 
ceremonies of various institutions, and speeches are expected 
on every occasion. Nor can one be made without con- 
siderable responsibility, for the simplest sentence is often 
supposed to bear some hidden political significance ; even 
a joke is not always a joke, pure and simple, if made by the 
Colonial Secretary. In 1900 he was asked to preside 
at a luncheon given by the Wesleyan body in London ; 
some man of note in the political world had been their 
guest on each previous annual occasion ; the year before 




< en 



MRS. CHAMBERLAIN'S WORK 417 

it was Mr. Asquith. But Mr. Chamberlain is dangerous, 
and in spite of the generous tribute he has recently paid to 
the services of Wesleyans throughout the Colonies, a section 
of that body saw in his presence at the luncheon some 
insidious political meaning, and objected to it in such a 
manner that the would-be hosts were forced into the 
ignominious position of asking him to withdraw his accept- 
ance ; a course which was received with indignant protest 
by Wesleyans generally, and by those in Birmingham 
(represented by Mr. Ebenezer Parkes, M.P.) in particular. 
Mrs. Chamberlain is an active member of the Committee 
Mrg of the Colonial Nursing Association, and, for the 

Chamber- North American Reviezv for April 1900, wrote an 
' article on " An Obligation of Empire," dealing 
with this work. She explains the origin and working of the 
English institution and urges its great importance, suggesting 
that it is a subject which will in the future concern Americans 
as well as English. In 1899 she issued an appeal, through 
letters in the papers, for funds for this association. As an 
American, Mrs. Chamberlain took a great interest in the 
fitting out of the hospital-ship, The Maine, generously given 
for the use of our soldiers by Americans, both in England 
and at home. It will also be remembered that at the 
launch of the Venerable last year, she christened the ship. 
More than once she has taken part in the celebration of 
Christmas at the General Hospital, Birmingham, by dis- 
tributing the presents from the Christmas trees to the 
convalescent patients, afterwards visiting those who were 
too ill to leave the wards, with a kindly word and a cheering 
smile for each. Unlike the wives of many political men, 
Mrs. Chamberlain never speaks in public or takes an active 
part in political work. 

When, in 1880, Mr. Chamberlain built Highbury at Moor 
Life at Green, some surprise was felt that he did not 

Highbury. c hoose a more beautiful suburb of Birmingham, 
or buy one of the old country seats, of which many charming 
examples are to be found in Warwickshire and Worcestershire. 

27 



418 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

But in this, as in more important matters, Mr. Chamberlain 
chose to identify himself with Birmingham. He had both 
friends and relatives living in the district of Moor Green, and 
the Hall, where his father and mother died, and where his 
brother Arthur now lives, is close to his gates. The view 
from the grounds at Highbury has changed (as indeed Mr. 
Chamberlain was warned that it would) since he went there ; 
now there are suggestions of tall chimneys and of the small 
red houses of King's Heath to be seen from the terrace. Yet 
nevertheless there is a certain quiet charm and freshness 
about the place ; it is carefully laid out in a manner which 
conceals art, and all its natural advantages were made the 
most of by the late Mr. Milner, the landscape gardener, who 
also arranged the gardens at Southbourne, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's home during his mayoralty. 

The grounds of Highbury are not infrequently thrown 
open ; when the local flower-show is held there the villagers 
and townsfolk stroll through the shrubberies, watch the 
athletic sports in the meadows, or inspect the rare plants in 
the long range of glass-houses. These are built on one 
side of a corridor which is gay with every kind of beautiful 
creeper, and which communicates with the large conservatory 
opening out of the drawing-room. 

The house is thickly covered with ivy and other creepers. 

The garden slopes to the valley below, and most 

of the windows face south and west. The entrance 

hall and Mr. Chamberlain's library are perhaps the two most 

interesting features of the house. 

The library is fitted with the fine oak ceiling and panelling 
designed by the architect (the late Mr. J. H. Chamberlain), 
but the ample shelving no longer suffices for the innumerable 
books which are now overflowing into other rooms. Behind 
Mr. Chamberlain's writing-table, which stands at one end 
near the fireplace, are a collection of novels, French and 
English, and the books which the Colonial Secretary 
constantly uses. Thackeray is perhaps Mr. Chamberlain's 
favourite novelist, though he is also an admirer of Dickens, 



HIGHBURY 419 

and a romance or story of adventure, ancient or modern, are 
welcome when he has time for relaxation. As a young man 
the works of the Continental philosophers and socialists, 
Rousseau, Comte, Karl Marx, were much studied by him, 
and his acquaintance with French and English literature is 
extensive. It is interesting to speculate upon the position 
in literature which Mr. Chamberlain might have made for 
himself, if he had not been absorbed by politics ; his articles 
on social and political subjects are especially distinguished 
for clearness and force. 

On the mantel-shelf of the library is a fine portrait of Mr. 
Gladstone ; and on the writing-table a portrait of Mrs. 
Chamberlain before her marriage. 

There are many interesting things to be seen at Highbury ; 
among them the addresses presented to Mr. Chamberlain 
and his wife on the occasion of their marriage, the freedom 
of the Borough of Birmingham and of the City of Glasgow, 
with the silver caskets in which they were enclosed ; in the 
corridor leading to the garden, hangs the document which 
appointed Mr. Chamberlain as Plenipotentiary, sealed with 
the Great Seal ; here, too, is the pen with which the treaty at 
Washington was signed by the Plenipotentiaries after the 
conclusion of the fisheries negotiations, and a portrait of 
" Dr. Chamberlain " in his robes as Lord Rector of Glasgow. 

In one corner of the big hall is the American flag. 
The splendid kaross of leopard skins was given to Mrs. 
Chamberlain by Khama after his visit to Highbury ; a 
favourite collie dog is named after the African chief. A 
large map of the seat of war, with the contending forces 
indicated by a number of flags, occupied a prominent 
position in the hall. In the gallery above, out of which 
most of the rooms open, are two portraits, one of Mrs. 
Chamberlain by Millais, which, charming as it is, hardly 
does justice to her look of vivacity and youth ; the other 
of Mr. Chamberlain by Sargent, the American painter. This 
picture was given to his wife by Mr. Chamberlain. Beside 
Mrs. Chamberlain's portrait hangs that of her ancestor, stern 



42o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

old John Endicott ; the original painting is in the possession 
of Mrs. Chamberlain's family. 

One of the most interesting and amusing books in the 
house is Mr. Chamberlain's collection of cartoons. They 
date from the time of his contesting Sheffield in 1874, 
and are of all kinds, and from all sorts of papers, many 
from local prints ; it is noticeable, however, that not until 
some time after he had been Mayor of Birmingham did the 
cartoonists catch any real likeness — the eyeglass together 
with a spare, clean-shaven face was considered a sufficient 
indication of whom they meant. When the artist from 
Vanity Fair came down to Birmingham to caricature the 
new M.P., Mr. Chamberlain invited him to " Southbourne " ; 
he also paid a visit to the Arts Club, and in the smoking- 
room, while his host was telling some capital stories, the 
caricaturist was watching his face with intent to seize its 
chief characteristic, and his efforts eventually resulted in an 
excellent cartoon which appeared in 1876. 

When Mr. Chamberlain goes to Highbury he likes to 
get as much away from his official duties as possible, but 
it is sometimes necessary to grant interviews and receive 
deputations there. Still, on the whole, though large enter- 
tainments are given at times, life at Highbury is quiet 
and uneventful. Its chief drawback is that it can rarely 
be enjoyed for any length of time consecutively, even the 
autumn recess being broken up by speeches in many places, 
visits to London for Cabinet Councils, and official work. 

Visitors to Highbury of course include public men ; 
Mr. Morley, the Duke of Devonshire, Mr. Arthur 
and Mr. Gerald Balfour and — in earlier days — 
Lord Rosebery, Sir William Harcourt, John Bright, Sir G. 
Trevelyan, Earl Spencer, and the late Earl of Selborne, 
were among the politicians entertained at Mr. Chamberlain's 
country house. 

Mrs. Chamberlain's American relatives and friends are 
often in England, and naturally they are much interested 
and very welcome in her home at Highbury. Her father 



RECREATION 421 

and Mrs. Endicott have been present at several town's 
meetings and heard Mr. Chamberlain's public speeches 
as well as those delivered in the House. And in the 
old Peabody mansion at Danvers, Mass., Mr. and Mrs. 
Chamberlain have often spent a part of the Colonial Secre- 
tary's short holidays. It is only when he leaves 
England, either for a visit to America, or on some 
other tour, that he has any real time of leisure, though 
even then important business follows him by cable or 
despatch. 

When official and social duties will permit of it, Mr. and 
Mrs. Chamberlain often go home from Saturday to Monday 
during the months of the session. 

One day at Highbury is much like another. Mr. Chamber- 
lain breakfasts with the family, and then takes a turn in 
the garden and orchid houses. During the morning he sees 
his secretary and despatches business ; after lunch, unless 
driving into Birmingham or entertaining guests, he usually 
devotes more time to the garden or hot-houses. Though 
not caring for the manual labour of gardening, such as 
potting and pruning, which many enthusiasts enjoy, he 
generally likes to superintend the planting of shrubs, the 
laying out of beds, the arrangement of the houses. He 
knows much of plants, his knowledge not being restricted 
to orchids. He has often called the attention of the working 
classes to the hobby of gardening, as one of the purest, 
healthiest, and least costly in which a man can indulge. 
An exception must of course be made in the case of an 
orchid-collector, whose hobby cannot be called inexpensive. 
When Mr. Chamberlain is in London, one of the very few 
real recreations he permits himself is to visit (often on a 
Saturday afternoon) the Botanical Gardens at Kew, where 
the gardeners are sure to show him any addition to, or any 
curiosity among, their treasures. 

At Highbury there is a small dairy farm, which supplies 
the house and is managed by Mr. Austen Chamberlain, who 
takes a keen interest in both the practical and the scientific 



422 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

aspects of farming ; he pays great attention to the quality 
of his livestock, and uses the newest and most approved 
dairy methods. This farm is naturally also a source of 
interest to Mr. Chamberlain, who, while occupied with 
matters relating to farm, garden, and hot-houses, cannot be 
said to have no recreation or to take no exercise, though 
he refrains from all kinds of games and from sport. 

When abroad and on a holiday, if in good health, Mr. 
Chamberlain is by no means averse from walking or even 
climbing, and as has been said, he is a good swimmer. 
Certainly, his indoor recreation is chiefly confined to reading, 
for he cares nothing for billiards, cards, or chess. 

His life at home is divided between his family, his work, 
and his garden, and it was truly said of him : " Mr. 
Chamberlain's real recreation may be said to be his family." 



CHAPTER XXXV 
THE REAL MR. CHAMBERLAIN 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S FAMILY— SOME REASONS FOR MISAPPRE- 
HENSION OF HIS CHARACTER AND PERSONALITY. 

MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S private life, apart from the 
severe bereavements which he suffered during his 
early years of public service, has been singularly devoid of 

care and anxiety. He has numerous relatives 
Mr. Chamber- , r . , r ., , . 

Iain's Reia- an d friends, most of them grouped in or near 

^mUy* 1 Birmingham. Of his four brothers, Richard, who 

was best known, has already been alluded to as 

one of the kindliest and most popular Mayors of that city. 

His early death in March 1898, after a short political career, 

was a great grief to Mr. Chamberlain who was deeply 

attached to him. In Sir Edward Russell's " Reminiscences," 

there is a passage in which he says : — 

" Sad indeed it is to think of his early death ; he was a 
true and loyal fellow. All the Chamberlains are dis- 
tinguished by a passion of kinship, and curiously enough 
those who, being unrelated, are officially attached to the 
fortunes of the Colonial Secretary have in their friendship 
for him a great deal of the affectionate spirit by which the 
Chamberlains in their clannishness are characterised." 

This passage was written by one of Mr. Chamberlain's 
political opponents. 

The second brother, Arthur Chamberlain, lives at Moor 
Green Hall. He married a sister of Mr. Chamberlain's 

423 



424 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

second wife and has a large family of daughters and two 
sons. He is a director of the firm of Messrs. Kynoch and 
Co., a magistrate, and a particularly active worker in all 
matters relating to the licensing powers of the Justices. He 
has been elected Chairman of the Advisory Committee of 
Birmingham University which was appointed to report on 
the best manner of employing the funds promised for scientific 
and commercial training, and of making the new Commercial 
Faculty a success. He was for a short time in the Town 
Council, during the time in which his brother proposed his 
municipal reforms. 

The two younger brothers, Herbert and Walter, spent 
much of their time on their retirement from business in 
travelling ; an island in the South Seas once belonged to them, 
but they have now no property there. They both married 
Canadian ladies, and Mrs. Herbert Chamberlain takes a 
considerable interest in politics, having been at one time 
President of the Birmingham Women's Liberal-Unionist 
Association ; she and her husband now live in London, 
and Mr. and Mrs. Walter Chamberlain near Ledbury, 
Herefordshire. 

Mr. Chamberlain has three sisters, all of whom live in 
Birmingham ; Mary, the eldest, wife of the Right Hon. 
William Kenrick, takes an active interest in the philanthropic 
and educational work of the town. 

Of Mr. Chamberlain's children, Mr. Austen Chamberlain, 
who has held the post of Civil Lord of the Admiralty, is 
the best known. He is the elder son and is unmarried. 
He shares the family life at Prince's Gardens and at 
Highbury. It is not unworthy of notice, as showing the 
strong tie between father and son, that the latter has 
preferred to remain an inmate of his father's house, rather 
than (as so many men of his age and standing have 
done) set up his own establishment and lead a life apart 
from that of his family. His entry into Parliament and 
his services as Junior Whip to the Liberal-Unionists have 
been previously referred to. 




Photo by] {.Draycott. 

THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN IN THE ORCHID HOUSE. 

From a photograph taken for this book in August 1900. 



AS A FRIEND 425 

Mr. Neville Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary's second 
son, lives at Highbury. He was educated at Rugby and 
spent some time at the Mason Science College. Later he 
went out to the Bahamas to manage his father's property, 
and lived abroad for several years. Perhaps Mr. Chamber- 
lain's exceptional interest in the affairs of small colonies, 
has been quickened by the connection of his son with 
colonial life. 

On returning to England, Mr. Neville Chamberlain engaged 
in business in Birmingham. He has already begun to take 
part in the public life and service of the city, though, so 
far, he has shown no inclination to enter political life as 
member for a constituency. At present he is one of the 
hon. secretaries of the Birmingham Liberal-Unionist Associa- 
tion and occasionally speaks at political meetings. He also 
takes a considerable interest in physical training and in the 
Birmingham Athletic Institute. Together with his uncle, 
Mr. Arthur Chamberlain, he is now working on the Advisory 
Committee before mentioned, in connection with Birmingham 
University. 

If it is a difficult task to give a sketch of Mr. Chamberlain's 
career, or an account of his work, that shall not at 

Mr. 

Chamberlain once arouse contention, it is far more difficult to 
as a end. attem p t an y general summary of his character 
and personality, as to which there is, perhaps, more difference 
of opinion than in the case of any other statesman. 

Undoubtedly he is extremely reserved, and few men 
have seen him lay his reserve aside ; but there have been 
occasions when the depth of feeling which lies behind it has 
been unmistakably shown. By the sudden death of George 
Dawson, J. S. Wright, and John Henry Chamberlain, 
Mr. Chamberlain lost three friends with whom he had 
long worked, and who were intimately connected with his 
life in Birmingham. When paying a heartfelt tribute to 
the public services of Mr. J. H. Chamberlain, not only in 
the kindly words, but in the troubled face and unsteady 
voice, his regret and affection were plainly seen. When 



426 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

in March 1895, another friend, Dr. R. W. Dale died, Mr. 
Chamberlain telegraphed at once to express his wish to 
attend the funeral, and many of the congregation remember 
him sitting silent and sad, as the last tribute was paid to 
the comrade who had stood beside him in many a hard 
fight, and had tendered him strong sympathy and true 
comprehension when the cloud of misunderstanding was 
about him. 

Further, the strong feelings of affection entertained for 
Mr. Chamberlain by his family and friends altogether belie 
the stern character which is so often attributed to him, by 
those who see in him only the politician — a British Napoleon, 
willing to sacrifice every one to attain the gratification of 
his ambition, which they imagine to be self-aggrandisement. 
And though a different view is taken by those who come 
into close political contact with him, there is yet abroad 
an idea that Mr. Chamberlain is a hard, cold man, in whose 
scheme of things there is little room for consideration of 
the feelings of others ; one who regards his subordinates 
as the machinery by which he works out his ends, and who 
studies the idiosyncrasies of men merely for the purpose 
of acquiring an influence over them, which may be used 
for party purposes when the right time comes. 

It is not improbable that the peculiar quality of his 
voice has had much to do with producing this impression. 
Its coldness and clearness, his incisive style of speaking, 
his constant use of sarcasm, his pitiless denunciation and 
exposure of trick, fraud, or inaccuracy of statement, the 
impassiveness of his face as he creates a phrase which 
shall stamp out an opponent or damn for ever a measure 
or a party, have combined to convince the public that 
Mr. Chamberlain is all head and no heart. How far this 
is from the truth only those intimately connected with him 
really know. 

So far as the public sees he lives two lives — the one 
official, about which they think they know everything, the 
other, private, about which they know nothing. These are 



IGNORANCE OF THE REAL MAN 427 

so far dissociated that the public almost forgets there is 
a private life, and imagine that the Chamberlain of debate — 
cool, wary, relentless, absolute master of himself and of his 
facts, unmoved either by applause or dissent — is Chamberlain, 
the man, in his relations with his family, his friends, and 
mankind generally. 

It is a great mistake. Certainly he could never wield 
the power he does, did he leave out of sight the better 
feelings, the softer emotions, the ennobling motives which 
play their part in life. But while recognising the strength 
of all of these, he is not deterred by their existence 
from fighting his political battles to the end. If the issues 
of the fight demand it, he will give no quarter to his 
opponent, and he has himself taken harder knocks than 
any other statesman. Perhaps the impression that there 
is but one Mr. Chamberlain, cold, hard, calculating, alike 
in public and private, is not so surprising when we reflect 
how little is known of his private life. What has the 
interviewer (even the ubiquitous American interviewer) 
ever been able to tell us of his real life ? Beyond the 
fact that he has a passion for orchids, that he married 
a charming American wife, that his eldest son is in 
Parliament, that he wears an eyeglass, an orchid, and hates 
exercise, the public knows nothing of Mr. Chamberlain as 
a man. His private life, the life of his family is sacred. 
Mrs. Chamberlain does not speak in public, does not accord 
interviews, or give portraits for publication ; his daughters' 
movements are not chronicled in the Press, and there are 
people who are not aware that he has a second son. His 
reluctance to extend the franchise to women is based (apart 
from political reasons) on his dislike to seeing them mixed 
up in the rough-and-tumble of public life. 

His many acts of private charity are so privately performed 
As a that they are not even suspected. 
Benefactor. < More than once," said one who knew him 
intimately, "he has taken endless pains to set up a ne'er- 
do-well on his feet again ; often perhaps the effort has been 



428 THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

wasted, but sometimes it was rewarded and that was enough 
for Mr. Chamberlain. He will not allow anything to come 
between him and his friends, and would do his utmost to 
smooth away any misunderstanding ; he was the life and 
soul of the circle he moved in, before all the cares of office 
sat so heavily upon him ; the truest and most loyal fellow 
it is possible to find." 

To his servants he is a kind and considerate master : the 
gardener who first served him died in his service, and his 
town and country coachmen have both been with him for 
many years. He takes a kindly interest in those who serve 
him, and perhaps it may be allowable to mention that he 
steadily encourages his household in thrift and in making 
provision against old age, by adding each Christmas a bonus 
to the savings of both his indoor and outdoor servants. 
The privacy of Mr. Chamberlain's kindnesses, as well as of 
his benefactions, prevents any general knowledge of them, 
but one little incident may be related. A young citizen 
of Birmingham, after considerable hesitation, sent a request 
to the new M.P., Joseph Chamberlain, for some autographs 
of political men. A kindly reply was soon received saying 
that Mr. Chamberlain would try to secure some interesting 
examples for his correspondent, though he had seldom kept 
letters from distinguished men, unless for reference. The 
first letter was followed by a second, enclosing signatures 
of many well-known politicians including among others, Lord 
Kimberley, Lord Granville, Sir W. Harcourt, etc., etc. 

Mr. Chamberlain has a particularly kindly way with young 
people, and enjoys chaffing them and drawing them out. 
" I can assure you," said a grave professor, " that Mr. 
Chamberlain has a light and airy side ; when there is a 
dance or dinner at Highbury he exerts himself in the 
kindliest and most genial way for the amusement of his 
guests, looks on at the dancing and is full of life and fun, 
and appears to enjoy himself as much as the youngest 
present. And there is some rare good conversation in the 
smoke-room after dinner." 



OPPOSING VIEWS OF HIS CHARACTER 429 

Some people may find it difficult to realise that such a 

As a Father man aS Mr * CnamDerlain is t™\y fond of children ; 
' unlike many busy preoccupied men he likes to 
see them about and to spend what time he can spare playing 
with them, and his tiny guests are by no means neglected. 
In the days when his children were young he would not 
have them banished to the nursery, but kept them with him 
as much as possible, and was seldom too busy to play with 
them at their own games, or to devise treats for them. And 
in later years it has been said of him that his sons are his 
most intimate friends. 

It may be that it is the combination of qualities in 

Complexity Mr. Chamberlain's character which has given rise 
of Character. t0 the false est i mate of his personality. He is 
perhaps typical of the principle of combination, as he is 
certainly the most able living exponent of that principle 
whether in commercial, municipal, political, or Imperial life. 
There is scarcely a single quality which, with its opposite, has 
not found a place in his character, as it has been summed 
up, first by friend, then by foe. To him are attributed alike 
prudence and recklessness, undue reserve, unauthorised 
expansiveness, foresight, and a convenient blindness ; a total 
disregard for other men's opinions and a determination to 
persuade them to his way of thinking ; a cautiousness, which 
never fails to count the cost, and an indomitable obstinacy, 
which refuses to consider the means when the end is 
desirable ; the invaluable faculty which singles out the right 
man at the right moment, and a blind bigotry which refuses 
to see a single good quality in an opponent ; of a persuasive- 
ness and graciousness unsurpassable when it pleases him, 
yet careless of inflicting wounds which fester but never 
heal ; possessed of a mighty patience which can bide 
its time to the uttermost limit, yet capable of deciding 
the problem of years and the fate of a nation without a 
moment's hesitation ; a man who can rouse to enthusiasm 
thousands of the hardest-headed of his fellows, and a man 
who is said to be incapable of intimate friendship. Such is 



43o THE RIGHT HON. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN 

the contradictory estimate formed of the statesman and 
the man. 

Yet this man, who is supposed to be without heart, 
generosity, or magnanimity, is nevertheless, he whose friends 
are those of his own household, who is most valued 
by those who best know him, and whos* intimate circle 
remains the same, whether he be the unimportant Town 
Councillor, or the Colonial Secretary with the issues of peace 
and war in his hands. 

His rule of life he has himself declared. " No work is 
worth doing badly ; and he who puts his best into every 
task that comes to him will surely outstrip the man who 
waits for a great opportunity before he condescends to exert 
himself." 



APPENDIX 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE— CHIEF EVENTS OF 
MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S CAREER 



1836. July 8. 
1845. 



1850. 



1852. 
1854. 



1858. October. 

1861. 

1863. 

1865. 

1866. August. 

1867. February. 

July. 

1868. June. 

1869. June. 



Birth at Camberwell Grove, Camberwell, London. 

Attends Miss Pace's School, Camberwell Grove. 

The Chamberlain family move to Highbury, 
London. 

Mr. Chamberlain attends Rev. Arthur John- 
son's school, in Canonbury Square. 

Enters London University College School; re- 
mains two years. 

Enters his father's business, Milk Street, London. 

Takes up his residence in Birmingham. 

Joins the Birmingham and Edgbaston Debating 
Society — is President in 1868 — and again 
in 1896. 

Hears John Bright's first speech in Birmingham. 

Marriage with Miss Harriet Kenrick. 

Mrs. Chamberlain dies after the birth of her 
son Austen. 

Birmingham Liberal Association formed — Mr. 
Chamberlain joins it. 

Great Reform agitation — Brookfields demon- 
stration. 

Birmingham Education Society founded. 

Murphy riots. 

Mr. Chamberlain makes his first long speech in 
support of George Dixon, M.P. — Three 
Liberal Candidates returned. 

Speech in Town Hall on Irish Disestablishment. 

Marriage with Miss Florence Kenrick. 
431 



43 2 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



1869. 


October. 




November. 


1870. 




1872. 


November. 


1873- 






November. 


1874. 


January. 




November. 


1875- 


March. 




November. 


1876. 


June. 




July. 




August 4th. 


1877. 


May 31. 


1880. 


April. 


1883. 




1884. 




1885. 


June. 


1886. 


January. 




February. 




March. 




August. 



March. 



National Education League conference. 

Enters the Town Council unopposed for St. 
Paul's Ward. 

Member of the first School Board — " The 
Liberal Six." 

Electoral Reform Congress — Accused of Re- 
publicanism. 

Member of second School Board — Elected 
Chairman — "The Liberal Eight." 

Elected Mayor of Birmingham. 

Contests Sheffield — is defeated. 

Retires from business. 

Re-elected Mayor of Birmingham. 

Death of Mrs. Chamberlain. 

Re-elected Mayor. 

Resigns his Mayoralty and Chairmanship of 
School Board. 

Elected M.P. unopposed. 

Enters the House. 

First Speech on Lord Sandon's Education Bill — 

Tour in Sweden and Lapland. 

Mr. Gladstone visits Birmingham — Great Meet- 
ing Bingley Hall — Federation of Liberal 
Associations. 

Enters Mr. 1 Gladstone's Cabinet as President of 
the Board of Trade. 

Bankruptcy Bill and Patents Bill passed. 

Merchant Shipping Bill introduced — Finally 
withdrawn. 

Lord Salisbury takes Office — Election campaign 
begins — The Unauthorised Programme. 

Mr. Gladstone takes office. 

President of the Local Government Board. 

Resigns. 

Defeat of Home Rule Bill and Dissolution. 

Lord Salisbury takes Office — In alliance with 
the Conservative Government. 

Returns from successful mission to America — 

Presented with Freedom of Borough of 
Birmingham. 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



433 



1888. November. 
December. 

1889. January. 


1892. 


August. 


1893. 


February. 


1894. 
1895. 


September, 
March. 
June. 
June 25. 


1896. 


January. 




July. 


1897. 


March. 




July- 




November. 


1898. 


>> 


1899. 


March. 




May. 

„ 4- 
July 28. 
August 26. 
Sept. 22. 




October 19. 



Marriage with Miss Endicott. 

Returns to Highbury. 

Welcome to Mrs. Chamberlain — Congratulations 

on his marriage. 
Lord Salisbury resigns. 
Mr. Gladstone forms a Ministry — Unionists 

in Opposition — Mr. Austen Chamberlain 

enters Parliament. 
Mr. Gladstone introduces second Home Rule 

Bill. 
It is thrown out by the Lords. 
Mr. Gladstone resigns — Rosebery Administration. 
Defeat of the Government. 
Lord Salisbury takes Office. 
Mr. Chamberlain becomes Colonial Secretary, 

and his son Civil Lord of the Admiralty. 
Jameson Raid — Mr. Chamberlain telegraphs to 

stop Jameson. 
Trial of Raiders — Commission of Inquiry de- 
manded by Mr. Chamberlain. 
Sir A. Milner appointed High Commisioner in 

South Africa. 
Report of Inquiry on Raid — Colonial Office 

Debate. 
Visit to Glasgow — Lord Rector of Glasgow 

University. 
Address on " Patriotism." 

Work in connection with Workmen's Compensa- 
tion Bill. 
Petition of Outlanders presented to Queen — 

Acute stage of Transvaal dispute begins. 
Bloemfontein Conference — It fails. 
Sir A. Milner's Despatch. 

Transvaal debate in the House — "Still hopeful." 
Highbury speech — Warning to Kruger. 
Last Despatch sent from this Country to South 

African Republic. 
Boer Ultimatum — War proclaimed between 

Great Britain and the Transvaal — Boers 

invade Natal. 

28 



434 



CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 



1899. October. 

November. 
December. 

1900. February. 



„ 27. 

„ 29. 
April 

May. 18. 
June. 

July- 

August. 
September. 
jj 

„ 18, 
„ 25. 



Autumn Session begins — Attack on Mr. Cham- 
berlain and the Government. 
Leicester Speech excites Adverse Comments. 
Visit to Dublin to receive Honorary Degree from 

the University. 
Session begins with an Attack on Government 

followed by motion to re-open Raid Inquiry 

— Attack on Mr. Chamberlain. 
Relief of Kimberley. 
Majuba Day — Surrender of Cronje and 4,000 

men. 
Ladysmith Day — Relief of Ladysmith by General 

Buller. 
Orange Free State annexed — Proclaimed a 

British Colony. 
Mafeking Day — Relief of Mafeking. 
The Chancellor Birmingham University. 
Pretoria taken. 

Australian Commonwealth Bill introduced. 
Passed. 

Discovery of Pretoria Correspondence. 
Transvaal proclaimed a British Colony. 
Flight of ex-President Kruger to Lorenzo Mar- 

quez. 
Royal Proclamation declares the Federated Colo- 
nies of Australia will become the Australian 
Commonwealth from January 1st, 1901. 
Dissolution of Parliament. 



ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 

Table of Dates, 1881 — 1900 



ENGLAND. 

1877. 
Ap. 12. Transvaal annexed. 

1880. 

Dec. Revolt of Boers (ist Boer War). 

1881. 

Feb. Majuba Hill. 

Aug. Convention of Pretoria. 

1884. 
Feb. Convention of London. 

1885. 

Sir C. Warren's Bechuanaland Ex- 
pedition. 



1894. 

Lord Ripon's despatch demanding 
Franchise for Outlanders. 

1895. 

Mr. Schreiner and Cape Colony 
urge Government to send an 
ultimatum to Transvaal Republic. 



TRANSVAAL. 
Request for annexation. 



Aug. Convention of Pretoria signed. 

1884. 

Feb. Kruger signs Convention of London. 

1885. 

Raid into Bechuanaland (English- 
men killed), and invasion of 
Zululand and Swaziland. 

Discovery of Gold mines. Influx 
of Outlanders. 

1894. 

Commandeering British subjects to 
fight Natives. 

1895. 

Closing drifts against Cape Mer- 
chandise. 



435 



436 



ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 



Jan. 

Feb. 
Feb. 

July. 
Oct. 

Jan. 



ENGLAND. 
1896. 

Jameson Raid. 

Despatch asking redress for Out- 
landers' grievances. 

Meeting of Parliament — Mr. Cham- 
berlain demands inquiry into 
Raid. 

Trial of Raiders. Commission of 
inquiry into the Raid appointed. 

Colonial Office protest against Alien 
Immigration Act. 

1897. 

Further remonstrances. 



Mar. 



July. 



Mr. Chamberlain again protests, 
pointing out other infringements 
of Convention. 

Appointment of Sir A. Milner. 



Commission of Inquiry present 

their Report on Raid. 
Debate in House on Report — 

Speech by Mr. Chamberlain. 



TRANSVAAL. 
1896. 

Jan. Arrest of Reform Committee and 

Fines — £ 1 90, 000. 
Feb. Outlanders' Grievances denied by 

Kruger. Remonstrance against 

interference in internal affairs of 

the Republic. 

July. Alien Immigration Act proposed in 

Raad. 
Oct. Alien Immigration Act becomes 

law. 

1897. 

Jan. Alien Immigration Act comes into 

operation. 
Jan. 8. Despatch from Dr. Leyds justi- 
fies it. 
Jan. 17. Kruger replies that he intends 
to enforce it. 



May. Important despatch demanding 
Arbitration and quoting "Inter- 
national Law as applied to 
Treaties between Independent 
Powers." 



1898. 

April. Dr. Leyds' Despatch. Repudiates 
Suzerainty and asserts right of 
Republic to Arbitration on all 
points at issue. 

Dec. Murder of Thomas Edgar. 

1899. 

Jan. Indignation meeting broken up by 
Boers. 



ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 



437 



ENGLAND. 
1899. 



May 4. Sir A. Milner's famous despatch 

on Outlanders' grievances. 
May. Outlanders' petition accepted. 

Mr. Chamberlain invites President 
Kruger to discuss points of dis- 
pute at Conference. 
Sir A. Milner refuses to " buy the 
Franchise" by concessions, and 
closes the Conference. 



July. Despatch in which the Government 
refuse absolutely to discuss ques- 
tion of Suzerainty any longer with 
Republic. 

July 2S. Debate in House — Mr. Chamber- 
lain still hopeful. 



Aug. 26. Highbury Speech. Warning to 

Kruger. 
Aug. 28. Despatch A. Can accept 5 

years' Franchise, and agree to 

conditions 2, 3, but refuse 1 

absolutely. 



Jan. 



Mar. 



TRANSVAAL. 
1899. 
Mr. Reitz' despatch asserting in- 
herent rights of Republic as 
" Sovereign International State." 
Outlanders' Petition to Queen. 



June. 



Bloemfontein Conference. Presi- 
dent Kruger does not discuss 
Suzerainty — but wishes to "sell " 
the Franchise for Outlanders in 
return for Arbitration and other 
concessions. 



Aug. 22. Despatch, offering 5 years' Fran- 
chise on condition — 

1. Of no future interference 

by England in internal 
affairs of Transvaal. 

2. Suzerainty question being 

allowed to drop. 

3. Arbitration conceded. 



Sept. 2. Reply to A. Five years' Fran- 
chise withdrawn unless all 
conditions conceded — 7 years' 
substituted. 



438 



ENGLAND AND THE TRANSVAAL 



Sept. 8. 



Sept. 22. 



ENGLAND. 

1899. 

Despatch B. Seven years' Fran- 
chise refused absolutely. Still 
willing to accept five years' 
Franchise if condition ( I ) with- 
drawn and if on examination 
proposal gives " substantial 
immediate representation." 
English to be used in Raad. 
If refused will formulate own 
proposals. 



Despatch C. Useless to pro- 
long the negotiations. The 
Government are compelled to 
consider question afresh, and 
will communicate own pro- 
posals later. 



TRANSVAAL. 
1899. 



Sept. 1 6. Reply to B. 

1. Refuse to lay 5 years' pro- 

posal before Raad unless 
all conditions accepted. 

2. Again demand Arbitra- 

tion. 

3. Protest against new con- 

ditions and proposals. 



Oct. 19. Reply to C. The Ultimatum. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES CONSULTED 

The chief Authorities consulted are : 

Joseph Chamberlain (" Public Men of To-day"). S. H. Jeyes. 
The Life of the Right Honourable Joseph Chamberlain. B. C. Skottowe. 
Life of R. W. Dale of Birmingham. By his Son. 
History of the Corporation of Birmingham. J. Thackray Bunce. 
Modern Birmingham, and a Century of Birmingham Life. J. A. 

Langford, LL.D. 
Old and New Birmingham. R. K. Dent. 
The Transvaal from Within. J. P. Fitzpatrick. 
Who is Responsible for the South African War ? Lewis Appleton, 

F.R.H.S. 
The Transvaal Question. Translated from the French of Edouard 

Naville. 
The Birmingham Daily Post, Town Crier, Dart, Midland Counties 

Herald, and many local pamphlets. 



LIST OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ARTICLES 439 



LIST OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ARTICLES 



Date. 


Magazine. 


Article. 


I873-- 


— Sept. 


Fortnightly. 


" The Liberal Party and its Leaders." 


1874.- 


—Oct. 


11 


" The Next Page of the Liberal Pro- 
gramme." 


1876.- 


—May. 


)> 


"The Right Method with the Pub- 
licans." 


1876.- 


-Dec. 


j) 


" A Visit to Lapland, with Notes on 
Swedish Licensing." 


1877.- 


—Jan. 


jj 


" The Schools." 


I877-- 


-Feb. 


>i 


" Municipal Publichouses." 


1877.- 


-July. 


>5 


" A New Political Organisation." 


1878.- 


—Nov. 


)> 


" The Caucus." 


1883.- 


-Dec. 


J) 


" Labourers' and Artisans' Dwellings." 


1886.- 


-Feb. 


)> 


" A Radical View of the Irish Crisis." 


1890.- 


-Dec. 


Nineteenth 


"Shall we Americanise our Munici- 






Century. 


pal Institutions ? " 


1891.- 


—May. 


North American 


" Favourable Aspects of State Social- 






Review. 


ism." 


1892.- 


-Feb. 


Nationa I Review. 


" Old Age Pensions." 


1892.- 


—Nov. 


Forum. 


"Municipal Institutions in America 
and England." 


1892.- 


—Nov. 


Nineteenth 
Century. 


" The Labour Question." 


1893.- 


—April. 


Nineteenth 


" A Bill for the Weakening of Great 






Century. 


Britain." 


1894.- 


-June. 


New Review. 


" Municipal Government." 


1898.- 


-Dec. 


Scribner's 
Magazine. 


"The Policy of the United States." 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ADDRESS 

September 21st, 1900 

To the Electors of the West Division of the 
City of Birmingham 

Gentlemen, — On the invitation of the Unionist Committee of the 
Division, I once more ask you for the renewal of the confidence 
and support which on five previous occasions have returned me 
as your representative in the House of Commons. 

The issue, which, in common with the rest of the electors of 
the United Kingdom, you will be called upon to decide, is the 
most important presented to the people of this country during the 
present generation. 

We have reached the final stage in a great war, which has 
involved a heavy sacrifice of life and treasure, but has been made 
illustrious by the heroism of the Imperial forces and the patriotism 
of all classes of the people of the United Kingdom, and has also 
enlisted for the first time in the history of the Empire the enthu- 
siastic support of our kinsmen in all the self-governing colonies. 

You are now asked to say whether this war was just and 
inevitable, or whether it was only another instance of the policy 
of greed and oppression of which our enemies accuse us. Above 
all you are asked to decide whether the glorious valour of our 
soldiers, the ungrudging support of our fellow-subjects in all parts 
of the world, and the sacrifices which we and they have sustained 
are now to be thrown away, or whether the objects with which 
the war was undertaken are to be fully secured. 

The Government of this country derives its strength and influence 
from the people. Those who wish ill to Britain, whether in South 
Africa or nearer home, have been encouraged by the hope of a 
reaction in popular opinion which would weaken the hands of the 

440 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ADDRESS 441 

Executive, and snatch from us, even at the last moment, the fruits 
of victory. 

I have confidence that my countrymen will disappoint these 
expectations, and with no uncertain voice will justify the efforts 
which we have made to maintain the supremacy of the Queen in 
South Africa, and to protect British subjects from intolerable insult 
and oppression. 

Our opponents assert that we deliberately provoked a war for 
which we made no preparation. 

The first statement is untrue, and the second is greatly exaggerated. 

The war was forced upon us by the sudden invasion and occupa- 
tion of her Majesty's territories by the armed forces of the Republics 
at a time when negotiations for a peaceful settlement were still 
proceeding. 

These negotiations were conducted on our part, from first to 
last, in a spirit of the greatest moderation ; and it is admitted, 
even by the best friends of the Boers, that a reasonable concession 
to our just demands would have been for the benefit of the South 
African Republic, and would have secured its independence and 
preserved peace. But President Kruger and the corrupt oligarchy 
which followed his lead were determined to concede nothing, but 
to maintain, at all hazards, the monopoly of power which they had 
abused, for their own advantage, and to the injury of the great 
majority of the population, who had been invited into the Transvaal 
on the faith of a solemn promise of equal rights and privileges. 

The Orange Free State entered into the contest without even 
the pretence of a grievance of their own, and in spite of the 
declaration of President Steyn that they would in no case be 
the aggressor. 

It is true, then, in a certain limited sense, that we were un- 
prepared for an attack, for which there was no just or reasonable 
pretext. 

It is also true that, foreseeing as we did the serious nature of 
such a contest, we desired to avoid it by all means short of a 
betrayal of our fellow-subjects and a surrender of the rights of the 
Queen ; and that, accordingly, we refrained as long as possible 
from a demonstration of military force which would have certainly 
precipitated the conflict. But we did, nevertheless, raise the garrison 
in South Africa from three thousand, at which it was left by our pre- 
decessors, to twenty-two thousand, at which it stood in the first week 



442 MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ADDRESS 

of the war — a force which we were advised by the highest authorities 
in this country and in South Africa would be sufficient to maintain 
the strategic points until an army equal to offensive operations 
could arrive in South Africa. This advice was justified in the 
result, and the successful defence of Ladysmith, Kimberley, and 
Mafeking has confirmed the confidence which was placed in the 
courage and resource of the troops who thus withstood the brunt 
of the enemy's attack. 

The subsequent operations of the war have involved the despatch 
of more than two hundred thousand men with their artillery and 
supplies, and this great force, many times larger than has ever left 
these shores before, or has ever been sent abroad by any other 
country with a similar object, has been transported without the loss 
of a single life over six thousand miles of sea. 

It has been required not only to beat the enemy in the field, 
but also to maintain the communications of the army over more 
than fifteen hundred miles in a country peculiarly adapted to sur- 
prises, every inch of which is known to the brave and active men 
who have resisted our advance. 

Under the skilful leadership of Lord Roberts all difficulties have 
been overcome, and the Governments of the two Republics have 
now paid the penalty of their insolent aggression, and have ceased 
to exist. 

It is the policy of the present Government, which you are asked 
to approve, that these separate and independent Governments, 
which have been a constant menace to her Majesty's supremacy 
in South Africa, shall never again be restored ; but that after a 
period of administration backed by military force, the length of 
which will depend on the readiness with which the Boer population 
accept the British flag, the people of the two States shall be received 
into the Empire on the footing of self-governing colonies, in which 
position they will enjoy more liberty than they ever did before, and 
an equality of rights and privilege which they have persistently 
denied to the British in their midst. 

The success of this policy, which has been approved by all the 
self-governing colonies that have taken part in the war, depends 
upon its continuity. Any weakening of the Government — any sign 
of change in the resolution of the people — will be the signal for 
intrigues which must delay and which may defeat it. 

It is on these grounds, and in what I believe to be the vital 



MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ADDRESS 443 

interests of this country and of the whole British Empire, that I 
ask you now to approve the policy that the Government has pursued, 
and to strengthen our hands in the effort to secure a final and 
satisfactory settlement. 

In this work we have had . neither sympathy nor support from 
the great majority of the Parliamentary Opposition, which now 
claims to represent the Liberal party, and it is clear from the 
speeches and votes of many of those who are influential among 
them that they would, if they had the opportunity, reverse or at 
least alter the policy which has secured the enthusiastic approval 
of our kinsmen in all parts of the world. The latest information 
shows that it is on the expectation of such a change that Mr. Kruger 
and his supporters have relied. It is for you to show that they have 
been misled and mistaken. 

Another question requires immediate consideration as a result 
of the war, which, while it has shown the enormous resources of 
the country, has, nevertheless, disclosed faults in our military system 
which urgently call for review and reform. Such a reorganisation 
as modern conditions appear to have rendered necessary can only 
be successfully undertaken by a Government strongly supported by 
public opinion and by a Parliament with a clear mandate from the 
constituencies. 

These are the great issues of the present election which over- 
shadow all others. But I am confident that you will remember in 
connection with them the general character of the foreign and 
colonial policy of the Unionist Government. 

As Unionists we have defeated the policy of disintegration, which 
would have weakened the citadel of the Empire, and made us the 
laughing-stock of the civilised world ; and we have realised, as 
never before, the unity of the British race, and have restored the 
pride and confidence of our colonies in the leadership of the 
Motherland. 

If we had nothing else to appeal to than the higher sense, which 
we have helped to create, of the mutual obligation of the different 
parts of her Majesty's dominions to one another, I should on these 
grounds alone ask hopefully for the support of all who care for 
the present greatness of their country, and who look forward with 
confident anticipation to the future development of the Empire. 

But in thus dealing with great questions of external policy, we 
have not neglected the claims of domestic legislation, and the great 



444 MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S ADDRESS 

work of social reform which it has been a special object of the 
Unionist party to promote. We have placed upon the Statute 
Book during the last five years a number of Acts dealing with 
education, local government, artisans' dwellings, compensation for 
accidents, the protection of workmen in mines and factories, the 
safety of railway servants, and many others, which contrast favourably 
with the absolutely barren efforts of our predecessors, and which 
have contributed to the happiness and well-being of the masses 
of the population, while they have been accompanied by an 
exceptional development of trade, and an unparalleled general 
prosperity. 

Gentlemen, the record of the Government is before you. I 
submit it with confidence to your judgment, and I hope that you 
may be induced once more to send me to Parliament as a repre- 
sentative of the city whose welfare has been one of the greatest 
objects of my life. 

I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant. 



INDEX 



Acquisition of Small Houses Bill, 
1899 : Introduced by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 309 ; Principles of, 313 
Adderley, Mr., Edgbaston Debating 
Society, mention in Parliament, 
48 
Afghan War, Mr. Chamberlain's 

views on, 170 
Africa : — 

Egyptian Question (see that title) 
Railway extensions since Mr. 
Chamberlain took office, 381, 
382 
Transvaal (see that title ; also 
South African War) 
West African Colonies : — 

Backward state of; improve- 
ments, 380, 382 ; Malaria in- 
vestigations, 383 
Agricultural Labourers : — 

Mr. Chamberlain's " Unauthor- 
ised Programme," 1885, popu- 
larity among, 220 ; Franchise 
extension movement, 194, 195 ; 
Effect of Allotments Act, 290 
Agriculture, department for Ireland 

Bill, 1899, 316 
Alexandria, Bombardment of, 210 
Allotments Act, 1887, 290 
Allotments and distress ; movement 

after dock strike, 1889, 288 
Amateur theatricals, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's taste for. 21, 53 
America, Mr. Chamberlain's visit to 

(see United States) 
American municipal and political 
methods : Mr. Chamberlain's 
articles in Nineteenth Century, 
1890-92, 305. 



Ancestry and Birth (see Birth and 
Ancestry) 

Anderton, Mr. T., speech by Mr. 
Chamberlain, Edgbaston Debating 
Society, 49 

Annexation : Countries annexed by 
Britain previous to Victorian Era, 
16 

Arts Gazette, Mr. Chamberlain's 
Debating Society speeches, 49 

Army, flogging in ; Lord Harting- 
ton's Bill ; attack by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 168 ; military system, de- 
ficiencies in system of defence, 
etc. (see South African War) 

Articles by Mr. Chamberlain, list 
°f, 439 

Asia Minor, Bulgarian atrocities, etc. 
(see Eastern Question) 

Asquith, Mr., Australian Common- 
wealth Bill, 390 

Atwood, Mr., Birmingham Political 
Union addresses, etc., 28, 36, 62 ; 
Parliamentary candidate for Bir- 
mingham, 31 

Audacity a characteristic in Mr. 
Chamberlain's speeches, opinion 
on, 53 

Australian Commonwealth, first 
Federal Parliament ; opening by 
Duke of York arrangements, 392 ; 
Earl of Hopetoun as first 
Governor-General, 392 

Australian Commonwealth Bill : — 
Clause 74, restriction of right of 
appeal to Privy Council ; Mr. 
Chamberlain's speech and 
subsequent negotiations with 
delegates, 387-91 



445 



446 



INDEX 



Australian Commonwealth Bill 
{cont.) : — 

Introduced into Imperial Parlia- 
ment ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, 387 
Origin of Federation movement ; 
credit due to Earl Grey and 
Sir. H. Parkes, 386 
Press comments, 391 
Second reading ; Mr. Chamber- 
lain's speech, 388-90 
Third reading and passing as 
law ; members of the House 
of Commons summoned to 
hear royal assent accorded, 
391-92 
Ayr, Mr. Chamberlain's speech ; de- 
fence of the Crimes Act, 1887, 274 

Balfour, Mr. A. : — 

Administration in Ireland as 
Chief Secretary, 273 ; tour 
in Ireland, 1890; establish- 
ment of Congested Districts' 
Board, 294-5 

Irish Local Government Bill, 
1892, 295 

Jameson Raid inquiry — accusa- 
tions against Mr. Chamber- 
lain ; defence, 335 

Land (Ireland) Act, 1891; work- 
ing of, 294 

Relations between Mr. Cham- 
berlain and Mr. Balfour, 407, 
408 

South African War debates, 360, 

364, 37i 
Bankruptcy Bills : — 

Bill, 1883 : merits of, observa- 
tions by Mr. Chamberlain, 
187, 188 
Introduction of Bill, 1880, failure 
of, 187 
Baptist, Mr. Chamberlain s letter on 
the Round Table Conference, 272 
Barttelot, Sir W., impression of Mr. 
Chamberlain on first appearance, 
House of Commons, 145 
Beach, Sir M. Hicks-, Budget pro- 
posals, 1885 ; resolution, defeat 
of the Government, 213 
Beaconsfield, Lord : — 

Eastern Question policy, 168 ; 



Beaconsfield, Lord (cont.) : — 

"Peace with Honour"; Treaty 

of Berlin, 170 
Foreign policy ; liberal opinion 

and continuance of policy, 

1880-85, 208 
General Election 1880, returns 

resignation after publication 

of, 173-4 

Term of office, etc. ; dissolution 
of Parliament, 1880, 171 
Berlin, Treaty of, 170 
Berrow Court, Mr. Chamberlain's 

residence at, 54 
Birmingham : — 

Art gallery, erection of; sub- 
scriptions, etc., 108, 109, 179 

Chamberlain Memorial, 1880, 
erection of, 178 

Chamberlain's, Mr., connection 
with : Arrival in Birmingham, 
1854, 21, 25, 33, 35, 44; 
Citizen of Birmingham; adop- 
tion of the town, 4, 10, 132, 
133 ; Commercial life (see 
business career) ; Freedom 
of the city bestowed on Mr. 
Chamberlain, 279 ; Gifts to 
the town, 108, 109, 123 ; 
Liberal friends' meeting after 
Home Rule division, Mr. 
Chamberlain's Appeal, 402 ; 
Municipal work (see that 
title) ; Private life in Bir- 
mingham, 46, 47, 54, 62 ; 
School Board (see that sub- 
heading) 

Council House foundation stone 
laid, 1874 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, 103-5 

Dissenters' settlement in, effect 
of Five-Mile Act, 25 

Education Conference, 1869, 75, 

77 

Educational facilities (see Edu- 
cation) 

Factories and workshops, chil- 
dren's hours of labour in 

1833. 35 
Fairs, abolition of, 125 
Free libraries: Development of; 
letters and subscriptions from 
Mr. Chamberlain, 108, 109; 



INDEX 



447 



Birmingham (cont) : — 

Fire in 1879, 176; Subscrip- 
tions for erection of new 
buildings, 177, 178 

Gaol Scandals, 1853, 34 

Gas, Water, and Improvement 
Schemes (see that title) 

Gladstone's, Mr., visit, 1877, 
1 56-60 

Highgate Park Opening Cere- 
mony, Speech by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 108 

History of the town, political 
and social influences, 25, 26, 
27 

Improvement Schemes : Back- 
wardness of the Town Coun- 
cil, change of policy under 
Mr. Chamberlain and others, 
34 ; Chamberlain's proposals, 
town improvement, no; Con- 
tributions given by Kenrick 
Family, 54 ; Sanitary Con- 
gress, 109 

Industrial Exhibition, 1849 : 
Prince Consort's visit, 33 

Irish Church Bill Agitation, 
meetings, 68-73 

Loyalty of the town : Volunteer 
movement support, etc., 35, 
36 

Mayoralty: Acquisition of Mayor 
and Corporation in 1837, 31, 
32 ; Mr. Chamberlain in 
office (see Municipal Work) ; 
Mr. J. Collings as Mayor, 
176; Difficulties of Office, 
Mr. Bunce on, 103 ; Mr. Dixon 
as Mayor, unpopularity of, 

64 

Municipal elections, effect of 
division in Liberal Party on 
Home Rule, 267, 268 

Murphy riots, 1867, 64, 65 

Musical festivals, 34 

Parliamentary representation 
(see Birmingham constitu- 
encies) 

Political status of the town : In- 
fluence on Mr. Chamberlain, 
3 ; Poem by Freeth, 27 

Queen's visit in 1858, opening of 
Aston Park, 36 



Birmingham (cont.) : — 

Reform agitation, 28, 31, 32 ; 
Brookfields demonstration, 
1866, 61, 62; Scots Greys 
stationed in Birmingham, 
1832, 29, 30, 31 

School Board : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's reference to Debate on 
Lord Sandon's Education Bill, 
143, 144; Establishment of 
1st and 2nd Boards, Mr. 
Chamberlain's work in con- 
nection with, 82-4 ; Retire- 
ment of Mr. Chamberlain 
from the Board, 109 

School of Art prize distribution, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
1899, 368, 369 

Social life, change wrought in 
political clubs, etc., by Home 
Rule Question, Dr. Dale on, 

„ 3°o 

Social and industrial advance- 
ment, 33 
Town Council : Mr. Chamber- 
lain as Councillor and Mayor 
(see Municipal Work). 
Dispute with 1st School Board, 
83, 84 (See also sub-heading 
Improvement Schemes) 
Trades Council, conference at 

Highbury, 310 
Unitarian community, influence 

of, 47 
University (see Birmingham 

University) 
Wales's, Prince and Princess 
visit, reception and speech 
by Mr. Chamberlain, 105-7 
Working men's testimonial to 

Charles Dickens, 33 
Workpeople, Mr. Chamberlain's 
intercourse with, 44, 45 
Birmingham artizans' dwellings and 
Improvement Act, 1875, Il 5» 
Criticism on, Mr. Chamberlain's 
reply, 122, 123 
Birmingham Arts Club, foundation 

and history of, 182-5 
Birmingham constituencies — repre- 
sentation in Parliament, etc. : — 
Bright returned, 1857, 33; first 
speech by Bright 56-9 



44$ 



INDEX 



Birmingham constituences — repre- 
sentation in Parliament, etc. 
(cont.) : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., consti- 
tuency, speeches, etc. ; Ad- 
dresses presented to Mr. 
Chamberlain on marriage with 
Miss Endicott, 1888, reply, 
etc., 284-5 ! Democratic con- 
stituency — Chamberlain on 
his experiences as Parliamen- 
tary candidate for, 401 ; First 
speech to constituents, elec- 
tion as Member for Birming- 
ham, 1876, 138 ; Home Rule 
— explanation of Secession 
from Government, 252-6 ; 
Jameson Raid, address after, 
327-8 ; Length of service, 404; 
Relations between Mr. Cham- 
berlain and his constituents, 
description of scene during 
delivery of speeches, etc., 
226, 398, 400; Reception in 
1900 ; Approval of South 
African policy, 403 ; Review 
of position of political parties, 
1888, 280 (see also sub- 
headings General Elections) 

Conservative member, Mr. 
Spooner, return of, 32, 62 

First members, 31 

General Election, 1868: Candi- 
dates, 68 ; Conservative me- 
morial cards, 72 ; Mr. Dixon's 
candidature, 64 ; resignation, 
1876, 137 

General Election, 1880 : Candi- 
dates, 171 ; Cartoon "Parlia- 
mentary Train," 172 

General Election, 1885 : Return 
of the seven members, 226, 
227 ; Banquet in celebration 
of Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
229; Election addresses by 
Mr. Chamberlain, 225 

General Election, 1886: Bordes- 
ley division meeting, speech by 
Mr. Chamberlain, 262; Cham- 
berlain's address, reasons for 
accepting cabinet office, 238, 
239 ; Returns seven Unionist 
members, 262 



Birmingham constituences — repre- 
sentation in Parliament, etc. 
(cont) : — 

General Election, 1 895 : Returns 
Mr. Chamberlain's opponent, 
308 
General Election, 1900 : Mr. 
Chamberlain's candidature, 
404 ; Address to electors, 
404, 440-44 
Birmingham Daily Post ; — 

Chamberlain, Mr., a " Parlia- 
mentary Aunt Sally " : South 
African War debate, 361 
" Unionist policy for Ireland " 
articles, 282 
Birmingham and Edgbaston De- 
bating Society (see Edgbaston 
Debating Society) 
Birmingham Education Society : 
Foundation of in 1867, 74, 75; 
Lord Robert Montagu's attack 
on, Mr. Collings' reply, 76, 77 ; 
Presidency of George Dixon, Esq., 
64 ; Punch verses on, 79 
Birmingham Gas Bill, 1875, 115 
Birmingham Liberal Association : 
Annual meeting ; Mr. Chamber- 
lain's speech on Home Rule, 251- 
56 ; Resolutions, votes of confi- 
dence in Mr. Gladstone and Mr. 
Chamberlain, 255 ; Formation of, 
reorganisation of " The Caucus," 
62, 65, 66, 67 ; Irish Church Bill 
agitation meetings, 68-73 
Birmingham Liberal Club : — 

Foundation and closure of the 

Club, 183, 184, 185, 300 
General Election, 1885 ; excite- 
ment at the Club, 227 
Birmingham Liberalism, Mr. Cham- 
berlain on, 138 
Birmingham Liberals : Meeting with 
Mr. Chamberlain after division in 
the party, discussion on Home 
Rule, 402 
Birmingham Liberal-Unionist Asso- 
ciation : Mr. Chamberlain elected 
President, 1888 ; Speech on the 
Irish Question, 282; Work as 
President, 401 
Birmingham and Midland Institute, 
foundation in 1853, 33 



INDEX 



449 



Birmingham political associations 

and societies, formation of, 32 
Birmingham political union : — 

Atwood's, Mr., address, loyalty 

of the town, 36 
Formation and objects of the 

Union 28, 29 
Reform agitation meetings, 29- 
32 
Birmingham religious education 

society, formation of, 84 
Birmingham Town Ciier : — 

Entry of Mr. Chamberlain into 
Parliament, comments, 141, 
142 
Council House, curator's letter 

on Highbury House, 181 

"Judicious Joseph": Visit of 

the Prince and Princess of 

Wales to Birmingham, 107 

Sheffield election, defeat of 

Mr. Chamberlain, 96 

Birmingham University, foundation 

of : Mr. Chamberlain's work in 

connection with, subscriptions 

raised, etc., 393, 395, 396 ; Mason 

Science College Connection, 393, 

394 ; Royal Charter, reception 

of, 396 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 

speech as Chancellor and address 

to students, 397-8 ; Scheme 

for, speeches in, 1898, 1900, 

394-5 

Birmingham Water Works Bill, 
1875, Royal assent, 115, 117 

Birmingham Workmen's Debating 
Club, formation of, 45-6 

Birth and ancestry, 4, 5, 9 ; Birming- 
ham connections, 10 ; Birthplace 
and date of birth, 10 ; R. Ser- 
jeant's connections : descendants' 
memorial tablet, 9 

Bloemfontein Conference (see Trans- 
vaal Crisis) 

Board Schools, grant in aid, 
1896 ; Mr. Chamberlain's support, 
289 

Board of Trade Presidency : Ap- 
pointment and term of office, 137, 
175 ; Bills, etc., introduced during 
period of office, 187-91; Resigna- 
tion proposal after defeat of 
Merchant Shipping Bill, 191 



Bradford Speeches : — 

Division in the Liberal Party ; 
speech, 1888, 281 

Electioneering campaign, 1885, 
224 
Bradlaugh, Mr., and his right to 

affirm, reference to, 186 
Bright, Mr. :— 

Birmingham Liberal Club open- 
ing ceremony, 1879, 1 %S 

Board of Trade appointment, 175 

Chamberlain and Bright, rela- 
tions between : Bright's 
references to Chamberlain's 
career, 81, 82, 165 ; Cham- 
berlain's reference to, in 
speech 1877, 160; Influence 
of Bright's politics, 56, 58, 60, 
61, 62; Liberal federation, 
co-operation and agreement, 
164-5 

Chancellor of the Duchy of 
Lancaster appointment, 175 

Colonial Policy : Expansion of 
empire, non-approval, 57, 
380 ; Zulu War, influence 
of views on Mr. Chamberlain, 
170 

Corn Laws Repeal Agitation, 
16, 34; alleged commercial 
advantage to Bright, 40 

Example and advice to Liberal 
Party, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
163 

First speech to Birmingham 
Constituency, 56-59 ; Edg- 
baston, Debating Society 
criticism, 47, 48, 58 

Home Rule policy : Attitude on 
defeat of Government 1886, 
230 ; Comments by Mr. 
Chamberlain, etc., 259, 260 

Interest in politics, origin of, 19 

Irish Church Bill Agitation, Bir- 
mingham meeting, 1869, 
letter, 69 

Parliamentary candidate for 
Birmingham, 33, 172, 227 

Reform agitation : Bright's 
policy, 57, 59, 60 ; Brook- 
fields demonstration appeal, 
61, 62; Second Reform Bill, 
1866, letter to Birmingham, 60 

29 



45° 



INDEX 



Bright, Mr. (con/.) :— 

Resignation of Seal of Office, 
1882, 210 
Broadhurst, Mr., Birmingham Par- 
liamentary candidate, 227, 262 
Brookfields Reform demonstration, 

1866, 47, 61, 62 
" Brummagem," Punch verses, etc., 

on, 26, 79, 80 
Buluwayo railway, opening of: Mr. 

Chamberlain's message, 381 
Bunce, Mr., Birmingham Town 

Council History, etc., 99, 103 
Burke, Mr., murder of, effect on the 

Irish Question, 203-5 
Burnaby, Captain, Birmingham Par- 
liamentary candidate, 1 880, 17 1 ,172 
Business Career : — 

Commercial policy: Press attack 

on, 41, 42 ; Success of, 55 
Entry into father's house of busi- 
ness, 19 
Intercourse with working men 
in Birmingham, establishment 
of clubs, etc., 44-45 
Nettlefold and Chamberlain, 
entry of Mr. J. Chamberlain, 
junior, into Firm, 37, 44 
Retirement, financial position, 

etc., 37, 55, 124 
Screw trade difficulties in 1854 : 
Information obtained from 
France, etc., 38-40 
Byars, Farmer, murdered in Ireland, 

275 
Byrne, F.: American Irish " Physical 

Force Party," 274 
Byrne, Mrs. : Connection with 
Phcenix Park murders, 274 

Cabinet and Government Appoint- 
ments : — 

Colonial Secretaryship (see that 
title) 

Gladstone's Government,Cham- 
berlain's secession from (see 
Gladstone Administration) 

Resignation proposals, 191, 224 

Salisbury administration (see 
that title) 

Term of office as Cabinet 
Minister, 137; views expressed 
by working men, 181 



Calthorpe, Hon. A. G., Birmingham 
candidate, General Election, 1880, 
171, 172 
Camberwell, Mr. Chamberlain's 

early childhood in, 10-14 
Came, John, Memorial Window, 
Cordwainers' Hall, unveiling cere- 
mony, 6, 7 
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry : 
Home Rule, Mr. Redmond's atti- 
tude in 1899, 317 
Canadian settler, Union Jack sent 

to, from Colonial Office, 413 
Canonbury School, Chamberlain's 

education at, 16 
Cape Colony : — 

Dutch in : Disloyal propaganda 
— Sir A. Milner's Despatch, 
Transvaal crisis, 343 ; Posi- 
tion of Dutchmen in the Cape 
in comparison with English- 
men in the Transvaal, 340 
Milner, Sir A., as High Com- 
missioner (see Milner) 
Capel, Mr., educational facilities in 

Birmingham, 74 
Carnarvon, Lord, resignation as 

Colonial Secretary, 169 
Carter Lane Chapel : Memorial 
Tablet to J. Chamberlain, senior, 

9 
Cartoons : — 

Birmingham collection — 
General Election, 1880, etc,, 
172 
Chamberlain's, Mr., collection 

at Highbury, 420 
Gothenburg Licensing System 
— Mr. Chamberlain as a pub- 
lican, 172 
Punch cartoons (see that title) 
Cavagnari, Sir L., murdered at 

Cabul, 170 
Cavendish, Lord Frederick, murder 
of: Effect on Irish Question, 203, 
204, 205 
Chamberlain, Daniel, maltster, 5 
Chamberlain, Mr. Austen : Civil 
Lord of the Admiralty appoint- 
ment, 309 ; Education and career, 
298 ; Highbury Dairy Farm man- 
agement, 421 ; Maiden speech, 
House of Commons, Mr. Glad- 



INDEX 



45i 



stone s criticism, 299, 300 ; Parlia- 
mentary election, 1892, returned 
for East Worcestershire, 298 
Chamberlain, Mr. J., senior : Busi- 
ness career, 124; Death of, 124; 
Description by nephew, 20 ; Mar- 
riage and family, 9 ; Memorial 
tablet, Carter Lane Chapel, 9 ; 
Political views, 15 ; Settlement 
in Birmingham, 124 
Chamberlain, Mr. Richard : — 

Career of: Business career, 125 ; 
Mayoralty of Birmingham, 
178-80; Member of Parlia- 
ment for Islington, 180 
Death of: Reference in Sir E. 
Russell's " Reminiscences," 
etc., 180, 423 
Chamberlain, Mrs. J., senior, death 

of, 124 
Chamberlain, Mrs. T., junior, death 

of, 54 
Chamberlain, Mrs. J„ junior, death 
of: Birmingham Town Council 
resolution of condolence, 128, 
129 
Chamberlain, Mrs. J., junior : — 
Death of her father, Mr. Endi- 
cott : Birmingham resolutions 
of, sympathy, 403 
Endicott family history, 283-5 
Entertainments in honour of 

marriage, 283-5 
Public work, Colonial Nursing 
Association Committee, etc., 

417 . 

Chamberlain Family : Ancestry, 

commercial connection, etc., 5-10; 
Connections by marriage with 
Unitarian families, 9 ; Cord- 
wainers' Company connection, 7 ; 
Religious views, 9 

Chamberlain memorial, Birming- 
ham, 178 

Chambers of Commerce of the 
Empire, Congress 1896, 384 

Character and personality of Mr. 
Chamberlain : Character in child- 
hood, description by Miss Pace, 
11-14; Reasons for misappre- 
hension of, complexity of cha- 
racter, etc., 425-30 

Chartist movement and riots, 32 



Childhood at Camberwell, 11-14 
Children's labour in factories, regu- 
lation, 15, 35 
Chronological table of events 18S9- 

1900, 43 1 -434 
Churchill, Lord R. : — 

Cabinet appointment 1885, 216 
Defeat of Liberal Government 
1885 ; scene in the House, 
213 
Franchise Bill Debate 1884, 194 
Leadership of the House of 

Commons 1886, 271 
Salisbury Ministry, Lord R. 
Churchill's conduct and 
policy, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
220 
Citizenship of Birmingham (see Bir- 
mingham) 
Clark, Dr., South African War, 

Pretoria correspondence, 355 
Clark, Sir E. ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
colonial policy, criticism, 363 ; 
Severance from party, protest 
against Unionist policy, South 
African War, 364 
Cobden, Corn Laws repeal agitation, 

16 
Coercion (Ireland) Act, comparison 

with Crimes Act 1887, 273 
Colley, Sir G., Boer War, defeat 

1880, 209 
Collings, Mr, J. :— 

Birmingham connections : Edu- 
cation society, 74, 76, yj ; Free 
Libraries and Art Gallery — 
Chamberlain's letter and sub- 
scription, 108, 109 ; General 
Election, 1886 — returned for 
Birmingham, 262 ; Mayoralty 
of Birmingham at period of 
the Free Libraries Fire, 1879, 
176-78 ; School Board mem- 
bership, 84 
Forster's Education Bill, 83 
Gladstone's, Mr., criticism of, 

262 
Parliamentary Secretary to 
Home Office appointment, 

3°9 
Colonial and Foreign policy : — 

Afghan War : Criticism by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 170 



45 2 



INDEX 



Colonial and Foreign policy (cont.) : — 
Beaconsfield's, Lord, policy : 
Position of Great Britain on 
access of Liberal Government 
to power, 208 
Bright's views, 47, 48, 57, 58, 
380 ; influence with Mr. 
Chamberlain, 170 
Chamberlain's, Mr., Colonial 
views : Features of Colonial 
policy, 379 ; Glasgow Univer- 
sity rectorial address, 1897, 
319, 320; Sympathy instead 
of apathy in Colonial affairs, 

378, 379 
Eastern question : Division of 

opinion among parties, 168 
Gladstone's policy, 380 
Imperial Federation {see that 

title) 
South African War {see that 

title) 
Transvaal Crisis {see that title) 
Zulu War : Mr. Chamberlain's 
disapproval, 170 
Colonial Nursing Association, 382 
Colonial Railway Extension, ad- 
vance since Mr. Chamberlain took 
office, 381 
Colonial Secretaryship : — 

Appointment, 309 ; reasons for 
acceptance of office, 378, 

379 
Domestic legislation, attention 

to, 309, 311 
Period of office, 137 
Review of work at Colonial 
Office, 409-14 
Colonisation and annexation move- 
ments previous to Victorian Era, 
16 
Commercial career (see Business 

Career) 
Commercial connections of the 

Chamberlain family, 5-10 
Commercial and Municipal life in 
Birmingham, 1854-76, Book II., 23 
Compensation for Disturbances Bill, 
1880, Chamberlain on the rejec- 
tion of, 200 
Conservative Government {see Salis- 
bury administration) 
Conservative and Liberal-Unionist | 



coalition {see Liberal Party — 
Division) 

Conservative Memorial Card, elec- 
tions, 1868, 72 

Constructive legislation — Mr. Cham- 
berlain's power of debate, 186 

Cook, Alderman — Birmingham can- 
didate, election, 1886, 262 

Cook, Professor — Recollections by 
Mr. Chamberlain, 18 

Cordwainers' Company : Chamber- 
lain family connections, 5, 7, 8 

Cordwainers' Hall : John Came, 
memorial window, unveiling cere- 
mony, address by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, etc., 6, 7 

Cordwaining : Mr Chamberlain's 
entry into father's business, 1852, 

19 
Corn Laws repeal agitation, 16 ; 
Birmingham Support of Bright, 

33, 34 

Cowper, Lord : Resignation as Lord 
Lieutenant of Ireland, 203 

Cremer, Mr. — Forster's Education 
Bill, 80 

Crimes Act, 1887: Mr. Chamberlain 
on, speech at Ayr, scene in the 
hall, 274 ; Provisions, Comparison 
with Coercion Acts, 273 

Criticism : Mr. Chamberlain's views 
on, 123 

Cromwell : Mr. Chamberlain's de- 
fence of, Debating Society Pro- 
position, 47 

Cyprus, British acquisition of, 170 

Daily Chronicle \ — 

Home Rule Bill, comments on 

Debate, etc., 231, 243, 244, 

246 
Workmen's Compensation Bill, 

1897 ; comments on Mr. 

Chamberlain's speech, 312 
Daily News : — 

Attack on Mr. Chamberlain's 

commercial policy, 1884, 

41-44 
Flogging in the army, Lord 

Hartington's Bill, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's attack, 168 
Transvaal Crisis, hope for 

peaceful settlement, 347 



INDEX 



453 



Daily Telegraph \ — 

Australian Commonwealth Bill: 
Mr. Chamberlain's career, 

39 1 
Dale, Dr. :— 

Arts Club, Birmingham, mem- 
bership, 183, 184 
Birmingham Municipal reforms, 

support, 100-102 
Chamberlain, Mr., as Dr. Dale's 
Parliamentaryrepresentative, 
102 
Chamberlain's, Mr., electioneer- 
ing campaign speeches, 1885 ; 
criticism, 225 
Chamberlain's, Mr., secession 
from Gladstone Ministry, 
260, 261 
Death of, 426 
Eastern Question, 169 
Education Question, Forster's 

Bill, 85 
Home Rule, 252, 262 
Social life in Birmingham, 
change wrought by Home 
Rule controversy, 300 
Dawson, Mr. G., support of muni- 
cipal reform, Birmingham, 101, 
102 
Democratic constituency, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's experiences, Glasgow 
speech, 1897, 401 
Denbigh, Mr. Chamberlain's visit 

to, 197 
Derby, Lord, resignation from office, 

169 
Diamond Jubilee Procession, Mr. 
Chamberlain's work regarding, 

379. 383 
Dickens, Charles, Birmingham 
workmen's testimonial, etc., 33 
Dilke, Sir C. :— 

President of the Local Govern- 
ment Board appointment, 
210 
Under-Secretary for War ap- 
pointment, 175 
Disestablishment, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's views on, 139, 287 
Dissenters : — 

Birmingham as place of resi- 
dence, effect of Five-Mile 
Act, 25 



Dissenters (cont.) : — 

Education disabilities : admit- 
tance to London University 
College School, 17 - 19 ; 
Forster's Education Bill (see 
that title) ; Removal of, In- 
terest of Mr. J. Chamberlain, 
senior, 15 
Dissolution of Parliament {see 

Parliament) 
Dixon, Mr. : — 

Birmingham Education Society 

presidency, 77 
Birmingham Parliamentary re- 
presentative, 64, 227 ; Resig- 
nation in 1876, 137 
Education Question, conference 

in 1869, 78 
National Education League con- 
tribution, 76 
Dock Strike, 1889, relief measures, 

288 
Domestic Legislation : — 

Mr. Chamberlain's attention to, 

after appointment as Colonial 

Secretary, 309, 311; Press 

comments, 312 

Irish obstruction between 1S80 

and 1885, 186, 191, 198 
Programme for Parliamentary 

Session, 1900, 370 
Rosebery Government Meas- 
ures, 305, 306 
Unionist Policy — Mr. Cham- 
berlain's address to Constitu- 
ents, election, 1900, 440-444 
(see also Tables of Dates and 
Events) 
Dublin Honorary Degree, LL.D., 
conferred on Mr. Chamberlain, 

369 
Dutchmen at the Cape (see Cape 
Colony) 

Eastern Question : — 

Beaconsfield's, Lord, Policy, 
diversion of opinion, 168 

British Fleet ordered to Con- 
stantinople, Resignation of 
Lords Carnarvon and Derby, 
169 

Gladstone on, Birmingham 
speech, 1877, 158 



454 



INDEX 



Eastern Question (cont.~) : — 

Indian Native Troops ordered 
to Malta, transport cost, Mr. 
Chamberlain's question, 169, 
170 
Liberal Leader's views : Mr. 
Chamberlain's reference in 
Fortnightly article, 1877, 160, 
161 
Treaty of Berlin, British Ac- 
quisition of Cyprus, etc., 170 
Economist on Home rule, Glad- 
stone's offer to Parnell, 1886, 231 
Edgar, Murder of, in the Transvaal, 

34i, 342 
Edgbaston Debating Society : — 

Bright's speech, 1858, con- 
demnation proposition, Mr. 
Chamberlain's support, 47, 
48, 58 

Chamberlain's, Mr., member- 
ship, speeches, etc,, 47 ; De- 
livery of speeches, criticism, 
53 ; Description by Mr. 
Matthews, 50 ; Influence on 
political career, 52 ; Press 
comments, 49, 50 

Cromwell, character and con- 
duct, proposition, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's opposition, 47 

Discussions noticed in Parlia- 
ment, 48 

Jubilee — Mr. Chamberlain's 
presidential address, 1896, 51 

Membership list, 47 

Volunteer corps proposal, 50, 54 
Edmonds, George : — 

Birmingham Political Union 
support, 29 

Brookfields Reform Demonstra- 
tion, 1886, attendance, 61 

Imprisonment in 1820, 29 
Education : — 

Birmingham Education Society 
(see that title) 

Birmingham facilities, 35, 45 ; 
Mr. Capel's statistics, 74; 
Mr. Chamberlain's work on 
Town Council, 82, 83 ; Free 
Education " Halfpenny Din- 
ner " Organisation, 288 ; 
Scholarship founded by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 109 



Education (cont.) : — ■ 

Conference held at Birmingham, 
1869, speech by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, etc., J7, 78, 79 

First grant in aid, 15 

Forster's Education Bill (see 
that title) 

Free education — Mr. Chamber- 
lain's policy, 287, 288 ; 
Article on " Free Schools," 
1877, 155; Fortnightly 
article, 94 

Irish Catholics, Gladstone's atti- 
tude towards, in comparison 
with Nonconformists, 84 

National Education League (see 
that title) 

Sandon's, Lord, Bill, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's first speech in House 
of Commons on, 143, 144 

Voluntary schools, grant in aid 
1896 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
support and Nonconformist 
opposition, 288-90 
Education of Mr. Chamberlain : — ; 

Canonbury School 1845-50, 16 

London University College 
School, 1850-52, 17, 18 

Pace's, Miss, school at Cam- 
berwell, n-14 

Political education (see that title) 

School contemporaries, 19 

University education, lack of : 
Disabilities as a Dissenter, 
19 ; Studies, etc., in com- 
pensation for, 87 
Egypt, Mr. Chamberlain's tour, 
study of condition of the country, 

305 
Egyptian question, British occupa- 
tion of Egypt : — 

Alexandria, bombardment of,2 10 

Chamberlain, Mr., on the rela- 
tions between France and 
England, 210, 211 

Gladstone Government views, 
211 

Gordon in the Soudan : Mr. 
Chamberlain on the with- 
drawal of Egyptian garrison, 
212, 213 ; Death of Gordon, 
impression caused by, 213 ; 
Relief expedition, 213 



INDEX 



4S5 



Electioneering campaign programme 
1885 (see " Unauthorised Pro- 
gramme ") 
Elections, Parliamentary (see Bir- 
mingham Constituencies, also 
General Elections) 
Electoral Reform Congress, Mr. 

Chamberlain as delegate, 88, 89 
Electric Lighting : — 

Growth of the industry and Mr. 
Chamberlain's municipal 
work, 114 
Municipal Power Act 1881, 187 
Ellis, Mr. John, Pretoria Corre- 
spondence, South African War, 

355 
Endicott, Mr., death of: Birming- 
ham resolution of sympathy with 
Mr. and Mrs. Chamberlain, 403 
Endicott, Miss : Marriage with Mr. 
Chamberlain, entertainments, etc., 
in honour of, 283, 285 
Endicott family history, 283, 284 
England and the Transvaal ; table 

of dates, 1881-1900,435-38 
" English Radical Leaders " on Mr. 
Chamberlain's republican view, 90 
Evans, Mr. S. : — 

Birmingham election, 1868 ; 
Conservative memorial card, 
72 
Irish Church Bill agitation, Bir- 
mingham meeting, 69 

Factory Commissioners visit to 
Birmingham, 1833 : Regulation of 
children's hours of labour, 35 

Family and relatives of Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 423-7 (see also Cham- 
berlain Family) 

Federated Empire (see Imperial 
Federation) 

Fisheries dispute, America : Mr. 
Chamberlain elected as a British 
plenipotentiary, 278 ; Return to 
England, addresses presented, 
279; Terms of the Treaty, 278, 
279 

Five-Mile Act: Settlement of Dis- 
senters in Birmingham, 25 

Flogging in the Army : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's attack on Lord Harting- 
ton's Bill, 168 



Foreign and Colonial policy (see 

Colonial and Foreign Policy 
Fortnightly Articles : — 

Gothenburg system of municipal 
public houses : Account of 
tour in Sweden, 147 
Labourers' and Artisans' dwell- 
ings, 290, 291 
Liberal Federation, 1877, "The 
New Organisation" and "The 
Caucus," 160-62 
Liberal Party and its leaders, 

1873. 91-95 

List of Articles published, 439 

Local Government and Ireland, 
1885, practical working of 
the " Castle," 293, 294 

Municipal Elections : Contests 
fought on political grounds, 268 

Next page of the Liberal pro- 
gramme, 96 
Forster, Mr. : — 

Birmingham Education Society, 
statistics, 77 

Irish Question : Conciliation 
policy, opposition, 203 ; Par- 
nell's reading of letter to Mr. 
Gladstone in House of Com- 
mons, omission of sentence, 
exposure, 205, 206 
Forster's Education Bill : — 

Chamberlain, Mr., on, Birming- 
ham Town Hall meeting, 
1870, 81 

Collings, Mr. J., on, 83 

National Education League atti- 
tude, observations by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 80, 81 

Passing as law, 82 

Repeal of 25th Clause agitation : 
Chamberlain and Dale Cam- 
paign, 85, 86 ; Deputations 
to Gladstone and Forster, 
84 ; Liberal candidates in 
support of repeal, elections 

1874, 85 

France and the Egyptian Question, 

Mr. Chamberlain on, 210, 211 
Franchise, extension movement, 
1883-84 :— 
Mr. Chamberlain's speeches, 

192, 193 
Re-distribution Bill, 1885, 197 



4S6 



INDEX 



Franchise Bill, 1884 :— 

Debate in House of Commons, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
194-6 
Introduction and passing as law, 

191, 194, 197 
Rejection by House of Lords, 
public protest, etc., 196, 197 
Franchise and education, Birming- 
ham Education Conference con- 
sideration, 1869, 78, 79 
Free Church, Free Labour, Free 
Land, Free Schools, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's programmes : — 

Consideration of, 287, 288, 310 
Liberal programme and Fort- 
nightly articles, 91-95, 155 
Unauthorised programme, 1885, 
"Ransom" speech, 217-19 
" Free Schools,'' Mr. Chamberlain's 

article on, 155 
Freeth, verse on Birmingham, 27, 35 
French Republic, establishment of, 
Mr. Chamberlain's congratula- 
tions, 88 
French, study of, by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, 46 

Gardening hobby, orchids at High- 
bury, etc., 54, 421 
Gas, Water, and Improvement 
Schemes, Birmingham, no, 112 

Gasworks, corporation purchase, 
Mr. Chamberlain's scheme, 
speech, etc., 1 10-13; Rate- 
payers' meeting, 113; Result 
of purchase, review by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 114 

Improvement Scheme : Altera- 
tions made, 118; Mr. Cham- 
berlain's speech as Mayor, 
1874, 132, 133; contributions 
to Trust Fund, 123 ; Explana- 
tion of plan, 1 19-21; criticism, 
Mr. Chamberlain's answer, 
122, 123 ; Sanitary condition 
of the town, 120, 121 

Parliamentary Bills, Royal as- 
sent, 115, 117 

Ratepayers' letter to Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 141 

Vote of thanks to Mr. Chamber- 
lain, 115 



Gas, Water, etc. (cont.) : — > 

Water works : Corporation pur- 
chase, 1 10-12; Cost and 
necessity for purchase, 116, 
117; Criticism of negotia- 
tions, 117, 118; Evidence 
given by Mr. Chamberlain. 
House of Commons, 117; 
Result of purchase, 118 
General Elections : — 

Election 1874: Mr. Chamber- 
lain stands for Sheffield, 95 ; 
Liberal candidates in support 
of Repeal of 25th Clause, 
Forster's Bill, 85 ; " Vote-as- 
you're-told " Committee — Ac- 
cusation against Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 96, 97. 

Election 1880: Liberal Federa- 
tion Work, success of, 171 ; 
Liberal leaders summoned 
to Windsor, 174; Resignation 
of Lord Beaconsfield, 174; 
Returns, Liberal majority, 
etc., 173, 174 

Election 1885: Returns, strength 
of the parties and the support 
of the Irish Vote, 226-28 

Election 1886: Campaign pre- 
vious to, addresses, etc., 238, 
239 ; Home Rule a Party 
Question, comments, 261, 
262 ; Irish Vote and Home 
Rule ; Position of the Liberal 
party, 238 ; Radical Union 
Organisation, 267 ; Returns, 
267 

Election 1892 : Return of Mr. 
Austen Chamberlain for 
East Worcestershire, 298 ; 
Returns, 298, 301 

Election 1895: Returns, 308; 
Unionist Candidates' ad- 
dresses, criticism by Mr. 
Chamberlain in 1897, 311 

Election 1900 : Dissolution of 
Parliament, 404 

Returns of elections 1885 — 1895, 
Table, Formation of the 
Midland Unionist Associa- 
tion, 301 (see also Birming- 
ham Constituencies) 
Germany and Great Britain, rela- 



INDEX 



457 



tions between, Mr. Chamberlain's 
"Leicester" speech, 366; Criti- 
cism, 367-68 
Gladstone, Mr. :— 

British Democracy, devotion to, 
258 

Chamberlain's, Mr. Austen, 
Maiden Speech, House of 
Commons, criticism, 299, 
300 

Colonial Policy, speech 1896, 
380 

Eastern Question, Birmingham 
Speech^ 1867, 158; Mr. 
Chamberlain's Fortnightly 
article reference, 160 

Education Question : Forster's 
Bill, deputations, 84 ; Irish 
Catholics, attitude towards, 
in comparison with Noncon- 
conformists, 84 

General Election 1880: Attend- 
ance of Mr. Gladstone at 
Windsor, 174 

General Election 1886: Home 
Rule a Party Question, 261, 
262 ; Irish Church Bill Agita- 
tion, 68-71 

Irish Question : Accusation 
against Parnell, disturbed 
state of Ireland, 245 ; " Ire- 
land within measurable 
distance of Civil War," 200; 
O'Shea's, Captain, letter, 
reply, 203, 204 ; Parnell's 
compact, letter read to Mr. 
Gladstone in the House, 
omission of sentence, 205, 
206 {see also Home Rule) 

Leadership of the Liberal party, 
Birmingham Association vote 
of confidence, 1886,255 

Meeting with Mr. Chamberlain 
afrer retirement from public 
life, 409 

Reform Bill (2nd), 1866, intro- 
duction of, 60 

Resignations from office, 214, 
215, 304 

Visit to Birmingham, Liberal 
Federation, 1877, 156-60 

Visit to Mr. Chamberlain at 
Southbourne, 131 



Gladstone Administration : — 

Mr. Chamberlain's secession 
from, conditional acceptance 
of office, etc. : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's letters to Mr. Gladstone 
on acceptance and resigna- 
tion of office, 236, 240; 
Chances of reconciliation, 
276; Criticism on withdrawal, 
accusations of unworthy 
motives, etc., Mr. Chamber- 
lain's defence, 258, 259 ; 
Dr. Dale on, 260, 261 ; 
Effect of resignation, 249 ; 
Explanation to constituents, 
1886, 238-39, 252-56 ; Ex- 
planation in the House of 
Commons, 240, 246, 248 ; 
References to, 57, 95 

Government of, 1880-85 : 
Cabinet appointments, 175, 
210; Defeat in 1885, 213, 
214; Attitude of the Liberal 
party, 215; Mr. Gladstone's 
appeal on the Seats Bill, note 
handed to Sir S. Northcote, 
216; Resignation of Mr. Glad- 
stone, 214, 215 ; Salisbury 
Cabinet formation, 215 ; 
Egyptian Question policy, 
2il, 212; Effect of General 
Gordon's death, 213 ; Foreign 
and colonial complications 
of Great Britain on Liberal 
access to power, 209 ; Irish 
party and the Irish Question, 
Mr. McCarthy on, 198; Trans- 
vaal, settlement of {see Trans- 
vaal) 

Government of 1886 : Cabi- 
net appointments, etc., 230, 
231 

Government of 1892 : Pro- 
gramme, measures promised 
in the Queen's speech, 306 ; 
Resignation of Mr. Gladstone, 
1894, 304 ; Strength of the 
parties, 301 

Home Rule {see that title) : Divi- 
sion of the Liberal Party {see 
Liberal Party) 

Resignation proposals by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 191, 224 



458 



INDEX 



Glasgow — Mr. Chamberlain's 
visits : — 
Electioneering campaign, 1885 ; 

speech, 222 
Experience as a Parliamentary 
candidate in a democratic 
constituency, speech, 1897, 
401 
Glasgow University Lord Rector- 
ship : Nomination, etc., of Mr. 
Chamberlain, 317-20 
Gordon, Gen., in the Soudan, 1884: — 
Chamberlain, Mr., on the with- 
drawal of Egyptian troops, 
212, 213 
Relief Expedition and death 
of Gordon, 213 
Goschen, Mr., secession from 
Liberal-Unionist party, appoint- 
ment in Conservative Cabinet, 
1886, 271 
Gothenburg system of municipal 
public-houses : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's advocacy for 

Arts Club, Birmingham, dis- 
cussions, 183 
Cartoons, Mr. Chamberlain as 

a "publican," 172 
Later opinions on temperance 
reform : Grosvenor House 
meeting, 1894, 151 
Speech in the House of Com- 
mons, 151 ; Press comments, 

153-54 
Tour in Sweden and proposals 
to Birmingham Town Coun- 
cil, 147-51 
Government Appointments (see 
Cabinet and Government Ap- 
pointments) 
Government obligations to the poor, 

Mr. Chamberlain's opinion, 222 
Grenfell, Mr. H. R. : Attack on Mr. 
Chamberlain's commercial policy, 
41,42 
Grier, Rev. R. M. : Press attack on 
Mr. Chamberlain's commercial 
policy, defence, 41 

Hackney: Mr. Chamberlain's 

speech, 1885, 219 
Harben, Sir H., connection with 

Chamberlain Family, 9 



Harcourt, Sir W. : — 

Australian Commonwealth Bill, 

308 
South African War, debate, 1 899, 
Attack on Colonial Office 
negotiations, 361 
Visit to Mr. Chamberlain at 
Southbourne, 131 
Hartington, Lord : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., attitude to- 
wards " Late Leader of the 
Liberal Party, etc., descrip- 
tion, 167, 168, 174; Speech at 
London Liberal Union Club, 
1887 ; Confidence in Lord 
Hartington, 276 
General Election, 1880: At- 
tendance of Lord Hartington 
at Windsor, 174 
Home Rule policy : Attitude on 
defeat of Government, 1886, 
230 
Liberal Federation, 1877, al- 
leged hostility, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's defence, 163 
Hawkesley Correspondence : Jame- 
son Raid Inquiry : — 

Colonial Office alleged com- 
plicity : Mr. Chamberlain's 
position, consideration of,332 ; 
Chartered Company com- 
munications with Colonial 
Office, object of, 329, 330 
Inquiry Report — Debate in 
the House of Commons, 
330-32 
Leyds, Dr., and the publication 

of stolen letters, 335 
Missing telegrams, explanation, 
Mr. Rhodes's refusal to pro- 
duce copies, 331-32 
Highbury (Birmingham), Mr. Cham- 
berlain's residence at, 180 

Description of house,*fetc, 417- 
422 ; Town Crier letter and 
working man's opinions on, 
181 
Visitors to, 420 
Highbury (London), home life of 
the Chamberlain Family, 14, 20, 
21 
Historical Retrospect : Period pre- 
vious to Victorian Era, 15 



INDEX 



4$9 



Home Rule : — 

Campaign against, after Elec- 
tion, 1886, 269; Radical 
Union Inaugural Meeting, 
speech by Mr. Chamberlain, 
269; Radical Union Pro- 
gramme, 270; Tory and 
Liberal-Unionist coalition, 
271 
Chamberlain's Mr., policy, sub- 
stitute for Home Rule, 237 : 
Address to constituents, elec- 
tioneering campaign, 1886, 
238, 270; Birmingham Liberal 
Association resolutions in 
support of, 255 ; Explanation 
to constituents after with- 
drawal from office, 252-55 ; 
Impression on constituents, 
256 ; Ti?nes on, 256 ; Prin- 
ciples of, 237 ; Definition of 
Gladstone's Home Rule 
policy, 247, 248 ; Radical 
Unionist programme, 1886, 
270; Resignation of office, 
(see Gladstone Administra- 
tion) ; Mr. Schnadhorst and 
the National Liberal Federa- 
tion attitude, 267 ; Success 
of programme, measures 
passed in 1899, etc., 315, 316 ; 
" Stability of the Empire," 
Mr. Chamberlain's appeal 
speech at Birmingham elec- 
tion, 1886, 262-64; Ulster 
campaign, 277 ; Unionist 
party support, 317 (see also 
Home Rule Bills) 

Decline of, influence of Par- 
n ell's fall, 297 

Definition of the phrase " Home 
Rule," Mr. Chamberlain's ex- 
planation, speech in the 
House of Commons, 1886, 
247, 248 ; Extension of mean- 
ing by Mr. Gladstone in 1886, 
231 

Irish People, attitude of, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 269 

Irish Plan of Campaign : 
State of Ireland and the 
" Physical Force Party," 273, 
274 



Home Rule (cont.) : — 

Liberal enthusiasm, abatement 

in 1899, observations by 

Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, 

.317 

Liberal Party division 271 

Liberal - Unionist and Tory 

(see that title) 
Parliamentary Elections, Home 
Rule a party question, Mr 
Gladstone's comments, 261 
262 
Parnell's programme, 1885 
Mr. Chamberlain's criticism 
223 
Prospects after defeat of second 
Bill: Mr. Dillon on, 304; 
Effect of Liberal Party divi- 
sion, 304, 305 
Rumours of Home Rule in 1885 
Standard publication of al- 
leged scheme by Mr. Glad- 
stone, 228; Mr. Chamberlain's 
comments on, 229 ; Position 
of Parnell, 231, 232 ; Press 
comments, 231 
Salisbury Government defeat, 
1886, Liberal members voting 
against own party, 230, 242 
War and the effect of Home 
Rule, reference by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, Debate on second 
Bill, 302, 303 
Home Rule Bill, 1886 :— 

Chamberlain's, Mr., opposition : 
Abuse after defeat of Bill, 
Gladstonian attacks on Mr. 
Chamberlain, 260, 261 ; Prin- 
cipal objections, 234, 235 ; 
Letters to Mr. Gladstone on 
acceptance and resignation of 
office, 236, 240; Speech in 
the House of Commons, 240 ; 
Resignation of office (see 
Gladstone Administration) ; 
Speeches in the House of 
Commons, 246-48, 258-60 
Conservative attitude : Liberal- 
Unionist and Tory coalition 
(see that title) ; Opera House 
and " May Meetings," forma- 
tion of " Loyal and Patriotic 
Union," 256 



460 



INDEX 



Home Rule Bill, 1886 (ami.) :— 

Gladstone's manifesto to Liberal 
party, 256, 257 

Introduction, Debate : Cham- 
berlain's speech, 246-48 ; 
Gladstone's speech, influence 
on the Liberal party, 245, 
246 ; Members securing seats, 
scene in the House of Com- 
mons, 244, 245 

Liberal Party division (see 
Liberal Party) 

"May Meetings": Meeting at 
Mr. Chamberlain's house, etc., 
256, 257 

Modifications made, conciliation 
of Liberal members, 243 

Outline of the Cabinet con- 
sideration, observations by 
Mr. Chamberlain, 237, 239 

Press comments, 243, 244 

Second reading : Debate, Mr. 
Chamberlain's speech, etc., 
257-60 ; Defeat of Bill, 
dissolution of Parliament, 
260 ; Preparations for defeat, 
257 
Home Rule (second) Bill, 1893 : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., opposition : 
Defeat of the Bill, 304 ; 
Nineteenth Century article, 
"A Bill for the Weakening 
of Great Britain," 305 ; 
Speech in the House of 
Commons, 302, 303 

Debate : Members securing 
seats — scene in the House 
of Commons, 301 ; Speeches, 

3° 2 , 303 
Defeat of the Bill : Rejection 
by House of Lords, 303, 304 ; 
Impression on the country, 
Truth on, etc., 304 
Land Question, provision, con- 
sideration of, 310 
Honorary Degrees conferred on Mr. 

Chamberlain, 317, 369, 416 
Hopwood, Mr. : Reference to Mr. 
Chamberlain's Maiden Speech, 
House of Commons, 144 
House of Commons : — 

Chamberlain, Mr., taking his 
seat, 141, 142, 145 



House of Commons (cont.) :— 

Grand Committees, appoint- 
ment of: Support of idea by 
Mr. Chamberlain, 187 
Procedure, new rules, Mr. 
Chamberlain's support, 186 
House of Lords, Power of : — 

Attitude of the House on the 
Franchise Question, criticism 
by Mr. Chamberlain, 193, 
196, 197 
Mr. Chamberlain's antipathy to, 
accusation by Sir. S. North- 
cote, defence, 197 
Rosebery agitation against, 
306 
Houses (acquisition of small houses) 
Bill (see Acquisition of Small 
Houses Bill) 
Housing of the Poor: Royal com- 
mission, evidence, 290 
Housing of the Working Classes 

Amendment Act, 1890, 291 
Housing of the Working Classes : 
Mr. Chamberlain's article in the 
Fortnightly, 291 
Hull: Mr. Chamberlain's visit, 1885, 
speech on Merchant Shipping Bill, 
190 

Imperial concerns, development of, 
Mr. Chamberlain's alleged aban- 
donment of Home Legislation for, 

309» 3ii 
Imperial Federation, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's views, etc. : — 

Australian Commonwealth Bill 
(see that title) 

Colonial assistance in South 
African War, influence on, 
385, 386 

Congress of the Chambers of 
Commerce of the Empire, 
Proposed Commercial Union, 
1896, Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, 384 

Gladstone's and Bright's atti- 
tude toward Colonial expan- 
sion, 380 

Significance of the Diamond 
Jubilee Procession, 383 

" Trustees of the interests of the 
Empire," Mr. Chamberlain's 



INDEX 



461 



Imperial Federation, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's views, etc. (cont.) : — 

speech, Debate on the Ad- 
dress, 1 900, 374 ; Mr. Asquith's 
reference to — Debate on Aus- 
tralian Commonwealth Bill, 

Improvement Scheme, Birmingham 
(see Gas, Water, and Improve- 
ment Schemes) 
Individualism and Party : Mr. 
Chamberlain's article on Liberal 
Federation, 1877, 162 
Ipswich : Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
"Unauthorised Programme" 
Campaign, 1885, 219 
Ireland : — 

" Agriculture, department of, 

established 1899, 316 
Balfour's, Mr. A., administra- 
tion, 273 ; Tour of Mr. 
Balfour in 1899, establish- 
ment of Congested Districts 
Board, etc., 294, 295 
Chamberlain's, Mr., visit to 

Ulster, 277 
Home Rule (see that title) 
Land League : Arrest and re- 
lease of Parnell and other 
Leaders, Suppression of 
League, 202, 203 ; Objects 
of the League, 201 ; Substi- 
tion of Ladies' Land League, 
202 
Land Question : Bills (see Irish 
Land Act, 1881, etc.), Plan 
of Campaign, Parnell and 
the " Physical Force Party," 
273, 274 
National League, suppression 
of, Imprisonment of Mem- 
bers, 1887, 275, 276 
Parliamentary representation, 

Mr. Chamberlain on, 195 
Parnell Commission, 1888 (see 

that title) 
Relief of distress, 1899, Unionist 
Measures, 316 (see also Irish 
Question) 
Irish Church Bill Agitation : — 

Birmingham Meetings, 68-73 i 
Conservative Resolution, 
platform scene, 72, 73 



Irish Church Bill Agitation (cont.); — 

Bright's Letter — Birmingham 

Town Hall Meeting, 1869, 69 

Chamberlain's, Mr., speech, 

1869, 69, 70 
Gladstone, Mr., on, 71 
House of Lords' attitude, 70 
Irish Land Act, 1881 : — 

Attitude of the Irish, Mr. Cham- 
berlain on, 200 
Passing as Law : Agitation Act 

by Parnell and others, 201 
Provisions of, 201 
Irish Land Act, 1887: Arrears of 
rent composition, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's proposal, 276 
Irish Land Bill, 1896: Comparison 
with Home Rule Bill, 1893, etc., 
3 X 5. 3i6, 317 
Irish Land Purchase (Balfour's) Act, 

1 89 1 : Working of, 294 
Irish Land Purchase Bill, 1886: — 
Mr. Chamberlain's speeches to 

constituents, 239, 254 
Gladstone's manifesto, 257 
Introduction of, expenditure of 
English money and the Home 
Rule Question, 238 ; Speech 
by Mr. Chamberlain, 248 
Irish Legislation : — 

Measures passed, Unionists 

Lists, 296, 315 
Obstruction to Domestic Legis- 
lation, 186, 191, 198, 307, 308 
Irish Local Government (Balfour's) 
Bill, 1892 
Debate on second reading : Mr. 
O'Brien's offer and Mr. Cham- 
berlain's reply, 295 
Irish Local Government (Balfour's) 
Bill, 1898 

Substitute for Home Rule, Mr. 
Redmond's objection, Mr. 
Balfour's reply, 316 
Irish Question : — 

Chamberlain's position, 1880 — 
1885 : Alleged alliance with 
Parnell, 199 ; Speech by Mr. 
Chamberlain at Newcastle, 
1884, 207 
Civil War, " Ireland within dis- 
tance of," Mr. Gladstone's 
assertion, 200 



462 



INDEX 



Irish Question {cont.) : — 

Coercion or conciliation of Ire- 
land, 1880-85, 199; Cham- 
berlain's views, 200, 203, 206 ; 
Obedience to Constitutional 
Law, 199; Mr. J. MacCarthy 
on, 198 ; Capt. O'Shea's 
letters to Mr. Chamberlain 
and Mr. Gladstone — replies, 
203-204 ; Parnell's Plans : 
Accusation against Mr. Glad- 
stone, 245 ; Letter read in 
the House of Commons, 
scene caused by, 205, 206 ; 
Liberal leaders, treatment of, 
206; Phcenix Park murders, 
effect on negotiations, 203-6 

Compensation for Disturbances 
Bill, 1880 : Rejection of, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 200 

Disordered state of Ireland, 
cause of, 200 

Home Rule {see that title) 

Local Government Schemes : 
Mr. Chamberlain's Fort- 
nightly Article, 1885 : "Prac- 
tical Working of the Castle," 
etc., 293, 294 ; Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Home Rule policy {see 
Home Rule) ; Gladstone's 
alleged Scheme, 1885, 228; 
Irish Local Government 
(Balfour's) Bill {see that title) ; 
Judgment of the Irish people, 
Mr. Chamberlain on, 269 ; 
Measures promised in 1887, 
273 ; Radical Unionist pro- 
gramme after defeat of Home 
Rule Bill, 270 ; Unionist 
policy for Ireland : Birming- 
ham Daily Post Articles, 282 

Obstruction of Parliamentary 
business, 186, 191, 198, 
308 

Parnell's attitude : Coercion or 
conciliation {see that sub- 
heading) ; Policy with 
American Separatists, 202 ; 
Visit to America, results of, 
202 ; Programme, 1885, Mr. 
Chamberlain's criticism, 222 

Phcenix Park murders, effect 
on negotiations, 203-6 



Irish Question {cont.) : — 

Plan of campaign, " Physical 

Force Party," etc., 273, 274 ; 

Parnell Commission Report, 

1888— Debate, 293 
Position of the Irish Question, 

1888, Review by Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 280, 281 
Redistribution of Seats Bill : 

Parnell's hope of utilising as 

means for furthering scheme, 

207 
Salisbury Government defeat, 

1886, attitude of the House, 

230 

"Jack Cade" — title given to Mr. 
Chamberlain after electioneering 
campaign, 1885, 224, 407 

Jameson Raid : — 

Mr. Chamberlain's negotiations: 
Abrogation of the London 
Convention and Jameson's 
release, Pretoria cable, Mr. 
Chamberlain's telegram to 
Mr. Hofmeyer, 326, 327 ; 
Birmingham approval: Mr. 
Chamberlain's address to 
constituents after the Raid, 
327, 328 ; Cause of the Raid, 
Kruger's reply to Despatch, 
328 ; Colonial Office alleged 
complicity {see Jameson Raid 
Inquiry) ; Instruction to stop 
Jameson : Conduct of Sir H. 
Robinson, 324, 325 ; Message 
to Dr. Jameson ignored by 
Raiders, 325 ; Suppression of 
Raid, attitude taken by Mr. 
Chamberlain ; explanation 
and demand for Inquiry, 328, 

3 2 9 
Claim for damages : Kruger s 

duplicity, 325, 326 
Consequences of the Raid, 336, 

339 

German Emperor's congratula- 
tory telegram to Kruger, 327 

Orange Free State attitude, 
negotiations between Presi- 
dents Steyn and Kruger, 326 

Origin and cause of the Raid 
movement, 321, 323, 328 



INDEX 



463 



Jameson Raid (con/.) : — 

National Reform Union and 
the raiders' negotiation : 
letter to Dr. Jameson, Times 
publication, etc., 323, 324 ; 
Trial of Reform Committee 
members, 326 

Reference to the Raid by Mr. 
Chamberlain : Glasgow Uni- 
versity Rectorial Address, 

1897, 319 

Surrender of raiders to Com. 
Cronje : conditions of sur- 
render concealed, Kruger's 
duplicity, 325, 326 
Jameson Raid Inquiry : — 

Attempt to reopen inquiry, 
Mr. Chamberlain's refusal, 
Debate, etc., 333-6 

Chamberlain's, Mr., speech in 
the House of Commons, 
Judicial Commission pro- 
posal, 329 

Colonial Office alleged com- 
plicity with Raid : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's position, considera- 
tion of, 332 ; Hawkesley 
correspondence, object of 
Chartered Company negotia- 
tions with Colonial Office, 
329, 330 ; Inquiry report, 
missing telegrams, Debate in 
the House, 331, 332; Dr. 
Leyds and the publication of 
stolen letters, 335 

Composition of Committee of 
Inquiry, 329: Mr. Hawkesley, 
alleged communication with 
members, 331 

Labouchere's minority report, 

33° 
Report : Presentation and De- 
bate in the House of Com- 
mons, 330-332 ; Mr. Rhodes' 
conduct, condemnation of, 
Mr. Chamberlain on, 333, 

334 
Johnson, Rev. A., Mr. Chamberlain's 

recollections of, 17 
Johnston, Sir H., education at Cam- 

berwell, 13, 14 

Kenrick, Mr., Birmingham Parlia- 



mentary representative, 1885, 227, 
228 
Kenrick, Miss Florence : Marriage 

with Mr. Chamberlain, 1869, 87 
Kenrick, Miss.H.: Marriage with Mr. 

Chamberlain, 1861, 54 
Kenrick Family : — 

Birmingham Improvement En- 
terprises, etc., contributions, 

54 
Marriage connections with 
Chamberlain family, 54, 55, 

87 
National Education League 
contributions, 76 
Key, Dr., Headmaster of London 
University College School, Mr. 
Orme on, 18 
Kimberley, Lord : South African 

War, Debate, 1899, 360 
King Edward VI. Foundation, 

Chamberlain scholarship, 109 
Kossuth, Louis : Birmingham citi- 
zens' presentation to, 34 
Kruger, President :— 

Elected President of the Trans- 
vaal, 209 
Invitation to settlers for the 
Transvaal, financial diffi- 
culties, 1884, 321, 322 
Jameson Raid (see that title) 
Salisbury's, Lord, impression 
of, speech during Debate on 
South African War, 360, 

363 
Visit to England, 1884, protest 

against Pretoria Convention, 

210 
(See also Transvaal Crisis, 

South African War) 

Labouchere, Mr. : — 

Jameson Raid Inquiry, 330, 

33 1 
South African War : Discovery 
of Pretoria correspondence, 

355. 358 
Labour Question, Mr. Chamberlain's 
articles on : — 

Fortnightly article, 1873, 92 
Nineteenth Century, 1892, 305 
Labourers' and artisans' dwellings 
Fortnightly article, 291 



464 



INDEX 



Land Question, Mr. Chamberlain 
on: — 

Compensation for compulsory 

purchase, 290, 291 
Free Land, Fortnightly article, 

93 
Housing of the working classes 

(see that title) 
Ireland (see that title) 
Municipal Corporation's diffi- 
culty to obtain land, Fort- 
nightly article, 290 
Rochdale speech, 164 
Law : Obedience to Constitutional 

Law, Mr. Chamberlain on, 199 
"Leicester " Speech, 1899 : — ■ 

Home Rule and the creation 
of new Political Party, refer- 
ence to, 401 
South African War and the 
British Relations with Ger- 
many and America, 365-7 ; 
criticism, 367-8 
Leicester Speech, 1900 : " Senti- 
ment ruling the World," 39 
Leyds, Dr. : Jameson Raid Inquiry, 
Publication of stolen letters, 

335 
Suzerainty Question, Transvaal, 

343 
Liberal Associations : — - 

Birmingham Liberal Associa- 
tion (see that title) 

Franchise Extension, fight for 
in 1883-4, 193 

Liberal Federation (see that 
title) 
Liberal Creed: Fundamental Prin- 
ciples, Mr. Chamberlain on, 163 
Liberal Federation, 1877 : — 

Bright's Support, speech at 
Rochdale, 164, 165 

Gladstone's visit to Birming- 
ham : Reception, Bingley 
Hall Meeting, 1 56 ; Speeches 
by Mr. Gladstone and Mr. 
Chamberlain, 158, 159, 160 

Home Rule, Support of Mr. 
Gladstone's Bill, 257, 267 

Hostility of Lord Hartington 
and Official Leaders alleged, 
Mr. Chamberlain's defence, 
163 



Liberal Federation (cont.) : — 

Methods and aim of the New 
Organisation, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Fortnightly article, 
160-62 

Rochdale Meeting, Mr. Bright's 
and Mr. Chamberlain's 
Speeches, 164, 165 

Schnadhorst's, Mr., Influence 
on perfection of Organisation, 
165, 267 

Test of Organisation at General 
Election, 1880, 171 
Liberal Government (see Gladstone 
Administration, Rosebery Admin- 
istration) 
Liberal Party : — 

Bright's, Mr., example and 
advice, Mr. Chamberlain's 
recommendation to Party, 
163 

Chamberlain, Mr., dictating 
terms to, Accusation during 
electioneering Campaign, 224 

Chamberlain's, Mr., political 
position, Lord Rosebery on, 
408 

Dissolution of the National 
Education League, 1877 — 
Liberal party to carry on 
work, suggestion, 155, 156 

Division of party on Home 
Rule, 230, 242, 243 ; Birming- 
ham Liberals and Mr. Cham- 
berlain, Meeting for discus- 
sion of points of difference, 
402 ; Birmingham Municipal 
Elections, effect on, 267, 268 ; 
Chances of reconciliation, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 258, 259, 
276 ; Creation of New Politi- 
cal Party, Mr. Chamberlain's 
Leicester speech, 401 ; Effect 
on History of the Home Rule 
Movement, 304, 305 ; Liberal- 
Unionist and Tory Coalition 
(see that title) ; Line of di- 
vision, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
281, 282 ; Review of Position 
of Parties, 1888, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's Bradford speech, 
" Union of Hearts," 280-82 ; 
Round Table Conference 



INDEX 



465 



Liberal Party (cont.) : — 

1887, 272; Mr. Schnadhorst, 
and Mr. Chamberlain, sever- 
ance of Political Ties be- 
tween, 165, 267 ; Secession 
from Gladstone Govt, {see 
Gladstone Administration) 
Eastern Question, views of 
Liberal Leaders, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's reference to, 160, 161 
Gladstone Administration {see 

that title) 
Gladstone, Mr., as Leader, Bir- 
mingham Liberal Association 
vote of confidence, 1887, 255 
Official Programme, 1885, Criti- 
cism by Mr. Chamberlain, 
220, 221 
Organisation of, 1877-80, 155 
Parnell and Home Rule, alleged 
negotiations, 1885, Standard 
publication, 228, 229 ; Press 
Comments, 231 
Radical Members' Difficulties, 

Mr. Chamberlain on, 225 
Salisbury Govt, defeat, 1886, Li- 
beral Members voting against 
own Party, 230, 242, 243 
Unauthorised Programme of 
Mr. Chamberlain, 1885 {see 
that title) 
" Liberal Party and its leaders," Mr. 
Chamberlain's article in the Fort- 
nightly, 1873, 91-95 
Liberal Policy : Radical attitude, 
" Pace of the Coach," Mr. Cham- 
berlain on, 226 
Liberal Programme : — 

Advanced Liberal programme, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech 
to Ward Electors, 1872, 91-2 
Fortnightly Article, " The Next 
Page of the Liberal Pro- 
gramme," 96 
Liberal strength in Midland counties, 
General Election Table, 1885-95, 
301 

Advanced Liberal : Definition 
of term by Mr. Chamberlain, 
91,92 
Aim of: Mr. Chamberlain on 
the ultimate aim of Liberalism, 
139 



Liberalism : — 

Birmingham Liberalism, Prin- 
ciples of, Mr. Chamberlain 
on, 138 

Chamberlain's, Mr., views, in- 
fluences affecting, 62, 63 
Liberal-Unionist, Mr. Chamberlain's 

life as, Book IV., 265 
Liberal-Unionist and Tory Coalition, 
271 

Chamberlain, Mr., on, 272 ; Re- 
view of position of parties, 
1888 : Mr. Chamberlain's 
Bradford Speech, " Union of 
Hearts," 281, 282 

Division of Liberal Party, the 
origin of, 230, 242, 243 

Permanence of the Alliance, 
consideration of, 405 

Salisbury Government, 1895, 
appointments, etc., 308, 309 

Success of coalition, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's relations with col- 
leagues, 406-408 
Liberal-Unionists : — 

Annual Conference, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's " Leicester " speech, 
365-67 ; Criticism on, 367-68 

Coalition with Conservatives 
{see Liberal-Unionist and 
Tory Coalition) 

Election addresses, 1895, criti- 
cism by Mr. Chamberlain, 
1897, 311 

Home Rule: Division of Liberal 
Party {see Liberal Party) ; 
Policy {see Home Rule) 

Irish Legislation {see that title ; 
also Irish Question) 

Legislation, Table of Measures 
passed, 1888-92, 286, 287, 296 

Policy of the Liberal-Unionists : 
Birmingham Support : Reso- 
lutions passed at Liberal 
Association Meetings 5, 256; 
Return of seven members, 
Election, 1886, 262 ; Home 
Rule, Irish Question, etc. {see 
those titles) ; Programme, 
1886 : Mr. Chamberlain's 
Election address, etc., 270 

Radical Union Formation {see 
that title) 

3° 



4 66 



INDEX 



Licensing Reform {see Gothenburg 
System of Municipal Public 
Houses) 
Life as a Liberal M.P., 1876-86, 

Book III., 135 
Life as a Liberal-Unionist, Book IV., 

265 
Life in Birmingham, commercial 
and municipal work, 1854-76, 
Book II., 23 
Life in London, 1836-54, Book I., 1 
Lloyd, Mr. S. :— 

Birmingham Election, 1868, 
Conservative memorial card, 
72 ; Irish Church Bill agita- 
tion, Birmingham meeting, 

72, 73 
Local Government : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., "Unauthor- 
ised Programme " [see Un- 
authorised Programme) 
Irish Question {see that title) 
Local Government Bill, 1892 {see 
Irish Local Government (Bal- 
four's) Bill) 
Local Government Board : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., Presidency, 
Gladstone Ministry, 1886 : 
Conditional acceptance of 
office, 230, 235 : Explanation 
in the House of Commons, 
246, 248 ; Letters of accept- 
ance and resignation, 236, 
240-242 ; Motives attributed 
for withdrawal, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's defence, 258, 259 ; 
Dr. Dale's Letters, 260, 
261 ; Speech to constituents, 
238, 239 ; Term of office, 

137 
Dilke's, Sir C, appointment, 
210 
London : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., private life 
in, 415-17; Early life in 
London, 1 
Electioneering Campaign, 1885, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
224 
London Liberal Union Club : Mr. 
Chamberlain's expression of con- 
fidence in Lord Hartington, etc., 
276 



London University College : Dis- 
senters' sons graduating in 1885, 
298 
London University College School : 
Dissenters' admittance, etc., Mr. 

T. Orme on, 17, 18 
Education of Mr. Chamberlain 
at, 17, 18 
Lucy, Mr. H. W. : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Maiden Speech, House of 
Commons, 143, 145 

Maiden Speeches: — 

Birmingham Liberal Election 

Committee Dinner, 1868, 67 
House of Commons, 143-46 
Malaria, Investigations in West 
Africa, Mr. Chamberlain's interest 
in, 383 
Marriage of Mr. Chamberlain : — 
First Marriage : Miss H. Ken- 
rick, 54 ; Death of Mrs. 
Chamberlain, 54 
Second Marriage : Miss F. 
Kenrick, 87 ; Death of Mrs. 
Chamberlain, 128, 129 
Third Marriage : Miss Endi- 
cott, entertainments, etc., in 
honour of, 283-85 
Mason, Sir J. : Foundation of Bir- 
mingham Mason Science Coll. 394 
Matthews, Mr. C. E. :— 

Birmingham School Board, Re- 
view of Mr. Chamberlain's 
work, 82 
Edgbaston Debating Society : 
Discussions noticed in Par- 
liament, reference by, 48 ; 
Election of Mr, Chamberlain 
as Member, description of, 50 
Forster's Education Bill, Depu- 
tation to Mr. Gladstone, 84 
Matthews, Mr. H., Parliamentary 
Representative for Birmingham, 
262 
Mayoralty of Birmingham, Mr. 
Chamberlain in Office {see Muni- 
cipal Work) 
Maxse, General, visit to Mr. Cham- 
berlain at Southborne, 131 
McCarthy, Mr. J. : The Irish and 
the Irish Party under Gladstone's 
Rule, 198 



INDEX 



467 



Members of Parliament : — 

Chamberlain, Mr., as M.P. (see 
titles Parliamentary and 
Political Career, Birmingham 
Constituencies) 
Duty of a Member, Mr. Cham- 
berlain on, 140 
Table of Members returned at 
General Elections, 1885-95, 
301 
Merchant Shipping Bill : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., speech in 
the House, Second Reading, 
190 
Deputation from Associated 

Chambers of Shipping, 189 
Difficulties and reasons for 

opposition, 188, 189 
Hull Meeting, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's Speech, 1885, 190 
Withdrawal of Bill : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's, proposed resigna- 
tion after, 190, 191 ; Royal 
Commission appointed, 1884, 
190 
Merriman, Mr. : Transvaal Crisis, 

Pretoria Correspondence, 355 
Midland Counties, Liberal strength, 
Table of Members returned at 
General Election 1885 — 95, 301 
Midland Liberal-Unionist Associa- 
tion, Formation of, 301 
Military System, deficiencies in, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, Election Address, 
1900, 443 
Milner, Sir A., Appointment as High 
Commissioner for South Africa: — 
Chamberlain's, Mr., Speech, 

338, 339 
Duties of, investigation into Out- 
landers' grievances, etc., 340 
Transvaal Crisis (see that title) 
"Modern Ulysses": Birmingham 
Town Crier on Mr. Chamberlain's 
defeat, Sheffield Election, 96 
Montagu, Lord R., Attack on Bir- 
mingham Education Society, 76, 

77 
Moral Law and the Influence of 
the People, Mr. Bright's reference, 

58,59 
Morley, Mr. J., Friendship with Mr. 
Chamberlain, 19, 131 



Motto, L'audace, etc., proposal by 
Edgbaston Debating Society 
Member, 53 
Mundella, Mr. : Sheffield Constitu- 
ency, Mr. Chamberlain's candida- 
ture, 95, 96 
Municipal Corporation Acts, passing 

as Law, 15 
Municipal Corporations and the 
difficulty of acquisition of Land, 
Mr. Chamberlain's Fortnightly 
article, 290 
Municipal Elections : — 

Contests fought on political 
grounds, Mr. Chamberlain's 
Fortnightly article, 268 
Home Rule and the Liberal 
Party division, effect on 
elections 1886, 267, 268 
Municipal Institutions, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's opinion of, 104 
Municipal Public Houses (see 
Gothenberg System of Municipal 
Public Houses) 
Municipal Reform, Birmingham 

Demonstration, 1836, 32 
Municipal Work in Birmingham : — 
Chamberlain Memorial, erec- 
tion of, 178 
Electric Lighting Industry : 
Growth of, Mr. Chamberlain's 
under-estimation of, 114; 
Municipal Powers Act, 1881, 
187 
Gas, Water and Improvement 

Scheme (see that title) 
Mayoralty : Mr. Chamberlain 
in office ; Comparison be- 
tween political and municipal 
work, 95, 96 ; Council House, 
foundation stone ceremony, 
104, 105 ; Election as Mayor, 
1873, 99, 100; Fortnightly 
Article on the Liberal Party, 
1873 ; effect of, 95 ; General 
work as Mayor, meetings, 
etc., 103, 109 ; Highgate 
Park, opening ceremony, 107, 
108 ; Prince of Wales's visit : 
Reception by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, 88 ; Resignation pro- 
posals after death of Mrs. 
Chamberlain, 129; Result of 



4 6g 



INDEX 



Municipal Work {conf) : — 

schemes, etc., 132; Speech 
to working men, first Mayoral 
year, 132 

Nonconformist Ministers' sup- 
port, Dr. Dale and others on, 
100, 101, 102 

Popularity of Mr. Chamberlain, 
125, 140 

Political and municipal work : 
Relations between, previous 
to entry into Parliament, 97-8 

Town Council • Mr. Chamber- 
lain as member, 82 ; Abuse 
of Mr. Chamberlain's con- 
fidence, scene at Town 
Council Meeting, 126; Mr. 
Chamberlain's demand for 
advanced Liberal programme, 
91, 92 ; Corporation officials' 
salaries, 132; Death of Mrs. 
Chamberlain, message of 
condolence — Reply, 128, 129; 
Gothenburg System of pub- 
lichouses, Mr. Chamberlain's 
proposals, 147-51 ; Mayoralty 
{see that sub- heading) ; Muni- 
cipal reforms, proposals, 100- 
105 ; Popularity with col- 
leagues, 125, 140; Reputation 
of the Council previous to 
Mr. Chamberlain's entry as 
Councillor, 99 ; Resignation 
of seat in 1880, 176, 178 
Municipal and Political Methods in 
America : Nineteenth Century 
Articles, 305 
Muntz, Mr., Birmingham Parlia- 
mentary Elections, 32, 33, 172 
Murphy Riots, suppression of, 64, 65 

National Education League, 
1869 :— 

Chamberlain, Mr., as Vice- 
President of Provisional Com- 
mittee, 80 

Conference at Birmingham, 
1869, 75 ; Mr. Chamberlain's, 
speech, 77 ; Forster's Educa- 
tion Bill Discussion, 80, 81 

Dissolution in 1877 : Sugges- 
tion to Liberal Party to con- 
tinue work, 155-6; Forster's 



National Education [cont.) : — 

Education Bill, 25th Clause : 
Repeal agitation, 84, 85 
Foundation and objects of the 

League, 75, 76 
Inquiries into state of educa- 
tion, 1869, 79 
Political work, 80 
Subscription list, contributions 
from Mr. Chamberlain and 
Birmingham men, 76 
National Liberal Federation {see 

Liberal Federation) 
National Radical Union {see Radical 

Union) 
Naville, M. de : Transvaal Question 
from a foreign point of view, 322 
Nettlefold family, connections with 

Chamberlain family, 9, 21, 37 
Nettlefold and Chamberlain : Mr. 
Chamberlain's entry into firm, 
44 ; Extension of business, Mr. 
Chamberlain's policy, 38-40 ; Pur- 
chase and amalgamation of screw 
businesses, Press attacks on 
transaction, 40-44 ; Retirement of 
Chamberlain Bros., 55, 124 
Newcastle, Mr. Chamberlain's visit, 

speech on Irish affairs, etc., 207 
Newfoundland and Canadian Coast 
Fisheries Dispute {see Fisheries 
Dispute) 
Newspaper Stamp Duty reduction, 

16 
Newspaper comments {see names 

of papers) 
Nineteenth Century, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's articles on Social Problems, 
305 ; List of, 439 
Nonconformist support of Mr. Cham- 
berlain's Policy : — 

Home Rule crisis, Dr. Dale on, 

261 
Municipal work in Birmingham, 
100-102 
Northcote, Sir S., defeat of Liberal 
Government, 1885, note handed 
during Mr. Gladstone's speech on 
the Seats Bill, 216 

Obligations of Empire, fulfilment 
of, Mr. Chamberlain's work as 
Colonial Secretary, 382 



INDEX 



469 



O'Brien, Mr., Irish Local Govern- 
ment Bill, 1892, Debate, 295 
O'Brien, Mr. W., imprisonment of, 
suppression of National League, 
1887, 275, 276 
O'Connor, Fargus, and the rights of 

the people for Reform, 29 
Old Age Pensions : — 

Commission, 1897, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's reference to, 311 
Nineteenth Centicry articles, 

1892, 305 
Prospects of Mr. Holland's Bill 
in 1899, Leicester Conference, 
etc., 314 
Views held by Mr. Chamberlain, 
speech, 1899, Oddfellows' 
meeting, 313-315 
Orchid collection at Highbury, 421 
Orme, Mr. T., London University 

College School, 17, 18 
O'Shea, Captain, letters to Mr. 
Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain, 
Irish Question, replies, 203, 204, 
206 

Pace, Miss : — 

Camberwell School, education 

of J. Chamberlain, 11-14 
Chamberlain's, Mr. and Mrs., 
visit to, 13 
Pacific Cable Scheme, attention to, 

by Mr. Chamberlain, 382 
Pall Mall Gazette, Brookfields 
Reform Demonstration, 1866, 62 
Parish Councils Bill, 1894, passing 
as law, 305 

Chamberlain, Mr., as Member 
(see Parliamentary and Poli- 
tical Career) 
Conservative Government (see 

Salisbury Administration) 
Dissolution, 1880, 171 
Dissolution, 1886, defeat of 

Home Rule Bill, 260 
Dissolution, 1900, 404 
Duties of a new Govt, 208 
Legislation, tables of measures 
passed, etc. (see Tables of 
Dates, Measures, etc.) 
Liberal Governments (see Glad- 
stone Administration, Rose- 
bery Administration) 



Parliament : — 

Liberal Unionist and Tory 
Coalition (see that title) 

Meeting in 1886, defeat of Salis- 
bury Government, 230 

Meeting after election, 1892, 
300 

Meeting, October 17th, 1899 : 
Vote of Supplies for South 
African War, 359 ; Proroga- 
tion, 365 

Procedure, new rules, support 
by Mr. Chamberlain, 186 

Session, 1900, Queen's speech : 
Debate on the address, 371- 
75; Programme for domestic 
legislation, 370 (see also 
House of Commons, House 
of Lords) 
Parliamentary Elections (see General 

Elections) 
Parliamentary measures, tables of 
dates, etc. (see Tables of Dates, 
Measures, etc.) 
Parliamentaryand political career: — 

Bright's, Mr., politics, influence 
with Mr. Chamberlain, 56, 
58, 60, 62, 63 ; Tributes to 
Mr. Chamberlain, 81, 82, 165 

Cabinet and Government ap- 
pointments (see that title) 

Dale's, Dr., representative, 
reference by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, 102 

Early Political Work, 1 867-69, 64 

Elected M.P. for Birmingham, 
1876, 137 ; First speech to 
constituents, 138-40 (see also 
Birmingham Constituencies) 

Entry into House of Commons : 
Ceremony of introduction, 
141, 142, 145; Maiden Speech, 
143-46 ; Mistake in date by 
Mr. Lucy, 143 

Leadership of the Radicals : 
Power as a Debater, 186 

Life as a Liberal M.P., 1876-86, 
Book III., 135 

Life as a Liberal-Unionist, 
Book IV., 265 

Personal duty as a Member of 
Parliament : speech to con- 
stituents, 1876, 140 



47° 



INDEX 



Parliamentary and Political career 
(cont.) : — 

Political Chief : Work as Presi- 
dent of Birmingham Liberal- 
Unionist Association, 401 

Political programmes {see that 
title) 

Relations with colleagues and 
opponents, 167, 406, 408 

Resignation proposals, 191, 224 

Secession from Gladstone 
Government {see Gladstone 
Administration) 

Sheffield constituency, Mr. 
Chamberlain as candidate, 

95- 9 6 

Tables of dates and events : 
Municipal and Political work 
previous to entry into Parlia- 
ment, 97, 98 
Parliamentary Representation : — 

Birmingham constituents {see 
that title) 

Bright on, 57 

Canvassing at elections, Mr. 
Muntz' objection, 32, 33 

Ireland, Mr. Chamberlain on, 

195 

Redistribution of Seats Bill ; 
Reform Bill {see those titles) 
Parnell, Mr. :— 

Arrest as leader of Land League, 
1881 : Imprisonment, 202, 
273 ; Release, 203 

Chamberlain's, Mr., opinion of, 
speech to Birmingham con- 
stituents, 1886, 253 

Diminution of influence pre- 
vious to death in 189 1 : Mr. 
Gladstone's statement, 296 

Home Rule, Irish Question {see 
those titles) 

Kilmainham Treaty : Negotia- 
tions on release of Mr. Parnell 
from prison, 203 

Letters published by the Times, 
discovery of " Pigott For- 
geries," 292, 293 

Phcenix Park murders, refer- 
ence to, in House of Com- 
mons, 205 

Physical Force Party and the 
Plan of Campaign, 1886, 273-4 



Parnell Commission, 1888 : Ap- 
pointment of : Letters published 
by the Times Inquiry, 292 ; De- 
bate on Report in House of Com- 
mons, 1890 : Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, 292, 293 ; Pigott Forgeries, 
discovery of, 292 
Parnell's Tenants' Relief Bill, 1886, 

rejection of, 273 
Party and Individualism : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's Fortnightly Article on 
Liberal Federation, 162 
Patents Bill, 1883 : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's work, 187, 188 
Patriotism, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
Glasgow University Rectorial 
Address, 1897, 317-319 
Peace Society, Cambervvell School, 

organisation of, 12, 13, 16 
Peel, Sir Robert, Death of: Mr. 
Chamberlain's recollection 1 of, 
20 
Penny Postage, Establishment of, 

16 
Perks, Susannah : General Election, 

1885, Birmingham vote, 227 
Personality and character : — 

Audacity a characteristic : opin- 
ion of member of Edgbaston 
Debating Society, 53 
Criticism, Mr. Chamberlain's 

views on, 86, 123 
Delivery of addresses and 
speeches to constituents, im- 
pression on audience, 399- 
400 
Description of personal appear- 
ance, 127, 128 
Early childhood : Description 

by Miss Pace, 11- 14 
House of Commons, first ap- 
pearance, impression made, 

145 
Reasons for misapprehension 

of character, 425-30 

Rule of life, Mr. Chamberlain's 

motto, 430 

Phcenix Park Murders, 204 ; Mrs. 

Byrne and the American -Irish 

Fete, 274; Effect on the Irish 

Question, 203, 204, 205, 206 ; 

Mr. Parnell's speech in House 

of Commons after the crime, 205 



INDEX 



471 



Physical Force party, Mr. Parnell's 
connection with, 274 ; Parnell 
commission report, 1888, Debate, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 293 
Pictures presented to Birmingham 
Art Gallery by Chamberlain 
family, 109, 179 
Pigott forgeries, alleged Parnell 

letters, discovery of, 292, 293 
Pitt, Canning's lines on, Mr. Cham- 
berlain using, during speech at 
Leicester, 1899, 335 
Plimsoll, Mr., and the shipowners' 

dispute, 189 
Political agitation and combination, 
increased facilities for, in 1836-40, 
16 
Political education of Mr. Cham- 
berlain : — 

Bright's speeches, etc., influence 

on, 62, 63 
Edgbaston Debating Society 

influence, 52 
Studies after retirement from 
commercial life, 55 
Political life of Mr. Chamberlain 
(see Parliamentary and Political 
Career) 
Political Programmes : — 

Irish legislation, 1895- 1900, 

Unionist programme, 315 
Original programme on entry 
into political life, 91-95 ; Con- 
sideration of, 287, 310 
Radical-Unionist programme, 
Mr. Chamberlain's position 
in Parliament, 1886, 270, 271 
Rosebery administration, 1892- 
5, Mr. Chamberlain's social 
programme, 305 
Tables of dates, measures 
passed, etc. ; Unauthorised 
programme (see those titles) 
Political unions of the Black Country, 

Reform agitation, 1832, 30 
Polytechnic institution lectures, at- 
tendance of Mr. Chamberlain, 20 
Power of the people, Bright on, 58-9 
Press comments (see Names of 

Papers) 
Prisons Bill, 1877, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's first speech in the House of 
Commons, 145; mistaken date, 143 



Private Life of Mr. Chamberlain : — 
Birmingham incidents, 1854-64, 

46, 47, 53, 54, 62 
Chamberlain, Mr., as a friend, 

425-30 
Family and relatives, 423-27 
Highbury (see that title) 
Holidays, 421 
London life, official duties, etc., 

415-16 
Marriage of Mr. Chamberlain 

(see that title) 
Personality and character (see 

that title) 
Southbourne residence, 130-31 
Procedure in the House of Com- 
mons, new rules, 186 
Property rights, Mr. Chamberlain's 
"Ransom" speech (see Un- 
authorised Programme) 
Public opinion and criticism, Mr. 

Chamberlain's views on, 86, 123 
Public-house municipalisation (see 

Gothenburg System) 
Punch cartoons, verses, etc. : — 

Birmingham Education Society, 

commendation verses, 79 
Reform Scheme, 1866," Mr. and 
Mrs. Bull and their dog," 60 
Visit of the Prince and Princess 
of Wales to Birmingham, Mr. 
Chamberlain's reception, 107 

Radical Union :— 

Addresses presented to Mr. 
Chamberlain on return from 
America, 279-80 
Foundation of the Union, 267 
Inaugural meeting, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's speech, 269 
Outlines of policy, manifesto 
issued, 269 
Radical members of a Liberal 
Government, difficulties of, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 225 
Radical Unionist, Mr. Chamberlain's 

life as, Book IV., 265 
Radicalism, influences affecting 

Chamberlain's policy, 62, 63 
Radicals : — 

Chamberlain's advanced Liberal 
Programme, speech to Ward 
electors, 1872, 91, 92 



472 



INDEX 



Radicals (cont.) : — 

General Election, 1880, results : 
Formation of the Cabinet, 
Mr. Gladstone and Radical 
appointments, 175 ; Sectional 
divisions of the Liberal Party, 

174 
Leadership of Mr. Chamberlain, 
power in the House of Com- 
mons, 1880-85, x 86 {see also 
Liberal-Unionists) 
Railway Extensions in the Colonies 
since Mr. Chamberlain took office, 
381, 382 
" Ransom " Speech, Birmingham, 

1885, 217 
Recreation and Culture for Working 
Population, Mr. Chamberlain's 
work as Mayor, etc., 107, 125 
Redistribution of Seats Bill, 1885, 
197 ; Mr. Gladstone's appeal to 
Opposition after defeat of Govern- 
ment, 1885, 216; Mr. Parnell's 
views, effect on Irish Question, 207 
Redmond, Mr. W., South African 
War, Debate, October 19th, 1899, 
and subsequent withdrawal from 
the House, 364. 
Reform Agitations : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., advanced 
Liberal Programme, Fort- 
nightly articles, etc., 91-95 
Electoral Reform Congress, 
1872, Mr. Chamberlain as 
Delegate, 88, 89 
Meetings in 1832 ; Black 
Country Political Unions 
Meeting, 30 ; Birmingham, 
28 ; Scots Greys stationed in 
Birmingham, 29-31 
Second Reform Bill Agitation, 
32 ; Bright's First Speech to 
Constituents, 57, 59 ; Letter, 
60 ; Brookfields Demonstra- 
tion, 1866, 61 ; Press Com- 
ments, 62 ; Liberal Associa- 
tion formed, 1865, 60 
Reform Bill, 1832 ; Passing as Law, 
Birmingham Parliamentary Repre- 
sentatives, 31 ; Political Unions 
Meeting previous to passing the 
Bill, 30 ; Reforms enacted after 
Reform Bill, 15 



Reform Bill, i860 : Abandonment 

of Scheme, 59 
Reform Bill (second), 1 867 : Meet- 
ings previous to {see Reform 
Agitations) ; Passing as Law, 32, 
62 
Religion of the Chamberlain 

Family, 9 
Republicanism of Mr. Chamber- 
lain : — 

Congratulations offered to 

French Nation, 88 
Electoral Reform Congress, Mr. 
Chamberlain as Delegate, 
explanation, 88 
English Radical Leaders, 1875, 

Notices, 90 
Nature of Mr. Chamberlain's 

views, 88-90 
Wales's, Prince and Princess 
of, visit to Birmingham, Mr. 
Chamberlain's reception, 88, 
105-107 
Reitz, Mr., Suzerainty Question, 

Transvaal, 344 
Rhodes, Mr., and the Jameson Raid 
Inquiry : — 

Censure of Mr. Rhodes' conduct 

in Report, 330, 331 
Chamberlain's, Mr., Speech on 
attempt to reopen Inquiry, 
Mr. Rhodes' " Personal 
Honour," 333, 334 
Chartered Company Telegrams, 
Mr. Rhodes' refusal to pro- 
duce copies of missing wires, 
etc., 331, 332 
Ridley, Sir M. W. : Workmen's 
Compensation Bill, 1897 {see that 
title) 
Roberts, Sir F. : Boer War, 1881-84, 

209 
Robinson, Sir H. {see Jameson 

Raid) 
Rochdale, Mr. Bright's and Mr. 
Chamberlain's visit to, Speeches 
on Liberal Federation, etc., 1877, 
164, 165 
Roebuck, Mr. : Sheffield Election, 
Opposition to Mr. Chamberlain, 
96 
Roman Catholic Education, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 78 



INDEX 



473 



Rosebery, Lord : 

Chamberlain's, Mr., Political 
Position, reference to, 408 

South African War : Deficien- 
cies in British military system, 
Lord Salisbury's attitude, 371 

Visit to Mr. Chamberlain at 
Southborne, 131 
Rosebery Administration : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., social pro- 
gramme, Press Articles, etc., 
1892-5, 305 

Domestic Legislation, 305, 306 

Formation of Government after 
resignation of Mr. Gladstone, 
1894, 304 

Government defeat, 1895 ; 
Motion on inadequate supphy 
of small arms ammunition, 

304. 3°7 
House of Lords' power ; agita- 
tion against, 306 
Round Table Conference, 1887 : 
Consideration of points of differ- 
ence on Home Rule, Liberal 
Party, 272 
Royal Colonial Institute Dinner, 
1897 : Mr. Chamberlain on accept- 
ance of Colonial Secretaryship, 

379 
Rule of life: Mr. Chamberlain's 

motto, 430 
Russo-Turkish War, British policy : 

Mr. Chamberlain on, 169, 170 

Salisbury, Lord : — 

Cabinet appointment on resig- 
nation of Lord Derby, 169 

Franchise Bill, 1884, rejection: 
Public protest, etc., Mr. 
Chamberlain's criticism, 196 

Relations between Mr. Cham- 
berlain and Lord Salisbury, 
406, 407 

South African War : Debate, 
Oct. 17th, 1899— Vote of 
supplies, 360 ; Settlement 
after the War, 377 
Salisbury Administration : — 

Government, 1885 : Stop-gap 
Government after Liberal 
defeat ; Cabinet formation 
difficulties, 215; Lord R. 



Salisbury Administration (cont.) \ — 
Churchill's attitude, 216 ; Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 220 ; Defeat 
in 1886: Attitude of the 
House on the Irish Question, 
230 ; Pledge required by Lord 
Salisbury : Non-embarrass- 
ment of opposition, request 
to Mr. Gladstone, 216, 217 
Government, 1886 : Cabinet 
formation, 271 ; Legislation, 
1888-92; Review by Mr. 
Chamberlain and Table of 
Measures passed, etc., 286, 
287 ; Liberal-Unionist and 
Tory coalition (see that title) ; 
Policy of, Mr. Chamberlain's 
attitude towards, 272 
Government of 1895-1900: 
Liberal - Unionist relations 
with, appointments made, 
etc., 308, 309 ; Programme 
for Session, 1900, Lord Rose- 
bery 's attack, 370-371 ; Vote 
of supplies for South African 
War, Debate, 359-360 
Sandon's, Lord, Education Bill : 
Mr. Chamberlain's first speech 
in House of Commons on, 143, 
144' 
Sanitary Congress, Birmingham : 
Mr. Chamberlain's work in con- 
nection with, 109 
Saturday Review, Workmen's Com- 
pensation Bill, 1897, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's activity regarding, 312 
Schnadhorst, Mr. : — 

Birmingham testimonials to, 

166 
Liberal Federation, influence on 

organisation, 165, 26/ 
Liberal Party Division 1886 : 
Severance of political ties 
with Mr. Chamberlain, 267 
Secretaryship of the " Caucus " 
Liberal Association, 67 
Scholefield, Mr. W. : Death of, 62 ; 
Parliamentary representation for 
Birmingham, 31 
School Boards, establishment of, 

82-84 
School contemporaries of Mr. Cham- 
berlain, 19 



474 



INDEX 



School life {see Education of Mr. 

Chamberlain) 
Schools : — 

Free Schools, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's political programmes, 
Fortnightly Articles, etc., 
91-95, 287, 310 
Work in Birmingham, 45 
Scotland : Mr. Chamberlain's 
visits : — 

Electioneering Campaign, 1885, 

unauthorised programme, 217 

Tour in 1887 : Speech at Ayr 

on the Crimes Act, scene in 

the hall, 274 

Scots Greys stationed in Birmingham 

during Reform agitation, 1832, 

29. 3°. 3i 
Screw Trade : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., connection 
and retirement from business, 
37-40, 55. 124 
Difficulties in 1854 ; Mr. Cham- 
berlain's policy for improve- 
ment of trade, 38-40 
Purchase and amalgamation of 
Firms by Nettlefold & Cham- 
berlain : Press attacks, 40-44 
Seamen's Wages Bill, 1880 : Mr. 

Chamberlain's Influence, 187 
Seats Bill (see Redistribution of 

Seats Bill) 
Sentiment, Mr. Chamberlain's views 
on influence of flag floating over 
Colonial Office, Ladysmith Day, 
375 ; " Leicester" Speech : Senti- 
ment ruling the world, 39 
Serjeant, Richard : Connection with 
Chamberlain Family, 5 ; De- 
scendants, erection of memorial 
tablet, 9 
Shaw, Miss Flora : Jameson Raid 

Inquiry, 332 
Sheffield constituency : Mr. Cham- 
berlain as candidate, 95, 96 
Shepstone, Sir T. : Annexation of 

the Transvaal, 1877, 209 
Shipping : Grain Cargoes Shipment 
Act passed in 1880, 187 ; Mer- 
chant Shipping Bill {see that 
title) 
Slaves in British colonies, emanci- 
pation of, 15 



Small arms ammunition, inadequate 
supply, motion and defeat of 
Rosebery Government, 1895, 307 
South Africa : — 

Cape Colony (see that title) 

Jameson Raid (see that title) 

Milner's, Sir A., appointment 
as High Commissioner : 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech 
at farewell banquet, 338, 339 ; 
Duties as High Commis- 
sioner, 340 

Railway extensions during Mr. 
Chamberlain's office as 
Colonial Secretary, 381, 382 

Transvaal previous to the war, 
1899 (see Transvaal) 

Zulu War, Mr. Chamberlain's 
disapproval, 170 
South African War : — 

British military system, defi- 
ciencies in defence, Debate 
in Parliament, 1900, Mr. 
Chamberlain's speech, etc., 
371-5 ; Press comments, 372 

British relations with Germany 
and America : Mr. Chamber- 
lain's " Leicester " speech, 
365-367 ; Criticism, 367, 368 

Cape Colony to remain neutral, 
Mr. Schreiner's proclamation, 

351 

Chamberlain's, Mr., address to 
electors, 1900, 440-444 

Colonial support : Offers made 
through the Colonial Office, 
358; Mr. Balfour on; Debate, 
October 1899, 360, 364 ; 
Mr. Chamberlain's refer- 
ences to, 361, 363, 373; 
Queen's acknowledgment, 
opening address, Australian 
Federal Parliament, 392 

Declaration of War, Boer 
Ultimatum, 352, 353, 358 

Franchise dispute, alleged cause 
of, consideration of real 
question at issue, 354 

Johannesburg and Pretoria, fall 

of, 376, 377 
Ladysmith Day, scene in 
London, flag floating over 
Colonial Office, 375 



INDEX 



475 



South African War (cont.) : — 

Mafeking Day, rejoicings in the 
country and scene in the 
House of Commons, 376 

Majuba Day, 375 

Negotiations previous to the 
war (see Transvaal Crisis) 

Orange Free State : Declaration 
of support of Transvaal Re- 
public, 351 ; Proclaimed a 
British Dependency, 377 

Parliamentary Debates (October 
17-19), 1899: Attack on the 
Ministry, unpreparedness for 
War, etc., 359, 360 ; Mr. 
Chamberlain's policy and 
negotiations, attack on ; Mr. 
Chamberlain's reply, 361- 
364 ; Press comments, 364-65 

Parliamentary Session, 1900, 
Debate on the address, de- 
ficiencies in system of defence, 
etc., 370-75 

Peace proposals from the enemy 
after relief of Ladysmith, 
Lord Salisbury's reply, 376 

Pretoria correspondence, dis- 
covery of, opinions of Colonial 
officials and British Members 
of Parliament on the war, 354- 
58 

Pretoria, Fall of, 376, 377 

Responsibility for the war : 
Colonial Secretary, attacks 
on, 358, 370; Kruger's respon- 
sibility, 353-4; Pretoria cor- 
respondence on, 354-8 
Reverses during early period of 
war, depression in Great 
Britain and attacks on Lord 
Lansdowne's and Mr. Cham- 
berlain's policy, 370 
Settlement after the war : Mr. 
Chamberlain's reference to, 
Debate on the Address, 1900, 
374 ; Lord Salisbury on, 377 
Tables of dates and events : 
Chronological table, 18S9- 
1900, 433, 434 ; England and 
Transvaal, 1 881-1900, 435-8 
Transvaal proclaimed a British 
Colony, flight of President 
Kruger, etc., 377 



Socialism, Mr. Chamberlain on, 

speech at Warrington, 1885, 221 
Somerville, A., Reform agitation, 

1832, 31 
Soudan, General Gordon's expedi- 
tion and subsequent death, effect 
on British politics, 212, 213 
Southbourne, Mr. Chamberlain's 

residence at, 130, 131 
Speeches, Addresses, etc. : — 

Delivery, Debate, etc. : Mr. 
Chamberlain's power, Bir- 
mingham man's opinion, 
rowdy meeting at Stour- 
bridge, 400 ; Birmingham 
Workmen's Debating Club 
speeches, criticism by mem- 
ber, 45, 46 ; Choice of words, 
difficulty at School of Arts 
speech, 1899, 369; Consti- 
tuency speeches, impression 
on audience, 399-400 ; Dr. 
Dale's criticism, 225 ; Edg- 
baston Debating Society, 
criticism, 49, 50, 53 ; House 
of Commons, debating power, 
etc., 146, 153, 154, 186 
First speech, 1868, Birmingham 
Liberal Election Committee 
dinner, 67 
First speech to constituents, 

138-40 
''Leicester" speech (see that 

title) 
Maiden speech, House of Com- 
mons, 143-6 
"Ransom" speech: The un- 
authorised programme, 217; 
Times on, 219 
Reporting of Mr. Chamberlain's 
speeches, attention paid to, 
86 [For speeches on special 
subjects see names of sub- 
jects] 
Spooner, Mr., Parliamentary repre- 
sentative for Birmingham, 32, 33, 
62 
Standard, Home Rule Comments: — 
Bill of 1886, 243, 244 
Publication of alleged scheme 
by Mr. Gladstone, 1885, 228 ; 
Criticism by Mr. Chamber- 
lain, 229 



476 



INDEX 



Stanhope, Mr. P., South African 
War, Debate, October 18th, 1899, 
attack on Mr. Chamberlain's 
policy, 361, 363, 364 

Steyn, President, attitude towards 
Britain, period of Jameson Raid, 
326 ; Orange Free State and the 
South African War {see South 
African War) 

Stokes & Co., Press attack on Mr. 
Chamberlain's commercial policy, 
1884, defence, 43 

Sturge, Joseph, establishment of 
Adult Schools, Birmingham, 35 

Sturge, Miss, Birmingham School 
Board membership, 84 

Success in life, Mr. Chamberlain's 
friends and supporters, 130 

Sugar Bounties Question, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's attention to, 382 

Swansea, visit of Mr. Chamberlain 
in 1883, 192 

Table of dates and events, Mr. 
Chamberlain's political and Muni- 
cipal work previous to entry into 
Parliament, 97, 98 
Table of Dates, measures, etc. : — 
Chronological table, events, 

1 889- 1 900, 433, 434 
Domestic legislation, 1888-92, 
measures passed by Salisbury 
Government with Unionist 
support, 286, 287 
England and the Transvaal, 

events, 1881-1900, 435-38 
Irish legislation, 1887-92, 

Unionist list, 296 
Parliamentary Session, 1886-87, 

23 2 . 233 

Table of members returned at 
General Election, 1885-95, 301 

Taxation, graduated, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's proposal in " Unauthorised 
Programme," 217 

Temperance Reform {see Gothen- 
burg System) 

Temple, Dr., foundation of Birming- 
ham Education Society, 74, yj 

Tenants' Relief (Ireland) Parnell's 
Bill, 1886, rejection of, 273 

The Dart, Birmingham Town 
Council, account of scene in, 126 



" The man who puts things straight," 
Bechuanaland chieftain's descrip- 
tion of Mr. Chamberlain, 410 
Times Comments : Australian Com- 
monwealth Bill, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's speech, 391 ; Chamberlain's, 
Mr., unauthorised programme 
and speeches, 219, 221 ; Home 
Rule Bill, 243, 244 ; Mr. Chamber- 
lain's speech to constituents, 256; 
Jameson Raid : Inquiry, con- 
demnation of Mr. Rhodes' con- 
duct, 334 ; National Union letter 
to Dr. Jameson, Publication of, 324 
Trade and commerce, development 
of, Mr. Chamberlain's Colonial 
Policy, 379-81 ; Commercial 
Union proposal, Congress of the 
Chambers of Commerce of the 
Empire, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, 384 
Transvaal and England, table of 
dates and events, 1881-1900,435-38 
Transvaal Aid Committee Meeting, 

denunciation of Col. Sec. 370. 
Transvaal at period of Gladstone 
Administration, 1880-84 : — 
Annexation by Sir T. Shep- 
stone, 1877 : Boer War, 1881- 
84, revolt against annexation, 
209 ; Sir. G. Wolseley's 
observation, British flag float- 
ing over Transvaal, 210 
Independence of the State 
granted by Gladstone Govt. 
British suzerainty agreement, 
209-10 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
attitude towards Gladstone's 
policy, 210; Kruger appointed 
President, 209 
Kruger's, President, invitation 
to settlers, 1884: Outlanders' 
demands, 321, 322 
London Convention, 1884: — 
British suzerainty agreement, 
210 ; Infringements by the 
Boers, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
328, 362 ; Outlanders' posi- 
tion after the convention, 321 
Pretoria convention : Protests 
from Kruger and others, 
President Kruger's visit to 
England, 1884, 210 



INDEX 



477 



Transvaal Crisis — Outlanders' 
grievances, etc. : — 

Alien Immigration Act, 1896, 
Dispute : Mr. Chamberlain's 
protests and reply to Boer 
Despatch, 337, 338 
Arbitration claim {see sub- 
heading Suzerainty and Ar- 
bitration Claims) 
Bloemfontein Conference :— 
Chamberlain, Mr., on the pub- 
lication of Despatches, etc., 
Debate, Oct. 19th, 1899, 

363 

Close of the Conference, Sir 
A. Milner's reply to Mr. 
Kruger's proposals, 345, 346 ; 
Kruger's attitude regarding 
Franchise Question : Sir A. 
Milner's reply, 344, 5 ; Sir A. 
Milner's report, 346 ; Propo- 
sal for Conference : Sir A. 
Milner's Despatch, May 4th, 
1899,343 ; Sir H. Villier's let- 
ters previous to and after the 
Conference: Discovery of Pre- 
toria correspondence, 356-7 

British Government formulating 
own proposals : Col. Office 
Despatch B., Boer reply, 350 

British Interference with in- 
ternal affairs of the Republic, 
alleged : Kruger's reply to 
Despatch, 1896, 328 ; Suze- 
rainty and Arbitration claims 
{see that subheading) 

Chronological Table of Events, 
1 889- 1 900, 433, 434 

Comparison of relative posi- 
tions of Dutchmen in Cape 
Colony and Englishmen in 
the Transvaal, 340 

Cape Colony to remain neutral 
in event of war : Mr. 
Schreiner's Proclamation, 351 
Debate in Parliament, Oct. 
17th to 19th, 1899; Attack 
on the Ministry, unprepared- 
ness for war, etc., 359-63 ; 
Mr. Chamberlain's reply to 
attack on policy ; Summary 
of negotiations, 361-4 ; Press 
comments, 364-5 



Transvaal Crisis, etc. {cont.) \ — 

Declaration of war : Boer ulti- 
matum, 347, 351, 352, 353, 358 

Dutch of Cape Colony, disloyal 
propaganda : Sir A. Milner's 
Despatch, Mr. Chamberlain's 
observation, 343 

Final negotiations, 347 

Despatch C. from Great 
Britain : Boer reply and ulti- 
matum, 351, 352, 353, 358; 
Unsettled state of the coun- 
try : Appeals for protection, 
etc., 351 

Franchise proposals : President 
Kruger's Five Years' Con- 
ditional Franchise Proposal, 
348 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
Highbury speech : Warning 
to Kruger, 348 ; Colonial 
Office Despatch A. : Boer 
reply, 349; Colonial Office 
Despatch B : Boer reply, 350 ; 
President Kruger's Seven 
Years' proposal, Bloemfontein 
Conference, 345 ; Sir A. 
Milner's Five Years Proposal, 
Bloemfontein Conference, 
345. 35°, 351 ; Petitions from 
Outlanders {see that sub- 
heading) 

German Emperor's telegram to 
President Kruger, 326 

Jameson Raid, 1896 {see that 
title) 

Kruger's, President, attitude 
throughout negotiations, 347, 
348-352 ; Pretoria, corre- 
spondence on, 354-58 

London Convention : Infringe- 
ments by the Boers, Mr. 
Chamberlain on, 328, 362 ; 
Suzerainty Agreement, 210 

Milner's, Sir A., investigations 
on appointment as High 
Commissioner, 340 ; Mr. 
Chamberlain's speech, 339 

National Union formation, 323 

Naville, M. de, on the Transvaal 
Question from a foreign point 
of view, 322 

Orange Free State : Declara- 
tion of support of Transvaal 



478 



INDEX 



Transvaal Crisis, etc. (cont.) : — 

in event of war, 351 ; Negotia- 
tions with President Kruger, 
Jameson Raid period, 326 

Petitions from Outlanders : 
Franchise petition in 1895, 
Reception by the Raad, 322 ; 
Murder of Edgar, Outlanders' 
petition for protection, etc., 
1889, 341, 342 ; Second peti- 
tion, 1889, first appeal to 
Suzerain power since 1881, 
British reply, 342, 343 

Position of affairs, 1897, sum- 
mary of, 339 

Pretoria correspondence, dis- 
covery of letters from Colonial 
officials and British Members 
of Parliament, etc., 354-8 

Settlement of Questions: Peace- 
ful settlement the desire of 
British Government, Mr. 
Chamberlain's speech, De- 
bate in Parliament, 346, 347 ; 
Press comments, 347 ; Re- 
minder by Mr. Chamberlain 
in House of Commons, 
Debate, October 19th, 1899, 
363 ; Settlement without 
interference with Indepen- 
dence of Republic, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's speech, 1896, 328 

Suzerainty and Arbitration 
claims, repudiation of the 
Suzerainty by the Boers : 
Basis of claim, London Con- 
vention, 210, 338, 343 ; Boer 
determination to dispute 
British power, Mr. Chamber- 
lain and Lord Salisbury on, 

360, 362 ; Volksraad declara- 
tion, 344 ; Mr. Chamberlain's 
contradiction of claim, 339, 
344, 349, 350 ; Essential 
importance of the Suzerainty, 
Mr. Chamberlain's speech, 
Debate, October 19th, 1899, 
353 ; Sir W. Harcourt's attack 
on Chamberlain negotiations, 
Debate, October 18th, 1899, 

361, 362 ; President Kruger's 
despatch on the Alien Immi- 
gration Act, 1896, 338, 343; 



Transvaal Crisis, etc. (cont.) : — 

Dr. Leyds' and Mr. Reitz' 
assertions, comments by Sir 
A. Milner in despatch, 1899 
343, 344; Sir A. Milner's 
despatch to Mr. Chamber- 
lain, June 14th, 1899) 344; 
Refusal of British Govern- 
ment to discuss question, 
344 ; Colonial Office Des- 
patches A. and B., Boer re- 
plies, 349, 350 
Ultimatum : Boer reply to 
Colonial Despatch C, 351, 

352, 353, 358 

Transvaal War (see S. African War) 

Trevelyan, Sir G., chief secretary 
for Ireland appointment, 206 

Tropical diseases, study of, esta- 
blishment of institution at Green- 
wich, Mr. Chamberlain's interest 
in, 383 

Truth comments on Home Rule 
Bill (2nd), 304 

Turkey (see Eastern Question, 1877) 

Ulster, Mr. Chamberlain's visit to, 

277 
Unauthorised programme, Mr. 
Chamberlain's electioneering cam- 
paign, 1885 : — 

Birmingham speech, Dr. Dale's 
criticism, etc., 217, 219, 225 

Bradford speech, 224 

Comparison of items with list 
of measures passed between 
1888-92, 287 

Completion of section for 
domestic legislation, 306 

Conclusion of campaign, ex- 
planation of policy, London 
speech, 223, 224 

Conservative opinion and atti- 
tude, Mr. Chamberlain on, 
219, 220 

Favour with the people, 220 

Glasgow speech, obligations of 
the Government to the poor, 
222 

Ipswich and Hackney speeches, 
reply to Times criticism, 219 

Liberal official programme, criti- 
cism by Mr. Chamberlain, 221 



INDEX 



479 



Unauthorised programme {cont.) : — 

Liberal Party acceptance of 

unauthorised programme, Mr. 

Chamberlain's proposal of 

resignation, 224 

London speech, explanation of 

policy, 223, 224 
" Ransom " speech, Birming- 
ham, 217, 225 ; Times on, 
219 
Warrington speech, Party and 
Press criticism, etc., 221 : 
Parnell's programme, refusal 
of Mr. Chamberlain to con- 
sider, 222 ,223 
Union Jack floating over Colonial 

Office, Ladysmith Day, 375 
Union Jack sent to Canadian settler, 
Mr. Chamberlain's appreciation 
of loyalty, 413 
Unionists {see Liberal Unionists) 
Unitarian community in Birming- 
ham : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., work 

among, 45 
Influence of, 47 
United States : — 

British relations with, Mr. Cham- 
berlain on, 280 ; Leicester 
speech, 366 ; "Criticism, 367- 
68 
Chamberlain's, Mr., Visits : 
Fisheries Question settle- 
ment, 278, 279 ; Marriage 
with Miss Endicott, 283, 285 ; 
Meeting of old Birmingham 
pupils, 46, 81 
Sugar bounties, reciprocity 
treaties with West Indies, 
382 
University honours {see Honorary 
Degrees ; also Names of Uni- 
versities) 
University training: Mr. Chamber- 
lain's disability as a Dissenter, 
19 

Vanity Fair cartoon, Mr. Chamber- 
lain's entry into Parliament, 146 
Verse : Quotations, etc. : — 

Birmingham doggerel verses, 
etc., General Election, 1880, 
I7 2 . 173 



Verse, Quotations, etc. {cont.) ; — 
Birmingham Town Crier: "Ju- 
dicious Joseph," and the visit 
of the Prince and Princess of 
Wales to Birmingham, 107 ; 
" Modern Ulysses," Mr. 
Chamberlain's defeat, Shef- 
field Election, 96 
Canning's Lines on Pitt, 

335 

Freeth's Poems on Birmingham, 
volunteer movement, etc., 27, 
35 

" I can't find Brummagem " : 
Growth of the city of Bir- 
mingham, 26 

Punch verses {see Punch Car- 
toons, verses, etc.) 

Reform Agitation, 1832 : Hymn 
of the Unions, 30 

" Vote-as-you're-told," publica- 
tion of verses by Liberal As- 
sociation, General Election, 
1880, 173 

Warwickshire Volunteer song, 

.3 6 
Victorian Era, reforms previous to, 

15 
Villiers, Sir H. J. H. : Pretoria cor- 
respondence, Transvaal Crisis 
negotiations, 356 
Villiers, Mr. Melius : Pretoria cor- 
respondence, Transvaal Crisis 
negotiations, 357 
Vince, Rev. C. : Criticism on Punch 
Cartoon, Reform Scheme, 1866, 
61 
Voluntary schools, Grant in aid, 
1896, support of Mr. Chamberlain, 
etc., 288-90 
Volunteer Movement : — 

Birmingham support, verses by 

Freeth, etc., 35, 36 
Edgbaston Debating Society 
proposed Corps : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's proposal refused, 50, 
54 
" Vote-as-you're-told " electioneer- 
ing patent, accusation against Mr. 
Chamberlain, 96, 97 
Verses published by Liberal 
Association, Election, 1880, 
173 



480 



INDEX 



Wales, Prince and Princess of : 
Visit to Birmingham, 1874; Re- 
ception by Mr. Chamberlain as 
Mayor, 88, 105-107 • 
War and the Effect of Home Rule 
for Ireland : Mr. Chamberlain's 
reference in speech, Debate on 
Second Home Rule Bill, 1893, 
302, 303 
Warrington : Mr. Chamberlain's 
speech, Electioneering Campaign, 
1885, 221, 222 
Warwickshire (North) Registration 

Society membership, 62 

Water, Gas, and Improvement 

Scheme, Birmingham {see Gas, 

Water and Improvement Scheme) 

Wellington's, Duke of, death : Mr. 

Chamberlain's recollection, 20 
Wesleyan Body in London, Mr. 
Chamberlain invited to preside at 
meeting, withdrawal of invitation, 
416-17 
West African Colonies {see Africa) 
West Indian Colonies, Mr. Cham- 
berlain's policy with, 382 
White, Mr. : Sanitary condition of 

Birmingham, Report, 120 
Williams, Mr. Powell :— 

Financial Secretary to the War 

Office Appointment, 309 
General Election, 1885, Bir- 
mingham candidate, 227 
Wolseley, Lord: — 

Gordon Relief Expedition, 213 
Transvaal Annexation, 1877, 
British flag floating over the 
Transvaal, observation, 210 
Women's Political Union, formation 
of Birmingham Society, 1837, 32 
Wood, Sir E. : Boer War, troubles 
in 1880-84 in the Transvaal, 
209 
Working Classes : — 

Chamberlain's, Mr., first speech 

to constituents, 138 140 
Housing of the Working Classes 
{see that title) 



Working Classes {cont.) : — 

Legislation for : Mr. Cham- 
berlain's support : Free 
Labour, etc., proposal, Fort- 
nightly Article, 91-95 ; Con- 
sideration of, 287, 310 ; Social 
Programme, completion of, 
Measures passed in 1888-92, 
286-7 > Work done after Ap- 
pointment as Colonial Secre- 
tary, 309 
Recreation and culture, Mr. 
Chamberlain's work as Mayor 
of Birmingham, 107 
Working-man's opinion of Mr. 

Chamberlain, 181, 182 
Workmen as politicians, experience 
of Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. 
Bright, 19 
Workmen's Compensation Act : — 
Birmingham Trades Council 

Conference, 310 
Chamberlain's, Mr., work in 

connection with, 309, 310 
Principle of compensation, Mr. 
Chamberlain's criticism of 
legislation, 1894, 311, 312; 
Press comments, 312 
Workmen's Compensation (As- 
quith's) Bill, criticism by Mr. 
Chamberlain, 311 
Wright, Mr. J. S., death of, after 
election as Birmingham Parlia- 
mentary member, 182 
Wyndham, Mr., defence of the 
War Office methods, Debate on 
the address, 1900, 371 

York, Duke of, opening of the 

Australian Federal Parliament, 

arrangements, 392 
Young Men's Mutual Improvement 

Society, Mr. Chamberlain as 

president, 45 

Zulu War, colonists' position and 
Mr. Chamberlain's disapproval of 
the war, 170 



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